Kattikiro wa Buganda

Luther Martin Nsibirwa


In 1944-45, the British Protectorate Government, wishing to acquire mailo land for the expansion of Makerere Technical College and the establishment of a Cotton Research Station at Kawanda, dared challenge the sacrosanctity of the Uganda Agreement of 1900. The British changed one word of article15 and went on to compulsory acquire mailo land. This amendment required was from public works to public purposes.

This change was very strongly contested and was to lead to the dismissal and deportation of the Kattikiro, Samwiri Wamala, and to the assassination of his replacement Martin Luther Nsibirwa.

In order to acquire the land the legalistic British, who could have acquired the land by force, wanted a law passed by the Lukiiko of Buganda. This law was to empower the Kabaka to Acquire Land for Purposes Beneficial to the Nation. With this law in place, the Kabaka would then pass on the land acquired to the Protectorate Government. Indeed it was only time when the citizens of Buganda started to loose their lands and many of them and their grandchildren became squatters without any land ownership rights.


Mu mwaka 1926 Tefero Kisosonkole ye yali Katikkiro ng’adda mu kifo kya Sir Apollo Kaggwa eyawumula mu mwaka ogwo. Omwaka ogwaddako 1927 Kabaka Daudi Ccwa ng’abeera Munyonyo, eyo gyeyali awulirira emirembe nga yeesudde akabanga ne Mmengo. Eyo kwe kutumayo SALAAMA, amakulu nti Mirembe.

Olukiiko lwa Buganda nga lumaze okulaba nga lutawaana nyo okufuna Kabaka lwatuula ne lusalawo Kabaka akomewo e Mengo Gavana w’anaamulabiranga amangu. Martin Luther Nsibirwa mu kiseera ekyo nga wa Ssaza Mukwenda, era nga mubaka wa Lukiiko. Era okufaanana mukamawe Kabaka, ekiteeso teyakyagala. Yadduka zambwa nabifuwa Kabaka nga Katikiro Kisosonkole no Lukiiko bwe bamuliddemu olukwe e basalawo ye Kabaka kyeyali tayagala, ate nga ne Gavana baali bamuwaddeko dda kkop y’ekiteeso.

Kabaka yayita Kattikiro nga tanaba nakwogera bibadde mu Lukiiko....Kabaka nayomba. Katikkiro nanyiiga. Nasaba alekulire. Era nebamukkiriza, era ne bbaluwa emala omulimu yagiwandiikira awo.

Kabaka yawandiikira Gavana nga Katikkiro bw’alekulidde olwobulwadde. Kabaka bweyadda e Mmengo ng’ekiteeso bwe kyayisbwa, yalonda Nsibirwa okulya Obwakatikkiro.

Kabaka bwakisa omukono Namasole Irene Drussila Namaganda nayagala okufumbirwa Rev. Kigozi.

Katikkiro Nsibirwa yamukiriza songa empisa y’ensi yali temukiriza. Bwatyo Nsibirwa nagobwa kubwa Katikkiro.

Ssekabaka Muteesa II oluvanyuma yalonda Nsibirwa adde ku bwa Katikkiro nga asuubiza nti ye yekka yasobola okukomyawo Namasole atule nate e Lusaka.

Nsibirwa ono bwatyo kumulundi gwe ogwokubiri nga Katikkiro yagaba ettaka eri Abazunga okuzimbako Makerere University awo e Nnyannjeeradde, abatuuze bangi nyo nebagobwawo.

Nsibirwa yali akyayiiya okuzza Namasole ne bamukuba emmundu awo e Namirembe ku makya nga 5/9/1945 nga akedde okusaba nga empisa ye bwe yali. Ekitundu ekisooka kye yafugira kyali kya myaka 13 ate ekyokubiri kya myaka 3. Ensiriba gyeyali ayambadde bagituuma Ssegantebuka Mbamaamidde.


1) Ejjembe lye ekkulu Ssegantebuka Mbamaamidde, Teryamulimba nti okusoma ogendanga mu ttuntu tewali musango.

Nti bwoligenda ku nkya balikusiba mu ttu ng’entula...Ye bambi yakeeranga bukeezi okusoma,

Essasi eryajja n’obusungu, lye lyamukuba ekigwo obugazi. Oswadde nnyo okulimba Kabaka n’Obuganda, Nti olizza Namasole, ate Namasole n’akulema okupanga.

2)Omusango gwasinga Katikkiro.

Ate ye Namasole baamuyimba bati:

3)Amaddu g’abakyala Irene yalya ekibe. Baakibaabuza ssanja emmuli zaabula, Yandiridde ku mbuzi ze n’atalya kibe. Katikkiro Nsibirwa ye yakikuba, Baakibaabuza ssanja emmuli zaabula. Bakifumba mu kiro ng’abantu beebase.

For 18 years, Jaycee Lee Dugard was a captive of Philip Garido, her abductor. She had every chance to cry out for help or even flee from captivity. But she didn’t.

Her captor had a small business. Jaycee Lee helped run the business. She received orders via phone and emails. Sometimes she even met and greeted clients at the door - alone. But she never made the choice to escape. She even went out in public. But each time she faithfully returned to the tiny congested shed in the back of the home of the man who reportedly kidnapped her and repeatedly raped her.

Why? Carl Probyn, Jaycee’s stepfather said “Jaycee has strong feelings with this guy”. Why do victims tend to identify with those who victimise them? Is it because it keeps them alive? Is it because they think their wellbeing is embedded in the wellbeing of their tormentors? Is it about self preservation?

In January 2010 she fell out with FDC and founded the Uganda Federal Alliance becoming its first (hopefully not last) President. Her case was strong and she ran a strong campaign. As a believer in Federalism, I agreed with her that for too long many have paid nothing but lip service to federalism. I recall the day I shared a podium at the 2009 Buganda Conference at Hotel Africana. She spoke boldly about our traditional norms and urged participants not to be ashamed of tradition after all tradition and modernity can coexist.

By all counts, Beti Kamya knows what she is doing. After all she is a woman of substance. She is well-educated, articulate and knows the world of politics well.

She is now Kampala minister. And she has joined the fray with gusto. Many have speculated as to how she catapulted herself to the position. Some have even alleged that she was part of the sleeper cell embedded in the Opposition to spy for the Museveni regime.

In defence, she lambasted her critics saying she started as a child of NRM and only joined the Opposition out of disenchantment. And now she has been disenchanted by the opposition, no one knows to what extent, and that is why she has moved full circle to rejoin the NRM. She accuses the Opposition for being blind to her leadership ability and potential. She lauds Museveni for noticing her vast abilities.

Recently, in a teary-eyed emotional outburst in praise of Museveni, she just stopped short of singing Amazing Grace, namely; “I was once was lost but now I am found, was blind but now I see”. She abandoned her own presidential ambitions and declared that she would work tirelessly to ensure that Museveni wins 80 per cent in the 2021.

As infuriating as that about face is, it says something about Ms Kamya’s state of mind. She doesn’t give credit to the Opposition which gave her a platform from which she caught the eye of Museveni. Instead she seems remorseful that she didn’t see the light sooner.

That is the reason I started with the story of Jaycee Lee Dugard. Beti Kamya once called Museveni a “monster”. She now sees him as as a redeemer. What has happened? Has she lost her way the way she lost her way in the 2011 presidential campaigns ending up in Tanzania?

That is what psychologists call the Stockholm syndrome. The term Stockholm syndrome was coined in 1973. Two robbers stormed Kreditbanken in Stockholm, Sweden, and held employees hostage for about a week. In this period the hostages and their captors became very close.

They became emotionally attached and even defended them after the ordeal. The Stockholm syndrome is a “psychological response of a hostage or an individual in a similar situation in which the more dominant person has the power to put the victim’s life in danger.

Perpetrators occasionally use this advantage to get victims to comply with their demands.”

As Niccolo Machiavelli said “Men, when they receive good from whence they expect evil, feel the more indebted to their benefactor.” My advice to Kamya is that she should adjust with equanimity to her new role and station.

There is no need to fret and fume at every criticism. After all, there is a limit to how much you can defend yourself against being misunderstood by those who are bent on doing so.




'Reduce boarding schools at primary level'

Publish Date: Feb 27, 2015


Youths living in training camps being politicised in NRM ideologies.

By Alex Gahima, Clare Muhindo & David Lumu

KAMPALA - Uganda. Some Ugandan educationists have proposed to government a wide range of changes in the education system of the country, including banning boarding schools at primary level, which they say has endangered the family development of children.

Prof. Abdu Kasozi, the former executive director of the National Council for Higher Education said that if the Ugandan education system is to compete with the changing societal demands and the highly-technology driven world, a group of eminent people need to undertake a study and recommend a revised education curriculum.

