UGANDA WANO

OBWAVU ATE

OBUGAGGA

 

Okwogera kwa Pulezidenti ku mbeera y'eggwanga

Kampala 

Jun 05, 2014

 

 

Bya Muwanga Kakooza

 

PULEZIDENTI Museveni agambye nti Uganda egenda kweyambisa omukisa gwa bannamakolero abadduka mu mawanga agaakula nga China batandike wano amakolero agagenda okwongera okuyamba eggwanga okukulakulana.

Museveni era yakuutidde abantu obuteesulubabba bya bulimi na kulunda ng’agamba nti birimu ensimbi empitirivu singa omuntu abinyikirira okubikola natadda mu kulowooleza mu kulima mmere ya ku lyabuli.

Bino abyogeredde mu woteeri ya Serena bw’abadde ayogera eri palamenti ku mbeera eggwanga lye lirimu ku mukolo gw’okuggulawo omwaka gwa palamenti omuggya.

Ategeezezza nti bannamakolero badduka mu mawanga mangi agaakula olw’okuba bizinensi zaayo zeeetagisa ensimbi nnyingi okuziddukanya nga bajja mu mawanga nga Uganda gye basobola okuziddukanya ku ssente entono.

N’agamba nti Uganda teyinza kufiirwa mukisa nga guno kwe kulabula abali mu kukanda amakkampuni okugabanga emisaala emisava okweddako kuba basobola okutiisa ba yinvesita.

Yagumizza Bannayuganda nti amasanyalaze gagenda kwongera okubunyisibwa mu bitundu byonna naddala mu byalo.

N’agamba nti gavumenti era egenda kusattulula ekitongole kya NAADS kuba kiremeddwa okukola emirimu.

Museveni yayongedde okugumya Bannayuganda ku by’okusima amafuta n’agamba nti agamu gagenda kulongosebwa n’amalala gatundibwe nga bwe gali n’agamu gakolebwemu amasanyalaze.

 

Paakingi ya Wavamunno ey’obukadde 5,000

kampala | Jun 05, 2014

 

 

Benz empya S 500 egulaobusanga. Ku ddyobw’efaanana munda.

SISINKANA mmotoka y’omugagga Gordon Wavamunno, ekika kya Mercedes BenzS 500 emu ku zisinga okubeera Ney’ebbeeyi mu Uganda essaawa eno.

 

Jaguar Nazo wava Munno azirina.

Ya kawumbi kalamba (obukadde 1000), esobola okutambula nga tolinnye ku ggiya wadde omuliro okuggyako okutereeza siteeringi kyokka!Wavamunno omwaka 2013 A badde avuga SL 500 Class Mercedes Benz ey’obukadde 700 wabula mu 2014 yaleese S 500 Mercedes Benz ya kawumbi.

 

 

 

Eno Benz ya Maurine Wavamunno,

S Class 500 egula eza wano obukadde 800 n’omusobyo okusinziira ku yingini ne malidaadi waayo gw’oba ogitaddemu. Bw’ogula eya yingini sayizi entono, mmotoka eno ogifunira mu bukadde nga 450 ku 500. Eddako ya bukadde 700 -800 bukadde 800 okutuukira ddala

Benz ekika kya 350 S enkola enkadde.

Mmotoka eno yanjawulo ku Benz endala oba mmotoka za bulijjo z’olaba mu Uganda kubanga erina tekinologiya waayo yekka.

Osobola okunyiga eppeesa n’oseetinga sipiidi gy’oyagala edukireko buli kiromita, obuwanvu bw’olugendo n’oggyako ebigere ku buleeci ne kulaaci ssaako omuliro olwo n’osigaala kutereeza siteeringi yokka. Oyinza okuvuga okuva e Kampala okutuuka e Mbarara nga tozzeeyo kuteekamu ggiya wadde okulinnya ku buleeci ne y’etwala yokka.

 

Esobola nokupima obuwanvu bw’emmotoka egikulembedde n’esibamu n’ereka n’ow’ebigere n’asala oluguudo singaabam kumpi nnyo nayo.

 

 

Wavamunno

Byonna ebikolera ku kkamera zaayo ezomulembe eziri mu mataala g’omu maaso n’emabega. Bw’ogituulamu owulira obulamu bwonna obw’oku nsi.

Mu nsi yonna esinze kwettanirwa nnyo Bakabaka,bakyala baabwe, abasuubuzi abagagga ennyo n’abakulembeze b’amawanga

 

 

Ekika kino nakyo akirina.

Erina buli ky’owulira ekiyinza okukuuma ng’ogituddemu ng’oli mulamu bulungi ne bw’ofuna akabenje. Erimu ttivvi ssatu, kwe kugamba okuggyako ddereeva ,abalala buli agituddemu mu maaso ge wabaawo ttivvi eyiye.

Emito girina amapeesa agakola ebbugumu n’okuteekamu empewo ne kalondda omulala yenna owomulembe gw’owulira.

Eno si y’emmotoka ye esoose naye kuva dda nga Wavamunno avuga mmotoka ez’ebbeeyi era alina n’emmotoka ekika

kya Vintage ssatu z’amaze nazo emyaka egisukka mu 40 naye bw’ozirabako mu kiseera kino okakasa nti ssente zaaliwo kuvadda.

 

 

Jeep nayo eri mu paakingi

ABAANA

1: Elvis Wavamuno avuga Jeep Wrangler[10 Anniversary ] :egula Euro 69,000. Eza wano 182.

Emanyi ennaku y’omuntu omunafu mu nsawo wadde ya bbeeyi, ya famire kuba etikka abantu bangi.Era yakolebwa okuva mu mmotoka ekika kya “Willy’s”. alina ne Mercedes Benz G. Class n’ebika ebirala bingi.

