Americans don’t hate Ugandan Muslims - US amba-ssador defends his country's historical record:



US ambassador

US ambassador, Mr Scott Delisi,  


By Abubaker Kirunda


Posted  Saturday, February 14  2015 


MAYUGE- The US Ambassador, Mr Scott DeLisi, has said American citizens do not harbour any hatred or ill will towards Muslims.

“There is a fast growing population of Muslims in America of over seven million people and 1,500 mosques implying that rumours of hatred are not true,” Mr DeLisi said.

Mr DeLisi made the remarks in Mayuge District on Tuesday during the launch of the Uganda Muslim America Skill Friendship Training Centre, which is run and funded by the Muslim Centre for Justice and Law in partnership with American Embassy.

Strong ties

The diplomat also described as wrong a perception that ties between USA and Muslims are weak. He said the fact that USA has always supported development projects run by Muslims is testimony that America has strong ties with Muslim communities.

According to the President of the Muslim Centre for Justice and Law, Mr Jaffer Ssenganda, the facility helps to provide youth with free training in, among others, Information Communication Technology, catering, tailoring, crafts’ making and other practical survival skills.

The Mayuge Resident District Commissioner, Mr Badru Ssebyala, commended the directors of the centre for coming up with such programmes, saying they will contribute towards stabilising the country by fighting unemployment, which he said is usually a cause of unrest in most African nations.





The Democratic Republic of Congo by its President has called over the United States military to assist to cool down a political rebellion of ADF in his country:

In the meantime the USA military has given up its adventures of 20 years in Afaghanistan in Central Asia leaving the country in a mess:



Written by VOA


FILE - Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (FARDC) soldiers rest next to a road after Islamist rebel group Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) attacked an area around Mukoko village, North Kivu province, DRC, Dec. 11, 2018


Democratic Republic of Congo President Felix Tshisekedi on Sunday authorized US special forces to help the Congolese army fight the Allied Democratic Forces, an armed group linked to the Islamic State.

The ADF, which the United States has deemed a terrorist group, is considered the deadliest of scores of armed militias that roam the mineral-rich eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).

The Catholic Church in the country says the ADF has killed about 6,000 civilians since 2013, while a respected US-based monitor, the Kivu Security Tracker (KST), blames it for more than 1,200 deaths in the Beni area alone since 2017.

"President Felix Tshisekedi authorized the deployment of American anti-terrorism experts in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo," said a statement from the presidency.

The US forces will boost the Congolese army's fight against ADF in the national parks of Virunga and Garamba, it added. The mission will last several weeks and is specifically directed against the ADF.

US ambassador Mike Hammer, who presented the team to Tshisekedi, said that their presence was part of a partnership agreed between the two countries in 2019, according to the presidency's statement.

In March, the US State Department said the ADF is notorious across the region for its "brutal violence against Congolese citizens and regional military forces." The U. has sanctioned alleged leader Seka Musa Baluku and said IS has acknowledged the ADF as an affiliate since 2019.

Congolese authorities' crackdown against ADF has included a "state of siege" in which members of the security forces have replaced top officials in North Kivu and neighbouring Ituri province.


This is what most observers call the American adventures as the policeman of the planet earth. But it was the elders of America who emphasised the USA policy of fighting and policing the world for Uncle Sam's American economic interests.

One wonders why the Russians and Chinese do not have such military ambitions.

If this Congo President called in the Chinese and Russians to come over in the country and help out, the whole Western world would scream their heads off.






The American citizens have decided to vacate the African country of Uganda for fear of election violence in that country:


By World media


22 February, 2021





In Uganda, President Museveni's Government is on USA international watch over encouraging African political tyranny on the continent:

Written by Joseph Bahingwire


The US recently imposed sanctions against Kale Kayihura

The US recently imposed sanctions against this Afrcan Military General, Kale Kayihura


Months or probably years before they decided to pounce on General Kale Kayihura and family, USA authorities had long been closely watching key government officials they deemed corrupt and perennial abusers of human rights.

For now, the focus of USA sanctions may be on former police chief Kale Kayihura but impeccable sources contend that the net is wider and may include several high-ranking security officers and ministers, 

So, why did the USA decide to go hard on Kayihura first?

The USA watch-list of potential inductees in Uganda includes several senior officers in police and security agencies and, some cabinet ministers, The Observer has learnt. This comes in the wake of a September 13 statement by the USA Treasury department, which announced that Kayihura had been targeted due to his involvement in gross violations of human rights when he was inspector general of police.

Through the Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC), the sanctions bar Kayihura and his family from travelling to the USA on top of seizing any assets he may have there. On Monday, Nicholas Opiyo, a human rights lawyer, noted, “Kayihura is now an OFAC-designated individual who cannot carry out any transaction with global financial systems. If any institution transacts with him or his designated associates, they potentially face consequences. Bankers will know the impact of OFAC listing.”


Sources privy to the matter who spoke to The Observer on condition of anonymity due to the sensitivity of the issue said the sanctions may have far-reaching effects on Uganda’s ruling class and their families.

“Ordinarily, the USA does not communicate its investigations, findings or sanctions to individuals on their watch-list but it is until such a person attempts to travel there or tries to transfer money from the USA,” a source familiar with such investigations said.

“Kayihura’s situation is not an isolated case to key players in the state because he is not the first to suffer the setback. He [Kayihura] may have attempted to move dollars when the US treasury department struck,” the source added.