Among the proposed reforms Kasozi wants government to adopt include;


  • banning the use of calculators in all schools
  • discouraging boarding schools at primary level


  • changing the 7 (primary) -6 (secondary)-3 (university) education system to 8 (primary)-4 (secondary)-4 (university, and


  • the abolition of the specialization in arts and science but rather pursue a combination of subjects up to degree level


“The major aims of education in Uganda haven’t changed since the missionaries came. There is a need to re-think our education system and align it with the changing digital and other societal changes since 1986,” he said.

No respect for knowledge

Kasozi was speaking at the inaugural annual Prof. William Senteza Kajubi memorial lecture at Makerere University main hall.

Prof. Kajubi died in 2012 at the age of 86.

A 1989 report penned by the late Prof. William Senteza Kajubi was crucial for higher education reforms in Uganda. (File photo credit: Samuel Lutwama)

“Abolish the current specialisations into arts on the one side and sciences on the other, until students have completed their first degree. We are proposing that government discourages boarding schools at primary level,” said Kasozi.

‘Re-thinking Uganda’s education system’ was the theme of the lecture, and several professors and educationists in attendance seconded Kasozi’s proposals, which they said, would help re-organise Uganda’s education to the labour market.

The Chancellor of Makerere University, Prof. Mondo Kagonyera also expressed the lack of respect for knowledge as the main reason Ugandans are corrupt.

He called upon government to allow educationists to craft an education policy containing the various reforms as proposed by Kasozi for implementation.

‘Extremely concerned’

Kagonyera also called upon government to revert Kyambogo University into a polytechnic because it has failed as a university.

“I am extremely concerned about the trend which education is taking in this country. It shocks me that we have people in this country who don’t respect knowledge. Why should Government continue to blame Makerere University and other institutions for producing people who cannot create jobs yet they have not told us what kind of people they want us to produce?

“Kyambogo was meant to churn out teachers and technicians but it has failed to be a university. government should revert it to what they were supposed to do.”

The tough-talking Kagonyera however cautioned educationists not to leave education policies to politicians because they are fond of making contradictory pronouncements without carefully thinking of the impact.

He also criticized teachers’ unions for cherry-picking on salary increments rather than raising key education changes that the society needs.

‘People of ideas’

The main discussant of Kasozi’s keynote address, Dr. Ronald Bisaso, the dean of East African School of Higher Education Studies and Development, said that throughout his career as an educationist, the late Senteza Kajubi advocated for changes in the education system – a spirit that government and other stakeholders should embrace.

“People of power need people of ideas. It is a balance advanced countries have come to appreciate,” he said.

The Prof. William Senteza Kajubi memorial lecture, according to Dr. Fred Masagazi Masaazi, the Principal College of Education and External Studies, would be held every year to pay tribute to the renowned educationist.

The fallen professor is the author of the famous Kajubi Report (1989) which set the ball rolling for higher education reforms in the country.

His son, Wasswa Yoweri Kajubi, welcomed the idea of the lecture and also welcomed the proposal by Makerere University to build a lecture theatre and a foundation in memory of his father.

The lecture was attended by a number of dignitaries, including the Vice Chancellor of Makerere Prof. John Ddumba Ssentamu, former Prime Minister Prof. Apolo Nsibambi, the Minister of Finance, Planning and Economic Development Maria Kiwanuka, the Auditor General John Muwanga, former Education and Sports minister Geraldine Namirembe Bitamazire, ex-DP president Paul Kawanga Ssemogerere among others.

Just after the concluded national election a Buhweju Member of Parliament is prominsing better times for a dilapidated school in the Western Province of Uganda.

Buhweju MP Francis Mwijukye addresses students studying in a dilapidated classroom at Karungu Seed Secondary School in Buhweju District at the weekend. PHOTO BY ZADOCK AMANYISA

By  Zadock Amanyisa

Posted  Tuesday, June 28   2016

Buhweju- Buhweju County Member of Parliament Francis Mwijukye has teamed up with teachers and parents to demand an immediate inquiry into a dilapidated school bought by government six years ago.

The legislator, after inspecting Karungu Seed Secondary School in Ntoboora B Cell, Buhweju District, in a meeting with students, parents and teachers called for calm but promised to officially petition the ministry of Education and Parliament to ensure the matter is investigated.

The school is in a sorry state and a threat to the students amid fear that it might collapse on them. The school was bought by government from eight private developers in 2010 at Shs370 million.

Mr Mwijukye told Daily Monitor at the weekend that the cost of the school is also suspicious.

“I went to the school and found students doing exams under the tree. They told me they had run away from the collapsing buildings but were advised to do exams under the tree,” he said.

The legislator wants government to order for a value-for-money audit to establish the actual cost of the school and also explain why taxi payers’ money was spent on the old building.

He warned that he will not give officials the liberty to ‘play with” the findings of the investigations since all the stakeholders, including the entire community, want an explanation.

“Ministers swear in to serve people and this is the time for the Education minister to start working and deliver. She should visit the school and establish the value for money. Procedures and necessary steps should be followed to help the suffering students and parents at the school,” the legislator said.

It is reported that Karungu Seed SS was sold to government between 2008 and 2010 but the valuers took photos of a different school to inflate the value of the school and rip-off government.

The school was started in 1999 by eight private developers. Government bought it in 2010 as part of the national plan to establish a secondary school in every sub-county.

The transaction was entered and made by the school directors, including Mr Lawrence Kamukama, Augustus Abenaitwe, Isaac Rubafunya, Vincent Gumisiriza, Evadio Katsigazi and Expedito Rukundo, then commissioner for secondary education in the ministry of Education John Agaba, Bushenyi District chief administrative officer Charles Kiberu and District Education Officer Norman Rukumu.

Pictures of a different school, believed to be Kitagata Secondary School in the neighboring Sheema District with better infrastructure, were taken and presented as purported representation of Karungu Seed SS. Government then bought the school at an apparent inflated valuation, which led to the ministry neglecting the school after finding out the rip-off.

The school had more than 450 students at the time of government takeover but the enrollment has dropped to below 300 due to the poor conditions. Stakeholders in the sub-county have petitioned several authorities but to no avail.








Okwogera kwa Pulezidenti ku mbeera y'eggwanga


Jun 05, 2014



Bya Muwanga Kakooza


PULEZIDENTI Museveni agambye nti Uganda egenda kweyambisa omukisa gwa bannamakolero abadduka mu mawanga agaakula nga China batandike wano amakolero agagenda okwongera okuyamba eggwanga okukulakulana.

Museveni era yakuutidde abantu obuteesulubabba bya bulimi na kulunda ng’agamba nti birimu ensimbi empitirivu singa omuntu abinyikirira okubikola natadda mu kulowooleza mu kulima mmere ya ku lyabuli.

Bino abyogeredde mu woteeri ya Serena bw’abadde ayogera eri palamenti ku mbeera eggwanga lye lirimu ku mukolo gw’okuggulawo omwaka gwa palamenti omuggya.

Ategeezezza nti bannamakolero badduka mu mawanga mangi agaakula olw’okuba bizinensi zaayo zeeetagisa ensimbi nnyingi okuziddukanya nga bajja mu mawanga nga Uganda gye basobola okuziddukanya ku ssente entono.

N’agamba nti Uganda teyinza kufiirwa mukisa nga guno kwe kulabula abali mu kukanda amakkampuni okugabanga emisaala emisava okweddako kuba basobola okutiisa ba yinvesita.

Yagumizza Bannayuganda nti amasanyalaze gagenda kwongera okubunyisibwa mu bitundu byonna naddala mu byalo.

N’agamba nti gavumenti era egenda kusattulula ekitongole kya NAADS kuba kiremeddwa okukola emirimu.

Museveni yayongedde okugumya Bannayuganda ku by’okusima amafuta n’agamba nti agamu gagenda kulongosebwa n’amalala gatundibwe nga bwe gali n’agamu gakolebwemu amasanyalaze.


Paakingi ya Wavamunno ey’obukadde 5,000

kampala | Jun 05, 2014



Benz empya S 500 egulaobusanga. Ku ddyobw’efaanana munda.

SISINKANA mmotoka y’omugagga Gordon Wavamunno, ekika kya Mercedes BenzS 500 emu ku zisinga okubeera Ney’ebbeeyi mu Uganda essaawa eno.


Jaguar Nazo wava Munno azirina.

Ya kawumbi kalamba (obukadde 1000), esobola okutambula nga tolinnye ku ggiya wadde omuliro okuggyako okutereeza siteeringi kyokka!Wavamunno omwaka 2013 A badde avuga SL 500 Class Mercedes Benz ey’obukadde 700 wabula mu 2014 yaleese S 500 Mercedes Benz ya kawumbi.




Eno Benz ya Maurine Wavamunno,

S Class 500 egula eza wano obukadde 800 n’omusobyo okusinziira ku yingini ne malidaadi waayo gw’oba ogitaddemu. Bw’ogula eya yingini sayizi entono, mmotoka eno ogifunira mu bukadde nga 450 ku 500. Eddako ya bukadde 700 -800 bukadde 800 okutuukira ddala

Benz ekika kya 350 S enkola enkadde.