2: Gilbert Wavamunno avuga : M Class ate mukyalawe avuga Jeep balina n’enddala

3: Joe Kayima Wavamunno avuga: Jeep Wrangler ate omukyala avuga Cherokee n’endala

4: Gloria Wavamunno avuga Jeep Wrangler n’endala .

 

 

 

EMMOTOKA ENDALA Z’ALINA

JAGUAR: Eno nkola ya Mungereza era nayo egula buwanana. Wabula wadde avuga ya bbeeyi naye n’omukyala tamuleeka mabega kubanga mu Kampala teri mukyala avuga mmotoka ya bbeeyi okutuuka ku yiye.

M Class 350: Eno egula Euro 90,000, eza wano obukadde 315: Erina buli kintu ekyomulembe ky’omanyi munda mu yo. Wadde ya bbeeyi naye enywa nga tadooba.

 

Muky Maureen Wavamunno avuga Benz CLS 350: Egula Euro 133, 000, eza wano obukadde 466 era ye mukyala asinga okuvuga mmotoka ey’ebbeeyi mu Uganda. Mmotoka eno ekigifuula eyomulembe ennyo erina kumpi ebintu byonna S Class by’erina ng’ate yaakafuluma.

  

Erabika nga mmotoka y’empaka, era nzigumivu nnyo ku luguudo n’okukkira mmotoka z’empaka.

GL Class 350 : Egula Euro 17,000 eza wano 410, G 63 Class : Egula Euro 25,000 eza wano obukadde 717 eno yakolebwa okusooka nga ya magye gokka olw’obugumu bwayo, wabula kati n’eza buyonjo bazikola.

 

KIBI NYO NTI OBWAVU

BUSINGA MUDDWALIRO

 

Theatre ye Bugiri Hospital siiyamulembe nyo okuva 1960/4 lweyatekebwawo. 

 

 

 

 

Omuzadde amaze    okuzaala baby muddwaliro e Bugiri, Busoga talina kitanda. 

 

  

 Company eddabiriza ebyamazzi mu ddwaliro lye Bugiri, Busoga, yaddukayo dda.

 

 

 Maama avudde mu theatre ku operation naye talina mufaliso kukitanda.

 

Munsi yonna ebiro bino abagagga banyivu okusasula omusolo omuyitirivu. Kiluma okulaba nga ate omusolo ogwo tegutuuka kuntekateka za governmenti  eziyamba abantu bonna abali munsi.

 

Tewali mulwadde ayagala okujjanjabibwa mu mbeera efanana bwetyo mu ddwaliro. 



An African President's Living Room:

Foreign currency all spread out in the living room
Despite being a cleaner in rich African peoples' home carrying
much risk e.g. being cleaners at the King of Kasese
palace recently cost them lives.

Lucky ones as the young lady cleaner at a President's home was only condemned to the Luzira. The sin was because she went through the security gates with a tiny bag of 'gabbage'. 
Blood-soaked NRA militia have no where to go indeed.

Regional Tier for the Kingdom of Buganda was refused many years ago.


 With such an arrangement there is no need to have a lukiiko , or use the name Katikkiro or refer to Kabaka.







M/s Mpanga of Buganda Kingdom



They can call him Governor or District Head and seat him anywhere but not in Bulange.


We may be back to the same old arguments.



On 15 Feb 2017


By Haji Ahmed,

  1. Central gov't will cede specified powers and rights to the Buganda Kingdom.
  2. The citizens of Buganda Kingdom (who are these?) will elect a Lukiko (parliament) which will make laws to govern Buganda Kingdom.
  3. The Lukiiko will appoint the Katikioro (Prime Minister or President) who will head a government or administration. .

4.The Katikioro  is accountable to the Lukiiko, and the Lukiiko is accountable to Uganda Parliament.


So where does this leave the Kabaka? What are his constitutional roles: are they spelt out in the Constitution you keep going on and on about?



Buganda Government should be restored first with a Katikkiro with

executive powers and Lukiiko with legislative powers, which shall form

a Buganda Land Board, in accordance with the constituion, which will

manage Lubiri on behalf of the Kabaka, who, according to 1955

constitution holds official mailo and public land in Buganda, in

people;s trust.


 Mayiga is already a walking "former " Katikkiro.  A lot has happened!


 "In tribute to the United Kingdom and the Republic of Uganda, two bastions

 of strength in a world filled with strife, discrimination and terrorism."


*Buganda Lukiiko*,

 Katikkiro Mayiga seemed confident that members would rubberstamp his

 plans

 to lease the 132 year old national and cultural palace of the Kabaka of

 Buganda (*Mengo Lubiri*) to foreigners. He spent over an hour of reverse

 psychology, giving examples of how “naturally short-sighted Baganda” fail

 to appreciate any Katikkiro who introduces modernity to Buganda.  At the end, Mr. Mayiga confidently declared that, ultimately, nothing will stop

 his plans. However, his confidence seemed to evaporate when one Mrs.

 Joyce

 Mpanga got the microphone.

 In his marathon speech, Mr. Mayiga made a few highly contradictory

 statements that may have disturbed Mrs. Joyce Mpanga.  For example, as

 usual, Mayiga claimed that Kabaka Mutebi made the decision to lease Mengo

 Lubiri but, sensing negative reception, he later changed to, “The

 decision

 to re-develop Lubiri was made by the *Bataka Supreme Council* at the time

 government returned it.” Also, he aggressively defended construction of a

 hospital and conference facilities in Lubiri but later insisted that

 everything presented by Mengo so far were just concepts, not real plans.

 He

 blamed the press for saying that the project photos that Mengo

 distributed

 in Serena Hotel or on its Facebook page were real plans. He explained,

 “Those picture were just images downloaded from the Internet; one was, I

 think, the American white house.”