Mmotoka eno yanjawulo ku Benz endala oba mmotoka za bulijjo z’olaba mu Uganda kubanga erina tekinologiya waayo yekka.

Osobola okunyiga eppeesa n’oseetinga sipiidi gy’oyagala edukireko buli kiromita, obuwanvu bw’olugendo n’oggyako ebigere ku buleeci ne kulaaci ssaako omuliro olwo n’osigaala kutereeza siteeringi yokka. Oyinza okuvuga okuva e Kampala okutuuka e Mbarara nga tozzeeyo kuteekamu ggiya wadde okulinnya ku buleeci ne y’etwala yokka.


Esobola nokupima obuwanvu bw’emmotoka egikulembedde n’esibamu n’ereka n’ow’ebigere n’asala oluguudo singaabam kumpi nnyo nayo.




Byonna ebikolera ku kkamera zaayo ezomulembe eziri mu mataala g’omu maaso n’emabega. Bw’ogituulamu owulira obulamu bwonna obw’oku nsi.

Mu nsi yonna esinze kwettanirwa nnyo Bakabaka,bakyala baabwe, abasuubuzi abagagga ennyo n’abakulembeze b’amawanga



Ekika kino nakyo akirina.

Erina buli ky’owulira ekiyinza okukuuma ng’ogituddemu ng’oli mulamu bulungi ne bw’ofuna akabenje. Erimu ttivvi ssatu, kwe kugamba okuggyako ddereeva ,abalala buli agituddemu mu maaso ge wabaawo ttivvi eyiye.

Emito girina amapeesa agakola ebbugumu n’okuteekamu empewo ne kalondda omulala yenna owomulembe gw’owulira.

Eno si y’emmotoka ye esoose naye kuva dda nga Wavamunno avuga mmotoka ez’ebbeeyi era alina n’emmotoka ekika

kya Vintage ssatu z’amaze nazo emyaka egisukka mu 40 naye bw’ozirabako mu kiseera kino okakasa nti ssente zaaliwo kuvadda.



Jeep nayo eri mu paakingi


1: Elvis Wavamuno avuga Jeep Wrangler[10 Anniversary ] :egula Euro 69,000. Eza wano 182.

Emanyi ennaku y’omuntu omunafu mu nsawo wadde ya bbeeyi, ya famire kuba etikka abantu bangi.Era yakolebwa okuva mu mmotoka ekika kya “Willy’s”. alina ne Mercedes Benz G. Class n’ebika ebirala bingi.

2: Gilbert Wavamunno avuga : M Class ate mukyalawe avuga Jeep balina n’enddala

3: Joe Kayima Wavamunno avuga: Jeep Wrangler ate omukyala avuga Cherokee n’endala

4: Gloria Wavamunno avuga Jeep Wrangler n’endala .





JAGUAR: Eno nkola ya Mungereza era nayo egula buwanana. Wabula wadde avuga ya bbeeyi naye n’omukyala tamuleeka mabega kubanga mu Kampala teri mukyala avuga mmotoka ya bbeeyi okutuuka ku yiye.

M Class 350: Eno egula Euro 90,000, eza wano obukadde 315: Erina buli kintu ekyomulembe ky’omanyi munda mu yo. Wadde ya bbeeyi naye enywa nga tadooba.


Muky Maureen Wavamunno avuga Benz CLS 350: Egula Euro 133, 000, eza wano obukadde 466 era ye mukyala asinga okuvuga mmotoka ey’ebbeeyi mu Uganda. Mmotoka eno ekigifuula eyomulembe ennyo erina kumpi ebintu byonna S Class by’erina ng’ate yaakafuluma.


Erabika nga mmotoka y’empaka, era nzigumivu nnyo ku luguudo n’okukkira mmotoka z’empaka.

GL Class 350 : Egula Euro 17,000 eza wano 410, G 63 Class : Egula Euro 25,000 eza wano obukadde 717 eno yakolebwa okusooka nga ya magye gokka olw’obugumu bwayo, wabula kati n’eza buyonjo bazikola.





Theatre ye Bugiri Hospital siiyamulembe nyo okuva 1960/4 lweyatekebwawo. 





Omuzadde amaze    okuzaala baby muddwaliro e Bugiri, Busoga talina kitanda. 



 Company eddabiriza ebyamazzi mu ddwaliro lye Bugiri, Busoga, yaddukayo dda.



 Maama avudde mu theatre ku operation naye talina mufaliso kukitanda.


Munsi yonna ebiro bino abagagga banyivu okusasula omusolo omuyitirivu. Kiluma okulaba nga ate omusolo ogwo tegutuuka kuntekateka za governmenti  eziyamba abantu bonna abali munsi.


Tewali mulwadde ayagala okujjanjabibwa mu mbeera efanana bwetyo mu ddwaliro. 

An African President's Living Room:

Foreign currency all spread out in the living room
Despite being a cleaner in rich African peoples' home carrying
much risk e.g. being cleaners at the King of Kasese
palace recently cost them lives.

Lucky ones as the young lady cleaner at a President's home was only condemned to the Luzira. The sin was because she went through the security gates with a tiny bag of 'gabbage'. 
Blood-soaked NRA militia have no where to go indeed.

Much more trouble for the African country of Uganda after Independence 9 October, 1962:


By World Media


26 March, 2021


The problem of Indian citizens in the country of Uganda 1896-1972:

Indeed many of them lost their lives in the jungle of East Africa building the first railway from Mombasa to Kampala at Port Bell port.





What sort of African leadership can one trust on this African continent now that the East African region is all independent 26 March, 2021?






How the country of Buganda is used as a military force but afterwards not allowed to arm itself:


How Prof Yusuf Lule’s 68-day reign came crashing down:

By Henry Lubega


19 June, 2019


Yusuf Lule (waving) was elected chairman of the national executive committee at the Moshi conference. 

It is 40 years since Prof Yusuf Lule was overthrown, just after 68 days in power, making his the shortest reign in country’s history. But unlike other coups, this was a bloodless coup carried out within the confines of the State House.
Prof Lule was sworn in on April 13, 1979, only to be overthrown on June 20, 1979, by some of the very people who had appointed him president during the unity conference in the Tanzanian town of Moshi.
Uganda’s fifth president had been invited to the Moshi Conference as one of the two special guests, the other being Paulo Muwanga. The conference brought together Ugandans in the diaspora who were opposed to the Idi Amin regime in Kampala, which was facing an imminent fall following Amin’s invasion of Tanzania and Julius Nyerere in response backing of forces opposed to Amin.


As if no more trouble for the citizens after starting to build the East African railways from Mombasa to Kisumu and finally to Kampala at Port- Bell National port 1899.


According to Prof Tarsi Kabwegyere, the convener of the Moshi Conference, the invitation of Lule was a well calculated move.

“Mwalimu [Nyerere] was very clear. He wanted the world to know that this was a Ugandan effort. Among those who attended the conference was Lule who had been known to Nyerere from when the Tanzanian president was a student at Makerere,” he says.
Lule’s tribe and employment record was of relevance to his presence and eventual choice as president of the post-Amin era. 
“Getting to Kampala from any direction, you have to go through Buganda. Thus you don’t need to have any hostility with Baganda. Lule was a prominent man from Buganda, had no record of being in UPC [Uganda Peoples Congress] or DP [Democratic Party]. In fact, he was a KY [Kabaka Yekka] man. He had worked with the Commonwealth, so he was needed diplomatically,” says Kabwegyere.

The more than 20 groups – some of them phantom groups – that met in Moshi agreed and formed the Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF). 
Three names had been proposed for the post of president: They were Martin Aliker, Prof Yusuf Lule and Paulo Muwanga.
“Dr Aliker stood down for Lule and he went ahead to campaign for him. In his campaign for Lule, he [Aliker] told Muwanga to also step down because he was not a man of substance,” Kabwegyere recalls.
During the three-day conference, administrative structures were put in place to be followed when the regime in Kampala fell.

According to Prof Wangoola-Wangoola, a former member of the NCC, the post-Amin president was to follow the Moshi spirit and be accountable to the National Consultative Council (NCC) which was the interim Parliament. But when they got to Kampala, the president seemed to be reading from a different script.
“There were a lot of negotiations to have the president inaugurate Parliament. When he met us, he was announcing his 52-man Cabinet which had not been approved by the NCC. He instead said it was not time for talking, but work,” Wangoola- Wangoola says.

Not only was the appointed Cabinet not approved by the NCC, it also out-numbered the NCC. This raised concern among the NCC members who said they had not been consulted about the appointments as stipulated by the Moshi Conference.
“When we reached Kampala, Lule said he does not have to consult the NCC, he will only do so if he so wished. Besides the appointment of the Cabinet, he wanted to replace the Tanzanian forces with the British soldiers,” Kabwegyere says.