After Mayiga finished his long speech, one of the most intelligent,

 well-educated and knowledgeable Baganda alive, Mrs. Joyce Mpanga, threw

 down a “roadblock” against his scheme. When she got a chance to respond

 to

 Mr. Mayiga’s speech, Mpanga systematically, and with some humor,

explained

 why the Katikkiro’s  plans for Mengo Lubiri were poorly reasoned, not

 well

 informed by Buganda history or culture and are dangerous, even to Kabaka

 Mutebi’s reign.

 In his speech, Mr. Mayiga had spoken in the style of a non-Muganda when

 he

 said, “I can never understand Baganda” and claimed that Baganda are

 short-sighted because they opposed former Katikkiros Kawalya Kaggwa “for> bringing electricity” and “killed Martin Nsibirwa for donating Buganda> land> for the now glorious Makerere University”.  He even claimed that the same

 short-sighted Baganda complained when Ssekabaka Muteesa II brought horses

 to Mengo Lubiri, since they were used to cows.

 Mrs. Mpanga, mother of Buganda Attorney General David Mpanga and Kabaka’s

 Private Secretary Peter Mpanga went straight to the point after thanking

 the Lukiiko speaker. She opened with, “People tell me, sometimes in

 whispers, and others keep phoning me, some anonymously, saying that I

 must

 stop my lawyer sons from selling Kabaka’s palace. They tell me that the

 Katikkiro is my son, the second Katikkiro my son and the other lawyers

 are

 also my sons.

 “It appears that some of these people think that I have easy access to

 Kabaka, which [these days] is impossible. One even warned that [Baganda]

 may replace Kabaka Mutebi, as they have done to other Kabakas in the> past.

 And one of these people wrote to remind me that Baganda forced Ssekabaka

 Muteesa II to have his widowed mother to resign and get replaced as Namasole* (Kabaka’s mother) [when she decided to marry a commoner]. They

 told Muteesa that if his mother did not resign, he would have to go too.”

Pointing out that she was a member of the Bataka Supreme Council (which

 Mr. Mayiga said made the decision to lease Lubiri), Mrs. Mpanga informed

 the Lukiiko that, when they first re-established the Buganda Lukiiko, it

 was designed to ensure that ordinary Baganda were well consulted by their

 representatives and issues were strongly debated before major resolutions

 were passed.

 She complained, “But now, the Buganda Lukiiko is only a rubberstamp

 because there is no debate. The Katikkiro comes here and speaks for over

 one hour. Then the members are given two minutes to make comments. Next

 day, the lady who is minister for Lukiiko publishes resolutions that we

 never debated or agreed on at all.”

 As the clapping and cheers grew, Mrs. Mpanga continued her attack. She

 accused Mayiga and his partners of bringing the topic of Mengo Lubiri to

 the Lukiiko only after they faced serious public opposition. She said it

 was obvious to her that they had already made their decisions and were

 now

 looking for cover from Buganda Lukiiko. She questioned why, when Kabaka

 is

 supposed to have so much land, Mengo should offer Mengo Lubiri to

 foreigners and not some other land.

 “Mr. Katikkiro, you keep talking about putting Buganda’s issues first (

 *okusoosowaza*) and they include *Federo*. What kind of Kabaka are we

 going to have under a Federo where his palace is leased by foreigners?”

 she

 asked. She pointed out that [Kabaka Mutebi] is not supposed to be the

 last

 be Kabaka in Buganda. “What if a future Kabaka wants all the space in

 Mengo

 Lubiri? Are we then going to beg the foreign investors for the space

 our Kabaka needs?” she asked. Adding, “Some say that we got *Byooya bya

 nswa *(ant feathers for a Kingdom), are we going to accept that and also

 lease our Lubiri to foreigners?”

 Fearing that the situation was getting out of hand, one of Mayiga’s

 strongest supporters in Lukiiko, a man called Kasakya, requested the

 speaker that further discussion of the topic be continued in “sessional

 committees” since it was sensitive.

 A day later, the official Buganda Government website, www.

buganda.or.ug,

 only reported that “The Lukiiko agreed that, there is need to develop the

 Mengo palace but with utmost care without tempering with the tradition.”

 All 5 Mayiga watchers that BugandaWatch has contacted since February 1,

 2017, agreed that the “Joyce Mpanga roadblock” did serious damage but

 Mayiga will probably keep trying. In the meantime, Katikkiro Mayiga’s

 contract ends only 3 months away in May 2017.

 Below is additional BugandaWatch reporting on Katikkiro Mayiga’s scheme

 to

 lease Mengo Lubiri to foreigners, since February 25, 2015.

The European Union joins the Ugandan political opposition for Electoral Reforms

 

The EU Ambassador Kristian Schmidt (pictured) 

 

File photo 

By Solomon Arinaitwe


Posted  Thursday, March 26  2015 

 

Kampala.UGANDA. The European Union has become the latest group to rattle government, saying it shares the concerns of the Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC) about delays in passing electoral reforms.

In a statement on Wednesday, EU Ambassador Kristian Schmidt signalled that with less than 12 months before the February 2016 poll, time was running out, backing a view taken in the latest UHRC annual report. 

“With less than a year left to the next elections, electoral reforms need to be prioritised and implemented if they are to be effective and credible. The report is an important and highly relevant contribution by an independent body to the electoral reform debate,” Mr Schmidt said.

The EU is among Uganda’s leading development partners. 

The envoy also observed that in the last 12 months, it was pleasing to witness vibrant public debate on electoral reforms which has resulted in a number of concrete proposals.

Mr Schmidt’s statement came hours after a government reaction suggested it was reeling from the hard-hitting report by the UHRC.

“The EU, therefore urges the government to act promptly on the proposed reforms to ensure a level playing field and transparency in the 2016 General Elections,” the statement said. Government spokesperson Ofwono Opondo, who had on Tuesday said the report was “shallow and unfortunate”, again took a dim view of this latest in a rising chorus of criticism about the handling of the run-in to the 2016 election. 