The fallout
With NCC rejecting the Cabinet, tension between the Executive and the Legislature was inevitable. 
The NCC wanted answers from the president for his actions, and after a lot of legwork by the chairman of the NCC, Prof Edward Rugumayo, a meeting was agreed upon at State House which Lule hardly left.
According to Kabwegyere, NCC’s rejection of the Cabinet was a deliberate move.


“We did not want people in Cabinet that were not acceptable to the NCC,” he says.
And true to their fears, some of the choices for Cabinet posts were questionable.
Within the NCC, a caucus was formed. The members included Wangoola-Wangola who says they wanted to know whether the president was accountable to the people or not.
“We went to that meeting to test whether president Lule derives his power from the Moshi Conference, and whether he should submit to the NCC as the top organ,” he says.

“We also drew scenarios, like in case he submits to NCC what should be done and what should be done if he does not submit. At Entebbe we told him, ‘Mr President you appointed your Cabinet but under the UNLF the president doesn’t have power to appoint the Cabinet without the ratification of the parliament’.
“He said, ‘no, I made these appointments under the 1967 Constitution. It gives me the power and it does not talk about you. Therefore, I cannot give you the list because according to the Constitution you are alien. I don’t know you’.”


The bone of contention was the four names NCC did not want on the Cabinet list. They were Dr Andrew Kayiira, Serumaga, Dr Robert Sebunya and Grace Ibingira.
“We didn’t agree with the way Kayiira worked. Serumaga had been implicated in the murder of three land valuers from the ministry of Lands, while Ibingira, who had also become Lule’s advisor, had been Obote’s advisor, and Obote’s mistakes originated from his advice. No one in the NCC wanted him in Cabinet,” explains Kabwegyere.
Having been dismissed, the 18 members of the NCC who were at Entebbe discussed a way forward.

Wangoola-Wangoola tabled a motion of no confidence in the president.
It read in part: “We should have a president who understands that he derives his power from the Moshi Conference. Such a president should be willing to abide by the Moshi agreement, otherwise we as the NCC leave, or he leaves and another person who follows the Moshi spirit is appointed.”
Wangoola-Wangoola says: “We, therefore, decided that Lule cannot remain president of Uganda when he disowned us yet his legitimacy, power and authority come from UNLF, which he disowned by adopting the 1967 constitution. We, therefore, disowned him.”
Prof Yash Tandon seconded the motion and it was put to vote. Out of the 18 members of the NCC that attended the meeting, 14 voted for the motion and four against it.

According to Wangoola-Wangoola, the reason for the vote was simple and Lule could have negotiated, but he never did.
Kabwegyere says, “I was among the four that voted for him to stay. I still felt I wasn’t so sure how that gap was to be filled. Immediately after the vote, the four who had voted Lule walked out with him.”
Wangoola-Wangoola says removing Lule from office was not premeditated. 
“Nobody wanted to remove him, but we had agreed that if he doesn’t play ball we remove him. All we wanted was for him to remove four names from his Cabinet list and also for him to know that he cannot make appointments without our approval. He could have talked us into approving everybody, but he was adamant,” he says. 
Lule picked his papers and walked out to a private dining room upstairs inside State House. Immediately the process to have him replaced started.

About Moshi Conference
The 28 groups at the Moshi Conference, which sat from March 24 to 26, 1979, and formed the Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF), were basically divided into “militarists” and “democrats”.
The Democratic Party (DP), Save Uganda Movement, Uganda Freedom Union to which Godfrey Binaisa belonged, and a few others were deemed to be democrats, while Yoweri Museveni’s Front for National Salvation (Fronasa) and the Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC), to which the Kikosi Maalum led by Gen Tito Okello and David Oyite-Ojok were linked, were deemed to be militarists.

While the militarists believed in the establishment of a government headed by another militarist with civilians playing an auxiliary support function, especially in the area of diplomacy and raising the much needed resources for the country’s rehabilitation, the democrats believed in the establishment of a civilian-led government and subordinating the military to civilian authority.

Early fault lines
Prof Wangoola, who moved the motion that culminated into president Lule’s removal, says matters were further complicated by the fact that even the so called democrats did not agree on the source of the president’s power and to what extent he could dispense that power.
While he accepted the presidency at the Moshi Conference, Lule did not believe that he was bound by what had been agreed upon in the conference. 
He did not believe that he derived his authority from Moshi, which would have made him accountable to the NCC, which was an organ of the UNLF.

NCC did not want four names on the Cabinet list. Serumaga had been implicated in the murder of three land valuers from the ministry of Lands, while Ibingira, who had also become Lule’s advisor, had been Obote’s advisor, and Obote’s mistakes originated from his advice. No one in the NCC wanted him in Cabinet.






A European lobby group has  accused Uganda of illicit arms supply to South Sudan:


By the East African , Joseph Oduha
29 November, 2018      
Ukraine has been accused of supplying South Sudan with weapons despite arms embargo. FILE PHOTO | AFP

South Sudanese People's Liberation Army (SPLA) national army soldiers patrol the streets with a pick-up truck after capturing the town of Bentiu, on January 12, 2014. FILE PHOTO | AFP 

The Conflict Armament Research (CAR) lobby group has accused Uganda of illicit supply of arms to South Sudan.

The London-based CAR says in its latest report that Uganda was buying weapons from European countries and giving them to South Sudan, despite an arms embargo.

It accuses Kampala of violating the European Union arms embargo on South Sudan by channelling to the war-ravaged state weapons purchased from Bulgaria, Slovakia and Romania.

Juba, the CAR findings say, uses Kampala to act as a key arms dealer, especially after the imposition of an embargo by the UN Security Council in July.

“South Sudan arranged for Uganda to issue end-user certificates (the essential paperwork for an international arms transfer)…to make it look like these weapons were for the use of the Ugandan armed forces when in fact they were always destined for South Sudan,” Mr Mike Lewis, the head of CAR regional operations was quoted in the report as saying.

CAR also says that some of the ammunitions transferred to South Sudan by Uganda were discovered in the hands of Sudanese rebel groups fighting to dislodge President Omar Bashir.


Attempts to get Juba's response were futile.

Recently, the UN Panel of Expert on South Sudan also claimed that Kampala and Khartoum were both violating the arms embargo imposed on Juba.

It said Kampala was openly giving military support to Juba.

Uganda's President Yoweri Museveni has since the beginning of the civil war in South Sudan, provided direct support to President Salva Kiir in the war with his former deputy Riek Machar.

The two foes signed a peace deal recently, brokered by Uganda and Sudan, but which faces scepticism from the West, especially the US and the UK who view Kampala and Khartoum as double dealers.






Omuzadde Kirumira eyattiddwa mubukambwe abaana be beyalese bazadde banne babakebeza namaaso okubakakasa:

By Paddy Bukenya


Added 12th September 2018


OMUWENDO gw’abaana b’omugenzi Kirumira gweyongedde, omukazi omulala bw’aleese omwana ow’omunaana ne bawera omugatte gwa baana 12 ate omulala n’ayanjulira ssezaala we olubuto lwa myezi esatu.


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Kawooya (taata wa Kirumira) n’abamu ku baana be baakakasizza. Ku ddyo, Najjingo (ssenga wa Kirumira), omu ku bakebera abaana.


Owoolubuto yayitiddemu taata Abubaker Kawooya engeri gye baakwatagana ne mutabani we kati omugenzi Kirumira.

Okusinziira ku ssenga w’abaana bano Dimintiria Najjingo (mwannyina wa Abubaker Kawooya), abaana b’omugenzi Kirumira abaaleeteddwa okuva ng’afudde baweze munaana.

Kuno kwe bagasse n’omukazi eyazze n’olubuto olw’emyezi esatu era ono nti yalaze n’obujulizi ku ssimu obulaga nti abadde n’enkolagana ey’enjawulo ne Kirumira.

Najjingo yategeezezza nti, abaana bonna abaaleeteddwa oluvannyuma lwa Kirumira okufa baakakasiddwa mu kika era tewali gwe babuusabuusa nti si waabwe kubanga abaana bonna balina obubonero obw’enkukunala obulaga nti ba kika.

“Abaana abaffe tebabula, era bwe twabakebedde bonna twazudde ba mu nju,” Najjingo bwe yakkaatirizza.

“Eyazze n’olubuto naye twamukkirizza era tugenda kulaba ng’afuna obuyambi kyokka okukakasa nti omwana wa Kirumira alina kusooka kuzaala ne tusooka tumukebera, bwe tumukakasa nga tumuwa erinnya ly’ekika” Najjingo bwe yagambye.

Najjingo yategeezezza nti, omugenzi Kirumira abadde alina aba famire b’ategeeza ku byama bye era beesigamiziddwaako nnyo ne mu nsonga z’abaana okukakasa nti abaleeteddwa bonna bamulekwa ba Kirumira.