“If you fast-track electoral reforms, what evidence is there that there will be consensus building and a good outcome? There is no guarantee that if we introduce the electoral reforms now there will be positive response,” Mr Opondo said.

But with the pressure for reforms building, government seems to be flip-flopping on when it will table them. Premier Ruhakana Rugunda last week back-tracked on a promise, saying it would be “erroneous to make false deadlines”.

Shadow Justice Minister Medard Sseggona yesterday indicated that the Opposition has now learnt of a plot by the government to shoot down Opposition plans to table a Private Members Bill on the constitutional amendments to ensure reforms.

“They have taken that decision that they will use their numbers to block us from taking leave of Parliament to prepare our Bill and that we will not be given a Certificate of Financial Implications (a key technical requirement for Bills). We are not deterred. We are preparing our Bills and will cross the bridge when we get there,” Mr Ssegona said.

sarinaitwe@ug.

nationmedia.com


Sijja kukkiriza baleeta ffujjo mu byakulonda kwa 2016 - Museveni asabye Tonda MU KKANISA:
Dec 27, 2015
Pulezidenti Museveni ne mukyala we, Janet ne bannaddiini oluvannyuma lw’okusaba ku Ssekukkulu mu kkanisa ya St. Luke e Nshwere mu disitulikiti y’e Kiruhura.

Bya MUSASI WA BUKEDDE

 


PULEZIDENTI Yoweri Museveni alabudde abatiisa okuleeta obutabanguko mu ggwanga mu kiseera ky’okulonda n’agamba nti tajja kubakkiriza.

Yabadde mu kkanisa ya St. Luke Church of Uganda e Nshwere mu disitulikiti ye Kiruhura ku Ssekukkulu. Yasuubizza nti abantu tebasaanidde kutya nti eggwanga liyinza okufuna obutabanguko okuva mu kulonda n’abagumya okusigala nga bakkakkamu.

Yabadde ayanukula Muky. Esther Magagga, eyategeezezza nti mu kiseera kino abantu abamu bali mu kutya, olw’enjawukana mu bantu abawagira ebibiina byobufuzi ebyenjawulo. Museveni yagambye nti abalowooza okutabula emirembe bajja kukolwako.

Mu kwogera kwe, era Pulezidenti yawabudde abalunzi mu kitundu okwewala omujjuzo gw’ente, n’ategeeza nti ng’oggyeeko okukosa ente zennyini, kyonoona n’omutindo gw’ettaka. Yabakuutidde okwawula mu ttaka lye balina, balundire ku limu okumala ekiseera ekigere.

Yasuubizza okukola okukola oluguudo lwe Nshwere.

Ate Muky. Janet Museveni yasabye Bannayuganda okwongera okuwagira gavumenti ya NRM, kuba y’esobodde okuleeta obumu mu bantu bonna. Yasabye wabeerewo okutabagana mu bantu abalina wadde balina endowooza z’ebyobufuzi za njawulo.


Museveni ng’akutte mukyala we Janet ku mukono.


Bamuseveni nga bayimba mu kusaba ku Ssekukkulu.

Museveni nga tannaba kugenda Kiruhura kukuza Ssekukkulu, yakubye olukuhhana lwa kampeyini ku ssomero lya Nakalama Primary School e Kigulu South gye yasuubirizza abantu b’e Iganga  bw’agenda okussa essira ku kutumbula eby’amazzi n’okukola enguudo mu kisanja ekiddako.

Yasuubizza okwongera okusima nayikondo mu byalo, kuba obubuga bungi nga Namagera, Ndodwe, Nambali, Idudi, Namungaalwe bugenda kufuna amazzi ag’emidumu. Waakugattako okubunyisa amasannyalaze mu kitundu kya Kigulu South kyonna. Yategeezezza nti oluguudo lwa Iganga-Tirinyi-Mbale lukolebwa ku buwumbi 73. Yasuubizza okukola olupya oluva e Iganga okuyita e Kiyunga okutuuka e Bulopa.

Olwaleero, Pulezidenti Museveni azzeeyo e Busoga ayigge akalulu akamuzza mu ntebe y’obwapulezidenti mu 2016. Eggulo ne ku Ssekkukulu yabadde awummuddemu eby’okunoonya akalulu.


1980-86 Ani oyo eyaleeta efujjo mukulonda nemukufuga kwa Uganda ate no nga obululu bwe nga omukulembeze tebubbiddwa?

The Uganda Army Members of Parliament  speak out on how they hope to vote in Parliament when the age limit for the President of Uganda is removed from the constitution of Uganda:

  • Written by Sadab Kitatta Kaaya
President Yoweri Museveni

Members of Parliament representing the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) have spoken out on how they will vote if the duel over the lifting of presidential age limits were to be put to a vote on the floor of parliament.

Asked in separate interviews last week whether they would vote yes, some army MPs were cagey, others responded in the affirmative, while a few hinted that they could oppose the controversial proposed legislation.

The campaign to drop the upper and lower (35 and 75 years) presidential age limits from the Constitution gained more traction last week when Prime Minister Ruhakana Rugunda came out publicly in support of a group of ruling NRM youth campaigners.

The group, calling themselves Kick Age Limitations out of the Constitution (KALOC), is busy meeting top government and NRM party officials. Rugunda met the group on August 31 at his office at the Twin Towers building, behind Parliament House.

The Observer’s interviews with the army MPs were prompted by one legislator, who told this newspaper last week that some army MPs had quietly signed up to support the campaign to remove the age limits from the Constitution.

The military MPs have reportedly become frequent attendees of the weekly meetings at parliament, mobilising political support for the popularisation of the proposed deletion of Article 102(b) of the Constitution, which sets the lower age for aspiring presidents at 35 years, and caps the upper age at 75 years.