Kino kitegeeza nti ssinga omwana ono azaalibwa ne bamukakasa nti wa Kirumira, omuwendo gujja kulinnya okutuuka ku 13 ab’ebbali mwenda ng’obagasse ku bana ab’omukyala ow’awaka Mariam Kirumira.

Abaana omusanvu abaasoose okuleetebwa ku Mmande kuliko: Yasin Kalule wa myezi mukaaga, Baker Kawooya myezi mukaaga, Shadia Nalukenge mwaka gumu kitundu, Shahaz Nakawooya 1, Hassan Jjungo 2, Muhammad Kirumira 4 ne Shira Nakawooya 4.

Bazaalibwa abakyala ab’enjawulo okuli Sarah Kevin Nakimbowa eyaleese omwana omu Kirumira Kawooya, Provia Kahenda omwana omu ne Saudia Karabia eyaleese omwana omu okuva e Bwera ku nsalo ya Uganda ne Congo.


Najjingo yagambye nti, nga tebannawanjagira muntu yenna kubawa buyambi, gavumenti esaanye okuweerera abaana ba Kirumira n’okubalabirira kubanga kitaabwe yafiiridde ku mulimu ate ng’abadde muweereza mulungi.

Ayongerako nti, ekika kyonna kibadde kiyimiridde ku Kirumira nga bonna bamulinamu essuubi ery’enjawulo okuli okuyamba abantu be naddala bazadde be be yali yasuubiza okuzimbira amaka ag’ekitiibwa n’abalala b’abadde aweerera, kyokka yabalese ttayo, kati batunuulira jjajjaabwe.


Ye sebo gwe omutabaazi eyebagadde emundu nga ogenda otta nebakusasula kakati bwebanakwongeza omusolo ogwokusasulira ezadde lino onagamba kiki? Nti nabo bonna bave munsi?


Kino kituufu wano e Buganda. Abaganda bajjajja bwebagenda nga e Bunyoro okutabaala abasajja Abanyoro nga bwebawangulwa nga, abakyala nabaana Abaganda nga bettika. Nga abaana nabakyala bawebwa kika nga ensi Buganda okuza bantu baayo. Bwebuganda bwa Buganda. Abo ennaku zino abatema jjambiya abakazi nabaana si Baganda nakamu. Ye gwe oba oli mutabaazi anoonya ensonga, lwaki musajja munno omulaba talina kyakulwanyisa ekyokwetasa gwe nga omukuba ekyasi?






A determined lawyer of the legal fraternity in Uganda, Mr Mabirizi has listed 80 'mistakes' found in the recent age limit petition judgement:

28 July, 2018

Written by URN

He is determined to seek the option of legal address to stop the President of Uganda from being removed by armed strugggles as it is the case with the history of this country. He has made a Court Appeal:


Male Hassan Mabirizi Kiwanuka, one of the petitioners who challenged the 'age limit' Constitutional Amendment Act of 2017, has filed a notice of appeal challenging the verdict of the Constitutional court. 

The notice of appeal was filed on Friday - a day after a Constitutional court decision that upheld the amendment by parliament to lift the cap on the presidential age, which was initially limited to persons aged between 35 and 75. 

Four of the five members of the Constitutional court; Cheborion Barishaki, Elizabeth Musoke, Alphonse Owiny-Dollo and Remmy Kasule, upheld the amendment when they said that it did not contravene the Constitution and neither did it contravene parliament's rules of procedure.

But Justice Kenneth Kakuru declared that the entire process was flawed and asked that the entire amendment Act be purged from the Constitution of Uganda. 

Mr Male Mabirizi Kiwanuka is to appeal against the Constitutional court

In his judgment, Kakuru pointed out that out of a population of close to 40 million Ugandans, only 22 individuals, eight government ministries, 15 commissions or agencies including the prime minister in his official capacity, four political parties, the leader of the opposition in parliament and one district local government official were able to give their views on the bill before the legal and parliamentary affairs committee of parliament. 

He stated that the rest appeared to be a collection of obscure and amorphous groups that include Fronasa veterans, Uganda Association of Uneducated Persons, Kick Age Limit Out of the Constitution and others.

On Friday evening Mabirizi who was praised by the Constitutional court for his research and submissions in the petition, rushed to Court of Appeal where he presented 80 reasons for challenging the verdict of the Constitutional court.

Part of the reasons he says that he was denied a right to a fair hearing, was discriminated in a manner that is not justifiable in a democratic society and was denied a chance to respond to the contribution of the attorney general.

Mabiriizi contends that the court did not decide the fate of the two affidavits of Keith Muhakanizi the Secretary to the Treasury and Gen David Muhoozi, the commander of the defence forces, which allegedly contained hearsay. Mabiriizi adds that he was also denied a chance to cross-examine Muhoozi.

"But since am appealing just part of the judgement that is why am giving the grounds to which I don’t agree with in that judgement. Of course I don’t agree with retaining some provisions of the Act of age limit and others because of procedure. Court is saying procedure was okay. Had they found that the procedure wasn’t okay, then the entire Act had to fall. But they are saying the procedure was okay yet it was not okay," Mabirizi stated. 
Mabirizi, after filing the notice of the Appeal rushed to the Supreme Court registry amidst a tight deadline to avail them with copies as the legal procedures require.  

The procedures include the requirement to state all reasons for the appeal and inform the Supreme court as soon as possible in instances where one is not appealing against the whole judgment of the Constitutional court.
Although armed police personnel attempted to block his access to the Supreme court, on grounds that he arrived beyond office time, Mabirizi later succeeded after introducing himself and the motive for his 'visit'.  He now wants the Court of Appeal to declare the entire law as null and void.

"We’re building a country on shaky ground which cannot stand. I have given 80 reasons, actually 80 disagreements with the judges….if you can be able, in just a day to pick 80 mistakes to be challenged, then I don’t know what will happen after 60 days. I want the entire law to be annulled to be declared null and void."


There is a need for political common sense to prevail in this country so that the Uganda Army and the Opposition do not resort to going in the bush to resolve their differences and once again they start killing innocent citizens of Uganda.






For Uganda, the Ministry of Defence officials have spent Shs6.7 billion on hot air over a tropical solar project at Kololo, Kampala:

The exra-ordinary large investments of China in solar energy generation projects

3rd June, 2018

By Stephen Kafeero of the Sunday Monitor paper, Uganda.


People line up to register for national IDs at

People line up to register for national IDs at Kololo Independence Grounds recently. The Ministry of Defence is yet to install solar panels at the grounds three years after getting Shs6.7b for the project. PHOTO BY ABUBAKER LUBOWA 

Sunday Monitor understands that the funds in question were urgently requested from the Finance ministry in a 2016/17 supplementary budget to Parliament.
In their justification for the supplementary request, the technocrats in the Ministry of Defence officials claimed they wanted the funds in question to “urgently instal solar power at the Kololo ceremonial grounds”. Three years later, not a single panel has been installed at the site in what has now molded into a scandal, drifting at the door steps of the ministry.
This scandal raises crucial questions about the whereabouts of taxpayers money, and the motive behind the numerous supplementary budget requests procured under the cover of “emergency spending pressures”.
When Sunday Monitor visited the site, there was no sign of accountability of the public funds spent. The same findings are contained in the latest report of the Parliament Committee on Defence and Internal Affairs chaired by Mityana District Woman MP Judith Nabakooba.
The committee asked Parliament to pick interest in the latest scandal with a view of investigating the culprits who took the funds meant for the project.
Ms Nabakooba told Sunday Monitor last week that her committee was not satisfied with the explanation of the ministry officials.
When pressed on the accountability of the funds, Ministry of Defence officials claimed “they were still handling the procurement of the project” three years down the road. It is also not clear why the Defence ministry did not return the funds to the Consolidated Fund at the end of 2016/17 financial year.
Sunday Monitor could not confirm whether Ministry of Defence officials requested the Secretary to Treasury to retain the Shs6.7b under the committed funds window.
When the ministry failed to convince MPs on the accountability of the funds, committee members rejected their explanation and took the matter to Parliament.
The Secretary to the Treasury, Mr Keith Muhakanizi, appeared helpless when asked to explain what some MPs on the Defence and Internal Affairs Committee have called “a ghost solar power project”.
Mr Muhakanizi indicated that the matter is out of his hands.
“I am not their accounting officer,” Mr Muhakanizi said, before asking the Sunday Monitor to demand accountability of the queried public funds from the Ministry of Defence officials.
“I don’t know [what happened]. All I know is that we released the money,” Mr Muhakanizi said.
Attempts to speak to Ms Rosette Byengoma, the permanent secretary of the Ministry of Defence were futile by press time.
Sources within the Ministry of Defence and Parliament told the Sunday Monitor that the solar power project was used as a cover to get funds from Parliament and use it for other unspecified activities.
They also say that there was never a plan or intention to instal solar power at Kololo as the documents claim.
Although Ms Byangoma could not be reached for a comment, in January, her colleague, Ms Edith Buturo, the Ministry of Defence undersecretary in charge of finance and administration, told the Defence and Internal Affairs Committee that there were still issues to be handled before the project could kick off.