Kassanda South MP Simeo Muwanga Nsubuga, the group’s most vocal member, confirmed to The Observer last week that some army MPs, including three generals, had joined their mobilisation effort.

Dr Rugunda, in an interview with this newspaper, confirmed that he is part of the push to scrap the constitutional age limit, which remains the only legal hurdle to President Museveni’s extension of his rule beyond 2021 when his current term expires 

Though Article 208(2) of the Constitution stipulates that serving army officers must remain non-partisan, Kabula MP James Kakooza, who is a huge promoter of the removal of age limits, told this writer that the army MPs have no option but to support what is in the interest of the commander-in-chief of the UPDF, President Museveni.

“They are answerable to the high command [so] there is no way you can expect them to support what is not in the interest of their boss,” Kakooza said.

When the 1995 constitution was first amended in 2005, two army MPs got themselves in trouble for opposing the proposed removal of presidential term limits. At the time, Museveni was left with a year to the expiry of his constitutional two terms. Col Fred Bogere abstained during a vote on the floor of parliament supported by all army MPs, including Army Commander Aronda Nyakayirima.

Lt Gen Henry Tumukunde, then a brigadier, ended up in jail, accused of spreading harmful propaganda and behaving in a conduct prejudicial to good conduct and discipline of the army, when he criticised the removal of presidential term limit during a radio talk show.

Tumukunde was also forced to vacate his seat in parliament. While Bogere served out his parliamentary term, he was never deployed again until September 2015 when he was retired from the army alongside Tumukunde.

Bogere is currently a private legal practitioner while Tumukunde is back in government as minister for Security, and ironically, one of the key coordinators of the campaign to remove the age limits clause.

CONTINUITY

The UPDF is represented by 10 MPs, including Gen Katumba Wamala, Gen Elly Tumwine, Lt Gen Ivan Koreta, Maj Gen Pecos Kutesa, Col Francis Takirwa Muheekyera and Col George Innocent Oula.

Others are Col Felix Kulayigye, Capt Susan Lakot Oruni, Lt Col Flavia Byekwaso and Capt Evelyn Asiimwe Buregyeya.

Interviewed for their position on the removal of the presidential age limit, Gen Elly Tumwine said, “I have not been part of any meetings and I don’t want to be involved in unnecessary propaganda. I have not made any statement about it.”

Col George Innocent Oula said, “I am apolitical because I am a serving military officer. Our work in Parliament is not to take sides.”

Capt Lakot Susan Oruni said, “I have been out of the country… Yes, if the bill came to parliament, I will support it for the continuity and betterment of our country. We have had no wars for the last 30 years. We have seen developments, and a case in point is northern Uganda. We had never seen a tarmac road but now we have tarmac roads everywhere.

“Look at Karamoja, because of the disarmament programme, peace returned to Karamoja and the people there are involved in development activities. The issue of change of leadership for the sake of it will not benefit the whole of Uganda but just a few individuals [like Col Kizza Besigye] who have benefitted from the 30 years of President Museveni’s leadership. They see the developments going on but I don’t know why they are obsessed with the agitation for change of leadership,” she added.

Maj Gen Pecos Kutesa said, “I represent the UPDF; so, I don’t go to Kyankwanzi [NRM retreats] or Kasangati [Besigye’s home] for briefings. I am above party politics.”

Col Felix Kulayigye, a former UPDF and Defence spokesman, said, “I am a military officer. I don’t take sides. I will go by what Ugandans will decide. Once [the bill] comes to the floor of the house, I will make my position known.”

Lt Gen Ivan Koreta said, “I don’t have authority to agitate for anything.”

Capt Flavia Byekwaso said, “I am a soldier. For me, I am more concerned about the [UPDF] Act, which doesn’t set any age limitations. That is why we have generals who are above 80. Those others, I don’t know.”

Capt Flavia Byekwaso 

Capt Evelyn Asiimwe Buregyeya said, “I have no problem with [the call] to remove the age limit. You know change is good but it should be a change for the better. But when I look at the people in the queue, this one [Museveni] is better. And when you look at the 75-year age limit, it should not be used as a determinant [because] to me, Museveni is more sober than the young people.

The other reason is we don’t need to discriminate. Why should we have age limitations for the president? If we are to maintain the age limit, then it should cut across all other public offices but having it only for the president, it appears that we want to discriminate against Museveni.”

Col Francis Takirwa Muheekyera declined to be interviewed on telephone. Gen Wamala could not be reached for comment.

sadabkk@observer.ug

Nb

Dear Observer Editor, this sort of information is what tells all the citizens of Uganda that the opposition is in bed with this government. You hate to put this point in your FDC newspaper. If the opposition boycott such an election that defines M7 win at every national election well then why do the so called Ugandan opposition go along with such an African election. Stay at home together with your anxious voters and the next day go and make your living the proper way you can.

The British Foreign Secretary,  has invited the long serving President of Uganda to a UK summit on the war ravaged country of Somalia:

UK foreign secretary, Mr Boris Johnson (L) with Uganda President, Yoweri Museveni (R) at State House Entebbe. PHOTO STEPHEN WANDERA 

UGANDA, ENTEBBE: President Museveni, is on May 11 scheduled to travel to London to attend a high level conference organised to drum up support and humanitarian assistance for the war ravaged Somalia.

The invite to ‘London Conference on Somalia’ was delivered yesterday by the visiting United Kingdom Foreign Secretary, Mr Boris Johnson. The summit is a follow up to the earlier-one held in 2013.
At a joint press conference at State House, Entebbe, Mr Boris, revealed that he [the president] had “accepted to come to London” to attend the summit.

“This morning I was in Mogadishu (Somalia capital), where while inspecting the guard of honour I saw several Ugandan troops as part of the forces. We really appreciate your steadfastness in peace building in Somalia,” Mr Boris remarked
Uganda’s national army, the UPDF, have been praised for taking a lead role in pacifying Somalia after almost two decades of political anarchy.
The government deployed troops to Somalia in 2007, and currently maintains the largest peace keeping force of 6,000 in Somalia under AMISOM. Other countries contributing troops to AMISOM include Burundi, Ethiopia, Kenya and Djibouti. The Mission is funded by the European Union (EU) and United Nations through trust funds, respectively.

However, the EU recently announced plans to roll back support to AMISOM citing competing priorities the regional bloc is grappling with and further pleaded with the international community to fill the gap. EU said it was cutting the soldiers’ pay by 20 percent.
The UK’s top diplomat touched down at Entebbe airport at about 7:30pm from Somalia, and was received by Foreign Affairs minister Sam Kutesa.
Before the press conference, the two principals held closed door meeting which was attended attended by among others Mr Kutesa, Attorney General William Byaruhanda and Security minister Henry Tumukunde.

During the meeting, President Museveni, said they largely discussed trade between Uganda and UK recently divorced from the European Union and all reversal attempts have so far encountered a headwind, Somalia, “and other hotspots on the African continent.”
While in Somalia earlier on, Mr Boris met with the newly elected Somali President Abdullahi Farmaajo and Prime Minister Hassan Khayre for discussions among others on how to solidify the political transition, security and the famine and drought currently ravaging desert country.
The World Health Organization (WHO) warned last month that the country was at risk of its third famine in 25 years. The agency said more than 6.2 million people – almost half the population – needed urgent humanitarian aid, including three million who are starving.
From Uganda, Mr Johnson is said to be heading to Kenya.

musisif@ug.nationmedia.com

Nb

One needs to be reminded that Somalia was a rich African state when the British left it in the 1960s  The African Union upgraded it to a country that had liberated itself from the European colonial rule and deserved a wash-down with a political revolution. Well then, the strong man President of Somalia, Siad Barre did not want to leave power. A political right all African leaders are determined nowadays to keep. That is why there is now an International Criminal Court stationed in the European city of Hague to try and protect the millions of African people from their fellow Africans that are determined to stay put in power to the detriment of human suffering. In this Court, a department of Economic crimes should be formed to bring to justice political leaders who are ruling their countries with economic policies that are leading their peoples to the destruction of human life on a very large scale. The destruction of the environment, the cause of incessant civil wars, that are causing human misery and faminie and as such forcing many of the people to flee and immigrate from their home countries. It is unfortunate that the United Nation is very much aware of this MISDEMEANOUR but does not want to take any more action using its strong humanitarian international jurisdiction.

 

 

                   Former Supreme Judge Kanyeihamba

 

In real democracies, it is opposition political parties and groups that keep governments in check and criticize executive failures or excesses.

To do so, they must be principled, constitutional and vigilant in the affairs of the state. Such opposition offers itself and behaves just like the incumbent government in waiting. It has counterpart structures and credible leaders and is seen as a possible, and not merely a probable, next government.

Like the incumbent government, the alternative shadow government has a presence and supporters throughout the country. The population accepts it as part of its governance and tradition.

This has not been the tradition in Uganda. It can be categorically stated that, perhaps with the exception of the short-lived administrations of self-government of Benedicto  Kiwanuka in 1961, the UNLF under both Professor Yusuf Lule and Godfrey Binaisa, all of which were weak and dominated by opposition parties or groups, Ugandan governments have been all powerful and authoritarian.

This characterization applies equally to the colonial government that ruled the country from 1894 to 1962. Immediately following the attainment of independence, in 1962, there was some semblance of democratic rule for several years when political organisations such as the Uganda People’s Congress, the Democratic Party, the Conservative Party, and the transient Kabaka Yekka operated with some success.

However, after defections and ineffective leadership weakened the Democratic Party, Kabaka Yekka ceased and the Conservative Party made no headway in recruiting converts, the UPC appeared to swallow everyone around it, and converted the country into a de facto one- party state.

The total period of the short-lived administrations of Kiwanuka, Lule, Binaisa and those of the military juntas of Paulo Muwanga and General Lutwa Okello is less than three years.

Incidentally, the latter two were also authoritarian. Be that as it may, it can be discerned from this that for more than 100 years, Uganda has been ruled largely by monolithic, authoritarian and non-democratic governments. This has been the case notwithstanding that for about half of the period, Ugandans have been led to believe or have been told that Uganda was or will be a democracy. Both the belief and the message have turned out to be false every time.

Thus, in a working democracy, opposition parties and organizations are the reverse side of the coin of which the government of the day is the other. In an earlier work, I described a political party as a body of men and women united for promoting by their joint endeavors, the national interest upon some particular principle in which they are all agreed.

I also noted that during the colonial period, such people were considered by the rulers as dangerous agitators since those rulers had arrogated to themselves the prerogative of determining what principles and accompanying policies were in the national interest. In Uganda, the idea that opposition parties are necessary for democratic governance has never taken root.

At best, for any stage of its constitutional and political development, Ugandan political parties have always been perceived by the ruling oligarchies as subversive, anti-government and, therefore, adverse to the interests and needs of the population. At worst, they have been branded treasonable and become proscribed.

Indeed, repressive measures against opposition parties and preventing them from operating normally have been resorted to on many occasions. In order for the National Resistance Movement to perpetuate itself in power with a belief that other political parties will never have a chance to replace it, its leadership put in place protective mechanisms.

The NRM was conceived and structured as a state organism to the extent that from the grassroots with its RCs, then LCs system to the national level with the national convention, caucus and High Command, the NRM party is not distinguishable from the state of Uganda. Over the years, the organism has become exclusive, monolithic, self-perpetuating and hostile to any opposition to it.