New twist
“There are a number of areas that are still grey in terms of the design and implementation of this project. The funds were secured and those funds are still available with us on the project account,” Ms Buturo said.
Ms Buturo, however, did not present authority for retaining the funds for three years contrary to the dictates of the Public Finance Management Act.
With questions being asked from Parliament, it is a matter of time before the Auditor General and the Public Accounts Committee pick up the matter.
This newspaper understands Defence ministry officials have been restless in trying to find the justification for the Shs6.7 billion. This money remains unaccounted for.
Ministry of Defence and Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) spokesperson, Brig Richard Karemire, however, down played the committee report and the queries on the Shs6.7b.
Brig Karemire, however, confirmed that there had been “a change of heart” on the project location even when the documents they used to get the money talked of Kololo. “The project will happen but not in Kololo,” Brig Karemire said. “We are going to roll out to our other units as soon as we work on all the other technicalities.”
While Ministry of Defence has suffered budget cuts like most of the other ministries, the UPDF docket remains one of the top funded sectors only behind works and transport, energy and mineral development, education and health.
The proposed budget for the ministry in the 2018/19 budget is Shs1.409 trillion down from Shs1.423 trillion in the current financial year. The queries on the expenditure of Shs6.7b also comes at a time when Parliament has tasked government to find Shs24.1b to cater for the wage bill of about 4,000 recruits currently undergoing training.
They are due to access the wage bill in August but were not budgeted for in the coming financial year spending plans.
Ministry of Defence has since been tasked to restructure its budget to pay all the outstanding arrears worth billions of money to organisations and individuals who supplied goods and services to the institution.






Dr. Lwanga alabudde Museveni ku bamuwa amawulire amakyamu ate ye Katikkiro wa Buganda namugumya:

By Musasi wa Bukedde


Added 1st April 2018, Easter Sunday.


SSAABASUMBA w'essaza ekkulu erya Kampala, Dr.Cyprian Kizito Lwanga azzeemu okwatulira bambega ba Pulezidenti Museveni abamuwa olugambo olufu nti bafera mufere okumufumunamu ssente.


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Katikkiro wa Buganda Mayiga (ku kkono) ng’abuuza Ssaabasumba oluvannyuma lwa Mmisa e Lubaga. Amuddiridde ye minisita Muyingo ne minisita Nakiwala.


Bino yabyogeredde mu Lutikko ya St. Mary’s e Lubaga ku Ssande mu Mmisa y’okukuza Amazuukira ga Kristu.

“Abantu abakuwa amawulire amakyamu be balabe bo nnamba emu era bw’otoobeegendereze bagenda kukukozesa ensobi bakusuule’’ Ssaabasumba Lwanga bwe yategeezezza.

Dr. Lwanga ayogedde ku nzita ez’enjawulo Bannayuganda ze bazze batiibwamu okuli okukubwa amasasi, okubawa obutwa,okubatulugunya n’okubakuba emiggo ate abalala babattisa bigambo. Mujjukire nti teri atajja kufa n’abamu ku bazze batta bannaabwe baafa.

“Gavumenti egamba nti Klezia tegyagala, yeerabidde nti ffe abAamatiza Ppaapa Francis okujja wano mu 2015, Gavumenti n’efuna ekitiibwa, ssinga twali tetugyagala ekyo twandikikoze?”

Yeekokkodde obwavu n’ebbula ly’emirimu ebitawaanya Bannayuganda kyokka gavumenti n’etefaayo ku bintu bigasiza awamu bannansi ng’okuzimba obutale ku nguudo ez’enjawulo.

Lwanga awadde Gavumenti amagezi okukomya okwonoona ssente ng’ezimba ebizimbe by’obutale ebyebbeeyi okugeza Wandegeya akalina emyaliiro omukaaga, nerema okufaayo okuzimbira abantu obutale ku nguudo ez’enjawulo.

Yeebaziza Gavumenti olwebyo by’ekoze, kyokka n’agamba nti obwavu bugenda kutta abantu.

“Neewuunya nnyo bwe nalaba nga kabinenti eyisizza akawumbi kamu okujjanjaba ekirwadde kya kinyeenya mutwe ate n’eyisa obuwumbi 4 okujjanjaba ente obulwadde bwa kalusu” Ssabasumba bye yeewunyiza.

Yawunzise agamba nti empuliziganya ennungi wakati mu bakulembeze ku mitendera egy’enjawulo y’eneeyamba okugonjoola ebiruma abantu ,era gavumenti bw’eba erina ky’eyagala omukulembeze w’eddiini aginnyonnyole emuyite okusinga okutwala ehhambo za bambega.




Katikkiro wa Buganda, Charles Peter Mayiga yagumizca Ssaabasumba ku bamutiisatiisa n’agamba nti omukulembeze yenna owamaanyi nga ye ayogerwako era bwe kikolwa kiraga nti wandasi.

Yakubirizza abavubuka okukozesa obulungi emyaka gyabwe egy’ekivubuka nga beetekerateekera obulamu bwabwe obw’omu maaso n’obutaggwaamu ssuubi.

Yayongedde n’abakubiriza okukomya okwetundako ettaka n’okwekuuma nga balamu. Yakunze Obuganda okwetaba mu misinde gy’okukuza Amazaalibwa ga Ssaabasajja Kabaka ag’omulundi ogwe 63, n’okuwagira okujjanjaba obulwadde bwa Nalubiri.

Minisita omubezi owebyenjigiriza ebyawaggulu, J.C.Muyingo yasiimye abavubuka olw’okwettanira emirimu gya Klezia n’agamba nti gavumenti esiima emirimu egikolebwa Klezia .

Asabye bannayuganda okukozesa obulungi tekinologiya mu bintu ebizimba eggwanga n’okulitwala mu maaso nga basaasanya amawulire amatuufu.

Asabye bannayuganda okukozesa obulungi tekinologiya mu bintu ebizimba eggwanga n’okulitwala mu maaso nga basaasaanya amawulire amatuufu.


Gano amazukira ga Uganda kunyumya bya bufuzi byabulijjo wano e Buganda? Oba kujjukira Isa Masiya eyakwatibwa Police nawozesebwa omusango negumusinga nabonyabonyezebwa kumusalaba okutuusa okuttibwa. Bangi nyo nebawowogana nyo nti Akomererwe omusajja oyo. Omu ku basirukale namufumita effumu nga essawa 8 mulamba akyaganye okufa, amazzi nomusayi nebifubutuka mulubuto. Nakuba ebiwobe ebiyitirivu nakutuka nafa. Nga ddala ddala mubyafaayo by'ensi eno eya Tonda, kiki kyeyakola ekibi enyo alyoke afune ekibonerezo ekyenkanide awo?






Munsi ya Uganda Odong Otto atutte mwanyina, omubaka Anite mu kkooti:

By Kizito Musoke

Added 25th September 2017


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OMUBAKA Odonga Otto (Aruu) awawaabidde mubaka munne Evelyn Anite (Koboko Municipality) era minisita avunanyiizbwa ku bamusigansimbi ng’ayagala amwetondere olw’okumwonoonera erinnya. 

Otto agamba nti Anite yamulebudde bwe yategeezezza nti okugenda mu Palamenti ku Lwokuna yali atamidde. Ayagala bamwetondere ng’akozesa emikutu gye yakozesezza ng’amwogerako eby’obulimba era amugatte n’obukadde 300.

Ku Lwokuna Otto yasaba Palamenti ebonereze Anite nga bamuwera emyaka munaana nga takiika mu Palamenti olw’okuba yavaayo n’ategeeza nga abawagizi be kiteeso ky’okuggya ekkomo ku myaka bwe balina obuwagizi bwa magye.



Wano e Luweero M7 nabasajja be ba Besigye bayoola nga ebyalo 6 nebatta nebagobamu abatuuze. Abacholi n'Abalango mumagye ga Uganda bwebajja nga okutaasa, nebabba buli kimu abantu abadduka amaka gaabwe kyebalese. Entalo nezinyuma okukamala wano e Buganda 1979/1986. Otto ne Anite mutegeragane ebyabajjajja bammwe ku mundu zobufuzi mu Uganda bibi nyo era birimu nemisango mu court y'Esi yonna.


Otto kituufu wabadde onywedde ku bilagala byennaku zino. Anti nawe olaba ebigenda mumaaso. Bwemutyo abewamwe bwemwafuga Buganda nemundu nga temuwummuza. NRM nebatamya emundu era oli mutuufu obutaagala kuwulira bya mundu. Katusuubire nti nabano abanyandekwe emundu waliwo ajja okujibatamya mukufuga kwabwe. Anti asiinga okutta abantu mulutalo yawangula olutalo muganda wange.


The Proud young military personnel swearing to protect

their Head of State




The Uganda Peoples Defence Forces (UPDF) will begin a recruitment drive today to fill close to 3000 positions in the lower ranks of the army.
The drive was announced by the army over a month ago will seek to recruit people into the private rank, the lowest rank of the army to increase its numbers of front-line soldiers at battlefronts.
Army spokesperson Paddy Ankunda says that the army has been increasing its capacity to handle national security and that is the reason for this recruitment. He also added that the force is engaged in many battles on the continent and that requires man-power.
UPDF recruitment officers will be in areas of Namutumba, Luuka, Bugiri, Nebbi, Zombo, Kitgum, Lamwo, Bundibugyo and Kibaale to carry out the recruitment exercises.
The recruitment officers will require a mandatory national ID and local council letter of endorsement from the people who will turn up for the drive. The army regularly disqualifies people with chronic illnesses and missing teeth from the recruitment.
Uganda has close to 10,000 of its soldiers deployed in missions on the continent. Part of them are in Somalia under the peace keeping force of the African Union, others are in Central African Republic under the African Union's Regional Task Force in the hunt for Joseph Kony, another battalion is deployed in South Sudan to guard key government installations and some are kept at the border with the Democratic Republic of Congo to avert attacks from Allied Democratic Front (ADF) rebels.
The deployments have stretched UPDF's internal capacity in their five divisions across the country. The recruitment will in part address that. Ankunda says that the recruitment will also seek to get 88 musicians for their brass band and 50 sportsmen for their sports department headed by Brigadier Phinehas Katirima.


One wants to believe that these new African war recruits are going to be taught the major military law of the International Criminal Court of human rights in Geneva, Europe and the protection of the rights of prisoners of war nationally and internationally.





Amagye ga Buganda 1854 nga Ssekabaka Muteesa I akyazizza Munnamawulire Stanley









Police ye Buganda eyemikolo nga Ssekabaka Muteesa II agilambula awamu ne Governor 1961.




The modern Royal Army of the State of Buganda at the time of Buganda's independence 8 May 1962.


TUESDAY, 15 JULY 2014 

During the making of the Uganda Constitution in 1994, Maj Gen Pecos Kuteesa proposed that Bahima be listed as a distinct community.

This matter didn’t go down well with President Yoweri Museveni. He immediately summoned Ankole Constituency Assembly delegates to Rwakitura and explained why Bahima should not be listed as a tribe. That is how Bahima and other ethnic or sub-ethnic groups ended up all being listed as Banyankore.

There are 65 tribes listed under the Third Schedule of the Constitution. In the case of Buganda, Banyala, Baruuli and Baganda were listed as separate communities (tribes). I had actually been made to believe that Banyankore were just one ethnic group until when I heard Maj Gen Jim Muhwezi threatening that they, “the Bahororo”, would cause trouble. I was later told that actually Bahororo are not Bakiga but Banyankore.

I also sometimes hear that our beloved president is a Musiita. I am labouring to make only one point, that Ankole is not one ethnic group but the president ordered that they should be. In fact within Ankole, there are monarchists and anti-monarchists. To understand the ethnic clashes/conflicts in Rwenzori sub-region, one will have to ask themselves why President Museveni cancelled the coronation of late Prince Barigye as the king of Ankole.

You remember that military generals, including David Tinyefuza, had successfully facilitated the crowning of Barigye. One should also ask himself why the person who cancelled a coronation of a king in his tribal area has all of a sudden become the chief promoter of kings and in fact the guest of honour at many contentious coronations.

It is in understanding this that one will find the answer for the recent ‘murders’ in Kasese and Bundibugyo. Both Bamba and Bakonzo broke away from Tooro, to create the Rwenzururu kingdom. At the time they did this, they knew they were distinct ethnic groups but chose to be one more or less like Museveni’s Banyankore.

Charles Wesley Mumbere, to the best of my understanding, was crowned as Rwenzururu king and not king of Bakonzo. Again forgive me if I am wrong, but I think Mumbere has brought fewer dividends to the life presidency project, as Kasese continues to vote against it. In fact in the last elections, Kasese was ontop of the districts in western Uganda that popularly voted against life presidency.

When Mumbere, who I understand was born in Bundibugyo, was blocked from visiting it on June 30, 2013, to mark the day both Bamba and Bakonzo broke away from Toro, I was particularly not surprised. Mumbere has not repaid what ‘Mzee’ considers favours such as crowning him, buying him land and construction of a new palace. These things must be thanked by declaring the giver a “sole candidate.”

Mumbere, I think, didn’t pick lessons from the ‘Buganda crisis’ of 2009, commonly known as the Buganda riots. Because the Buganda institution refused to be drawn into the life presidency project, the granter and guarantor got annoyed. More so because the Buganda institution allowed opposition voices on its radio, CBS. It had to be punished.

And the punishment is standard – the king will be prevented from visiting part of his kingdom, his ministers will be arrested and some military men will be crowned kings within the same kingdom. That is exactly what happened to us here in Buganda. A one Capt Kimeze was promoted to major and crowned Sabanyala. In the case of Rwenzururu, Martin Kamya was promoted to Lt Col, even after retiring from the army, and crowned cultural leader of Obudhingya Bwa Bamba in May this year.

It is three clan leaders, call them ethnic groups; Bamba, Babwisi and Bavanuma that installed this Omudhingya. If he doesn’t behave properly, you will hear that the Babwisi and Bavanuma are also in preparation to crown their own cultural leader. On June 30, Mumbere is blocked from visiting Bundibugyo. And I hope you all recall that circus when AIGP Grace Turyagumanawe slapped and kicked a policeman who fired live bullets when they were stopping the Omusinga.

Eleven months later, the head of state is guest of honour at a coronation ceremony to install a new cultural leader in Bundibugyo. And exactly one month later, the area is engulfed in tribal conflict, and it is bloodshed all over. A sensible leader wouldn’t take sides in a conflict so explosive and sentimental like this one.

And I find it childish that even schooled people are blaming intelligence. What could they have done? How come when they were on high alert, people rioted here in Kampala, and the rest of Buganda, when their Kabaka was blocked from touring his territory?

Of course the Museveni intelligence is more robust when it comes to detecting Col Besigye’s movements, but the boss should take full responsibility. Trouble is that this is the Uganda we are or our children are set to inherit, one that has been deliberately divided to serve the politics of the day. Rolling back these divisions of three decades won’t be a simple task.




The Third World War

Pope Francis recently decried the rampant conflicts around the world, calling them “piecemeal World War III”.

War is not a game because it destroys lives and livelihoods, ravages homes and stalls the very essence of humanity. Ugandans have experienced several wars, with similar outcomes. Many have eventuallybecome resistant to war-talks as an alternative way of changing government. This is why we should applaud Ugandan Opposition leaders who reject war-talk.

A database of conflict for sub-Saharan Africa shows that nearly every country in this region is situated near a conflict zone and has a high potential of erupting into conflict. Indeed, there are ongoing conflicts in the Central African Republic, South Sudan, Ethiopia, Sudan, Mali, Somalia, and Nigeria.

In every continent, except Australia, there is some semblance of war going on. Irrespective of the causes, the current wars may not be clear-cut conventional world- war type, because the fronts have become diverse and complex, such as ‘terrorism’.

However, the cumulative impacts of these wars have surpassed those of World War I and II. Current wars have been fought majorly over resources and the control mechanism for their distribution. The wealthiest countries, with capacity to manufacture weapons of mass destruction and the legitimacy to deploy them, are also the fiercest proponents of capitalism and liberal idealism.

As a consequence, continents designated as resource-rich are also permanently or frequently embroiled in armed conflicts. And there is a correlation between war, oppression, servitude, infirmary and poverty. It is, therefore, important to understand the arguments advanced by the Uganda’s anti-war opposition.

They argue that changing governments by armed conflict does not necessarily guarantee infinite freedom and equality. If it did, Ugandans would not be stuck with President Museveni and all his Mambas and tear gas on the streets to repress dissent.

The population should wake up to understand that comprehensive conditions of peace, tranquility and stability are a product of a nation’s consciousness. Museveni may be using the army to cling to power. He may militarise agriculture, education, rural economies and break the spirit of the country into pieces. But the last sense of authority for legitimate change lies with the population, and not war. 





I watched President Museveni on TV addressing journalists in Rwakitura recently. During the conference, he rejected the idea that Buganda got its independence on October 8, 1962. I wish to invite the President to a public debate on this matter.