  L-R: Opposition politicians Asuman Basalirwa, Ken Lulyamuzi and NRM secretary general Kasule Lumumba

Its critics are not perceived as political opponents but as enemies of its leaders and of the state of Uganda. Its leaders identify its continued existence and survival with those of the nation of Uganda. They have gone all the way to operate and manipulate the Constitution, laws and practices of governance of the state of Uganda in order to strengthen and protect the NRM organism.

For the sustenance of the organism and its leadership, government has been ready to harass, torture and imprison its opponents, issue inaccurate information, spend billions of shillings in the defence of the organism and even to annoy and defeat its own supporters whose loyalty it regards as suspect.

It has looted the treasury, intimidated businessmen and women to cough up billions of shillings for its survival. It prefers to spend trillions of shillings on elections and billions on celebrating its disputed electoral victories rather than on schools, hospitals or social and economic development.

Between 1981 and 1986, the ten-point programme and its methods of work during the civil war of that period had made the NRM and its leadership the most popular and desirable political organization Ugandans had ever had before independence. Museveni dwarfs all other political leaders and activists and traverses the Republic of Uganda like a Colossus while denying or dispensing goods, posts and justice to all, in unequal measures.

OPPOSITION PARTIES

Much has been said, written and broadcast about the NRM rule since 1986 and perhaps nothing can excel what other Ugandans and the world know already whether with gratitude or regrets. I will, therefore, limit this analysis to modern Opposition leaderships in Uganda.

I am of the view that Uganda should now stop blaming President Museveni and the NRM and seriously re-examine the failures and blunders of opposition party leaders as major contributors to Uganda’s misrule and misery.

The opposition leaders have been part and parcel of the NRM ruling establishment in Uganda for decades. Since 1986, opposition party leaders and supporters have embraced and legitimized the rule of the NRM and given credence to the lie that Uganda is free and a multi-party democracy.

In 1986, UPC, still intact and principled, refused to join the national bandwagon of the NRM but DP, which had hitherto fought the excesses and wrongs of UPC, willingly merged its leadership with that of the NRM.

From then onwards, the NRM has been able to suck the political blood out of DP, UPC, CP and other minions of budding political parties that may surface in the country from time to time. No one has written the obituaries of the UPC and DP but for practical purposes they both have been politically terminally sick for a long time.

Finally, between Olara Otunnu and Jimmy Akena, the UPC has been rendered politically moribund. That is why they each sought sanctuary in the NRM and the FDC, respectively. The two UPC rival party leaders appear to hate each other more than the leaders of the NRM.

They did slightly better than Norbert Mao and his original DP faction who rushed to become Amama Mbabazi’s political slaves hoping to find gold in his Trojan horse only to be slaughtered beyond recovery by the NRM political machine.

Akena humiliated the ghosts of UPC by becoming a beneficiary and supporter of the NRM. The other DP faction led by Erias Lukwago, Lubega Medard Sseggona and Betty Nambooze did better than Mao and his followers when they sought fortunes with FDC. That party and its leader fared better in the elections of 2016 than Amama Mbabazi.


 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

        Kizza Besgye (2nd R) with Alliances and FDC officials

Without the Colonel, FDC sought advice as to whether their leader should petition against the declaration that candidate Museveni had won even though the Colonel was under house arrest and unable to sign the petition. Their member, Cecilia Ogwal, received the advice and excitedly revealed that they were on their way to file the petition.

She later called in panic and sought further advice whether FDC should take the petition to the chief justice or elsewhere. They were directed to the registry of the Supreme court. Surely, FDC must have some lawyers of its own. A few hours later, Hon Ogwal triumphantly disclosed that FDC was on its way to the Supreme court registry to file Kizza Besigye’s petition.

Apparently, FDC never reached there. However, the former iron lady of the UPC called the inquirer and made an appointment to come with two lawyers to explain why FDC lost its way while proceeding to file Kizza Besigye’s petition. Cecilia failed to honour her promise. Since then, Cecilia Ogwal and her colleagues have made conflicting statements about the petition but prefer to parade a stillborn political baby called independent audit.

Two weeks after the decision of the Supreme court, a senior leader of FDC, Abdu Katuntu, sought the opinion of an expert on elections and the way forward. During the meeting of the two, the learned FDC member answered every telephone call that interrupted the meeting and spent more time talking to whoever called than with the advisor.

At one time when the would-be advisor suggested that Katuntu reveals to his caller that he was with the advisor, Katuntu declined to do so revealing that his phone, like so many of his colleagues’ in FDC, was bugged by the state and they are very careful not to disclose the persons they interact with. However, Katuntu admitted that most of his callers were newly-elected opposition members and he was to join their meeting shortly.

He hurriedly left the unfinished meeting and promised to return and resume the conversation the following Friday. He never turned up or telephoned to say why. Since then, he refuses to answer his telephone just as Cecilia Ogwal refuses to answer hers. Many opposition MPs hope to be appointed to some post either by Parliament or the NRM. They are therefore afraid to keep company with people they believe their potential patrons do not wish them to associate with.

It would seem that newly-elected or re-elected opposition members of Parliament are in a cutthroat competition to get posts in Parliament or, better still, in the NRM government so as to enjoy the crumbs from the national cake left under the rich tables of the mighty NRM.

In consequence, until those expectations are realised, many opposition MPs and members are frightened to be seen with Ugandans they think the NRM or its leadership does not approve of. Many opposition flag bearers in the 2016 elections have stayed firmly in Kampala with no intention of going back to their home areas to thank or console their constituents until they get what they are waiting for.

Shortly after Parliament assembles in May, the country will receive news of jubilant, submissive, compliant and grateful opposition members who will have been lucky to be appointed to posts in Parliament or the NRM government.