His Royal Highness Prince Edward, the Duke of Kent, signed and handed over a legal instrument of independence for Buganda Kingdom so as to terminate all the agreements that Great Britain had entered into with the kingdom. These are the 1893 Agreement,the1894 Agreement, and the1900 Agreement as amended in a general notice No 1/75 of 1908.

Remember at on the insistence of Governor Sir Phillip Euen Mitchell, the said amendment was consolidated in volume VI of the laws of the Uganda Protectorate in 1935 on page 1373. Then there was the1955 Agreement and finally the 1961 Agreement. So inside the new Bulange Hall at Mengo October 8, 1962, the Duke of Kent handed over a signed legal instrument of independence that effectively terminated the old order and that is what makes it an independence day for Buganda.

The occasion in Bulange was witnessed by Governor Sir Walter Coutts, Prime Minister Milton Obote, visiting President Jomo Kenyatta and his colleague Mr Tom Mboya as well as all Buganda Kingdom leaders.

Amos Ntambi,





Fight erupts not again in South Sudan and there is a million dollar training deal in Uganda to promote this conflict:

The African war- mongers



My friend Editor of this article, as long as these international peace organizations are silent on who exactly is selling or lending killer arms to these African chaps(International African arms dealers) you are going to keep writing lots of Sudanese civil war pages. Some one some where has got to make a living from other people's human misery!

And this human refugee misery is overflowing all the way to Calais in France and the whole of the European countries.




One understands these arms dealers do not have to go to these modern International Human Rights Courts over their expensive and destructive industries:


A secret operation by security contractors based in Uganda has been underway training fighters, comprising Ugandans and South Sudanese, to fight in the South Sudan war, The Independent has learnt.  The training is reportedly part of a deal worth millions of dollars between representatives of the Juba establishment and some of the security contractors based in Kampala.

The training has been taking place at a private airfield a few kilometres from Entebbe called Kajjansi Airfield. From here, and after the training, the fighters would be airlifted to South Sudan, sources familiar with it revealed.

Previously, the operation was kept under wraps but has been exposed following the failure by the contractors to meet their contractual obligations. Apparently, the representatives of the South Sudan establishment became furious after the contractors failed to deliver the agreed upon number of the mercenaries at the agreed time.

As part of the deal, military intelligence in Uganda has established that Juba had already paid the contractors a down payment of close to US$900,000 (approx. Shs3 billion).

By press time, a military source had confirmed that the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF) leadership, specifically the Chief of Defence Forces (CDF), Gen. Katumba Wamala, was aware of the arrangement.

While our sources said the UPDF top brass was hunting for the private security contractor who has since disappeared, Paddy Ankunda, the UPDF Spokesperson said he had no information about the arrangement. “Since it is a security issue,” Ankunda said, “You try police.”

When contacted, Police Spokesperson, Fred Enanga, said he was going to first contact Kajjansi and return with a response but he did not.

Critics say the operation is the latest window into how far the warring parties in South Sudan are willing to go in their struggle for power in a conflict that has claimed 10,000 lives, made over half a million flee the country and over 1.5 million get displaced internally.

Critics also say that such a plan means that efforts at reconciliation in which regional and international actors are heavily invested might not amount to anything.

Activity at Kajjansi

Kajjansi Airfield, located 20 kilometres north of Entebbe Airport, is divided into two—the Mission Aviation Fellowship (MAF) side and the Kampala Aeroclub and Flight Training Centre (KAFTC) side.

Both sections are heavily guarded by both police officers wearing the counterterrorism uniform and that of the Field Force Unit.

At KAFTC, which is accessed through Gate one, the officers manning the facility denied presence of any Sudanese and directed us to the second gate. At MAF, which is accessed at the second gate, however, officers admitted that there were trainees meant for South Sudan.

“They are not here,” an officer said, “The South Sudanese trainees were training at the other side of the first gate. That is where they train from.” Hinting at the possibility that recruitment was continuing, the officers said, anyone interested in training with the Sudanese has first to go to Entebbe where they register from.

According to the information on its website, KAFTC offers airplane and helicopter charters in Uganda and surrounding regions, as well as providing flight training and aerobatic/scenic flights.

Officials at both the South Sudan Embassy in Kampala and the UPDF have denied knowledge about this development.

“Where are they training from?” the South Sudan Ambassador Samuel Luate Lominsuk asked when The Independent contacted him. An official attached to his office, who he authorised to speak with The Independent, also denied any knowledge.

“We don’t have that information,” he said, “If any of our people were being trained here, we would be the first to know. Respective authorities in South Sudan would first notify us.”

He added that if anyone was training fighters for South Sudan, they are meant to fight as rebels.

Salva Kiir desperate

Those privy to the details of the deal, however, say it is part of a grand plan sold to Juba by security contractors to deal with the rebels.

They claim that training fighters to uproot the Riek Machar-led rebels that have upset the Juba government since 2013 started after it became apparent to the Juba establishment that the UPDF would not actively pursue the rebels.

When war broke out in December 2013, the UPDF deployed in South Sudan and was mainly responsible for rolling back the rebels who were only hours away from overthrowing the government.

When the UPDF deployed, it first overpowered the rebels that were keen on capturing the key government installations including the Juba Airport—South Sudan’s major airport, among others.

With a base at the Juba Airport, the UPDF was also involved in recapturing Jonglei State’s capital of Bor and pushing rebels farther north. But international pressure meant that the UPDF could not push further given that its leadership claimed that they would only go as far as securing the main facilities of President Salva Kiir’s government.

And as regional and international voices calling for dialogue increased, the UPDF even scaled down its operations in South Sudan.

Several attempts to resolve the crisis through talks witnessed by the United Nations, African Union (AU) and the Inter-Governmental Agency for Development (IGAD) have failed.

The last round of talks collapsed this March in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, and fighting resumed.

As early as May, the rebels announced they had taken control of the country’s main oil fields after defeating government forces in Upper Nile. With some oil fields under their control, the rebels are in position to wait out the Juba establishment, which now finds itself short on revenue given that oil production has been slashed.

Before the war, oil revenue accounted for 98 percent of the country’s budget. The war has meant that oil production has been cut by up to 60 percent.

The Juba establishment expected the UPDF to protect the oil fields. However, while still close to the country’s leadership, President Museveni, who was in the capital as South Sudan celebrated its independence anniversary on July 9, seems to have bought into the view that Uganda should only stop at taking care of its interests.

President Museveni has explained that one of these interests is that South Sudan is Uganda’s biggest regional market. He has also said that Uganda had to intervene to prevent a blood bath and a refugee crisis in the northern part of Uganda. The other issue is that a crisis in South Sudan can offer Joseph Kony and his Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) an opportunity to re-emerge as a serious security threat.

From Uganda’s position therefore, the presence of UPDF in the country seems to serve these interests.

Power hungry leaders

Kiir, however, is keen to flush out the rebels because they are a constant reminder that his power is threatened. That is why even his speech on July 9, in which he called on South Sudanese to join hands with him to stop “this senseless war and work for peace, reconciliation and reconstruction of our country," was seen as mere lip service.

He said he had worked tirelessly to end the fighting and the suffering of the people but many critics say he and Machar have sustained the fighting for selfish reasons—mainly hunger for power.

“Only leaders on both sides can end this violence,” the U.S. National Security Advisor Susan Rice said in a video message to mark the country’s independence. “Yet, President Kiir and Riek Machar would rather haggle over personal power and wealth than agree on solutions”.

The U.S. Ambassador to the UN, Samantha Power, also made the same point that day when she said that while the people of South Sudan want peace and stability, they have leaders who are more interested in their own personal fortunes than the welfare of their people.

The Intergovernmental Authority for Development (IGAD), which brings together six East Africa region countries including South Sudan, and has been the main arbiter, has called on Kiir and Machar to show leadership and demonstrate to the world that they can restore peace in South Sudan. Its officials remain hopeful that the much needed stability can return.http://www.independent.co.ug/cover-story/10458-mercenaries-for-south-sudan-war#sthash.6smGKJ9H.dpuf

But Kiir does not seem very amused with that talk. He has said that while his government is committed to resolving the conflict under IGAD mediation, “the end result must be peace that is not imposed on them by others in order to divide us”.

Machar is also not relenting. Just days to the country’s independence celebrations, the rebel leader told reporters in the Kenyan capital that the civil war will continue as long as President Kiir remains in power.

“We don’t feel like we have a peace partner with Salva Kiir,” Machar said. Yet a day before, he had told Al Jazeera that he wanted a power sharing deal with Kiir.

South Sudan’s parliament voted in March to extend Kiir’s mandate by three years, essentially ruling out plans for elections previously planned to take place this year. But Machar says that his fighters do not recognise this and that Kiir’s government is now unconstitutional.

Since the last round of talks collapsed in March, IGAD has proposed bringing more mediators into the talks, including the United Nations, United States, China and the African Union.

But with talk of training fighters, it seems Kiir and Machar are still far from reconciliation.