In the new Parliament, the combined opposition membership will be less than 70 members. Therefore, the 10th NRM Parliament which per capita will be the largest in the world will eclipse the opposition. A tiny band of Opposition members cannot hope to make any significant impact on any policy the NRM wishes to adopt or implement. The country knows that opposition parties have failed to make any iota of difference on how the country is governed for the last thirty years.

Since 1986, Uganda has not had any opposition to speak of. Even when Ugandans were persuaded by the international community to choose democracy and multipartyism and the NRM was coerced to accept what it called that bitter political pill, the country remained firmly under authoritarian rule.

An opposition which is afraid of shadows of the ruling party or to establish its own institutions or mechanisms for its own propaganda and is unable to found and sustain local branches or its own newspapers or media is doomed into perpetual incapacity.

Presently, Uganda has only phantom opposition parties led by ambitious and often arrogant politicians who are only interested in their own importance, status and personal interests.

Many of them often run to the ruling party leadership for cover at the smallest sign of trouble or inability to earn a living without the patronage of the president. It is not a principle of democracy that a leader of a political party should regard an electoral loss, whether rigged or not, as personal loss and not a loss to the party or better still, the country. Politicians like Hon Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda are recognized as principled.

It is, therefore, strange that he should bother getting entangled in the NRM internal quarrels about who should be the next speaker of Parliament. FDC claims that their leader won the presidential election race but has shied away to tell the world the margin of that victory especially as FDC and Mbabazi claimed to have their own devices of tallying the results.

The media recently quoted Kizza Besigye saying that he will not rest until he becomes president. It would have been preferable for him to say that his party and Ugandans will not rest until there is change of government. Incidentally, do Ugandans remember Mary Karoro Okurut, Prof Kamuntu, Rebecca Kadaga, Jacob Oulanyah and Ofwono Opondo who were UPC diehards and used to be my tormentors when I was minister in the NRM?

On the other hand, Kizza Besigye, General David Sejusa, General Muntu, Hon Ruzindana, Miria Matembe and millions of other Ugandans were the founders, members and darlings of the NRM. Space does not permit  to narrate what happened to the members of DP and CP, dead or alive.

 The author is a former Supreme court judge 

 

 The citizens of Uganda have been betrayed by the ineptitude of the protracted rule of the Political Party of the National Resistance Movement:

 Posted 24th May 2016

 

BY Prof. George W. Kanyeihamba in the Independent news/Uganda.

 

The greatest disservice that the NRM government has done to Uganda is its tolerance of corruption in public affairs and its failure to curb incidents of abuse of office and embezzlement of public funds. Indeed, in some instances, it would seem that to do these wrongs may qualify people, NRM cadres and supporters, to be appointed to public office or promoted or otherwise rewarded.

The main reason for the tolerance of corruption, abuse of office and embezzlement of public funds is what that leadership has always called “correct line of politics”. This means that what the NRM leadership believes or conceives to be in its interests must prevail at the expense of everything else. Moreover, correct line of politics simply means that the leaders’ opinion or policy must be accepted and given unquestionable support. Persons who express contrary opinions may do so in private, but to do it in public or in a forum not controlled and presided over by the top leadership of the NRM is to betray the principles of the correct political line.

In some instances where persons, though very supportive of the NRM feel principled enough to differ from the correct line, they are condemned wholesale or sent to ‘Coventry’ or branded traitors who let down the NRM and are labeled an enemy. The NRM leadership seems not to have realised that the cadres it discards or ignores seem to be the ones the general public looks up to as principled leaders. It is the excommunicated cadres who are often consulted.

The failure of its leadership to tolerate opposition will in the end destroy the NRM itself

There is evidence to show that the NRM leadership has the knowledge of public officials who are corrupt, abuse public office or who embezzle public funds but the same leadership coils away from taking any effective remedial action for fear of upsetting the correct political line. There is also evidence to show that if the government showed courage and took the necessary corrective and punitive measures against the culprits, the general public would not only  approve but would give it political support.

Thus, in the late 1980s, Cabinet set up a committee to fight corruption, embezzlement and incompetence in public administration. The committee received reports from the Parliamentary Public Accounts Committee which had investigated allegations of corruption, abuse of office, embezzlement of public funds and incompetence in the public service and named officers and other persons guilty or involved in those scandals. The committee took actions which were approved by Cabinet and which any reasonable employer might have taken, namely dismissing   some of those who were guilty, disciplining or indicting those who had been negligent, and terminating their employment in the public interest. The exercise affected over 300 public officers and the civil service was shaken to its roots. Government officials began to be serious in their work. Corruption and embezzlement of public funds reduced drastically. However, some senior ministers and other influential persons in society started complaining that the Cabinet Committee was spoiling the politics of the NRM because some of those disciplined were NRM supporters. The President was eventually persuaded to redeploy some of the culprits or compensate them in some way. It was not long before the committee was disbanded.

In our view, giving lip service to the fight against the three evils of misrule, namely corruption, abuse of office and embezzlement of public funds is simply a disservice to the country. The NRM government can be accused of condoning corrupt ministers and officials simply because they support it. There are other examples of principled public officers who stood up against ministers’ wrong doing or failure by government officials to follow procedures or acted rightly but under the NRM rule, these are very few and far in between.

 President Museveni amicably talks with colleagues in his last cabinet meeting recently.

In order to covet and get the votes of the peasants and the illiterate, NRM leaders appear to shy away from appointing highly educated and trained cadres. In any event, a nation can only develop and prosper if its leaders and workers both at the national and local levels are enlightened and educated. They ought to have had training in both professional and technical fields. The acceptance and tolerance of mediocrity in Uganda’s government have led to a culture of cheating and forging of educational certificates and diplomas to meet minimum qualifications for employment. However, as President Museveni himself said on one occasion, employment, especially of the youth and the widening of the tax base are still unresolved. With regard to the latter, government efforts are often frustrated by the endemic nepotism, corruption and incompetence within government departments.