Beyond human rights abuses that Kayihura is accused of, the source adds that the USA is keenly monitoring several individuals accused of involvement in what is termed as illicit financial flows (IFFs).

Such IFFs included illegal exploitation of mineral resources, drug and wildlife trafficking as well as corruption. The timing of Kayihura’s sanctions, according to some observers, is to warn the ruling class in the country to watch their actions.

“The US normally sends signals through individual reprimands before going for the big fish,” said a source.

Back in 2013, the USA blacklisted several police officers for their involvement in unleashing terror on demonstrators [See: Officers denied US training for their role in quelling ‘walk-to-work’ riots, The Observer December 4, 2013].

Then, the police authorities were kept in the dark until several officers nominated to attend a US-sponsored training course were denied visas. The officers included Grace Turyagumanawe, Laban Muhabwe and Joel Aguma. 


In April 2014, the USA slapped sanctions on the late Andrew Felix Kaweesi while he was the Kampala Metropolitan Police commander. Yet again, Kaweesi wasn’t informed about the ban until he was due to attend the course at the Federal Bureau of Investigations (FBI) junior academy in the USA.

In June later that year, the USA cancelled a regional military exercise with Uganda on top of reducing funding for Uganda’s police force. Tellingly, the statement from the US State Department warned that it had imposed travel bans on unnamed Ugandan officials involved in serious human rights abuses and gross public corruption.

Then in May 2016, it emerged that deputy IGP Maj Gen Sabiti Muzeyi, then deputy commander of the Special Forces Command (SFC), had been denied a visa to travel to the USA for a military course. The following year, Gen Peter Elwelu was the USA target after he was stopped from travelling to a USA-sponsored African Land Forces Summit in Malawi.

Elwelu’s blockage followed the army’s ferocious attack on the Rwenzururu king’s place in Kasese, which left more than 100 people dead. Last week, President Museveni responded for the first time to the USA sanctions on Kayihura. He said no Ugandan will ever be handed over to any foreign powers or authorities for trial.

“For Kale and any other Ugandan suspected to have made mistakes, they will be handled in Uganda. That’s why we shall never hand any Ugandan to, for instance, the court in The Hague (ICC). Kale is already facing whatever mistakes he is suspected to have committed in our courts. What value addition is, then there from external actors? In cooperation for instance, defence matters, some of the Western countries tried to tell us which soldiers should not be selected for training in their countries and we rejected that position by stopping all training in those countries,” President Museveni noted.

Nicholas Opiyo notes that the president failed to address the gist of Kayihura’s sanctions. “The Museveni statement on the US sanction of former police chief is deliberating obfuscating, even conflating, two unrelated things - the sanctions and criminal or other trials before international tribunals. The two are not related in any way or manner,” he noted on Twitter.

“There are personal impacts of this citation but the broader message is, especially to those in office, when you violate human rights, you will be pursued here or abroad, now or in the future. Regime protection is only temporary. Your journey to the list of the condemned will have started.”

Meanwhile, a well-placed source in the ministry of Foreign Affairs who preferred anonymity told The Observer that matters have not been helped by President Museveni’s recent shift towards China and the Koreans, who of late have been providing military drills for the police and UPDF.

“The economy is also becoming more reliant on Chinese technology and manpower and this will not please the USA at all,” he said.

For now, Kayihura’s sanctions are said to have a ripple effect amongst top government officials, many of whom see themselves as potential candidates to be sanctioned.






Omubaka wa Amerika mu Uganda asabye abakyala baweebwe ebifo eby’enkizo:

By Musasi wa Bukedde


Added 9th July 2019


OMUBAKA wa Amerika mu Uganda Deborah R. Malac agambye nti abakyala balina okwongera okuweebwa ebifo eby’enkizo mu bukulembeze kiyambe okutumbula obusobozi obuli mu bakyala obutera okutuulirwa.


Wano 703x422

Katikkiro wa Uganda, Ruhakana Rugunda n’omubaka wa Amerika mu Uganda, Deborah R Malac.


Yagambye nti mu Amerika kino bakifubyeko era kye batannatuukako kiri kimu kya kulonda pulezidenti omukazi atuule mu White House akulembere Amerika; era nti balina essuubi okukituukako n’akubiriza Bannayuganda okwongera okuwa abakyala omukisa mu by’obukulembeze.


Malac yagambye nti omusingi gwa demokulasiya omugumu guzimbirwa ku ndowooza nga bannansi bonna baweebwa omukisa okusalawo ku biseera by’eggwanga lyabwe eby’omu maaso so ssi kwogera bwogezi ku ngeri gye balina okufugibwamu.

Yabadde ayogera ku lunaku lw’okukuza ameefuga ga Amerika ag’omulundi ogwa 243 ku mukolo ogwabadde e Kololo ku Lwokusatu lwa wiiki ewedde.


Baalukulizza ku mubala ogugamba nti ‘Emyaka 100 ng’abakyala beenyumiriza mu demokulasiya nga balaga obuvumu ne bye bafunye okuva mu kwegatta kw’abatuuze abaagala okuggusa ensonga.

Katikkiro wa Uganda, Dr. Ruhakana Rugunda yabaddeyo ku mukolo n’ategeeza nti Uganda nneetegefu okutumbula n’okunyweza eddembe ly’abakyala.

Yasiimye obuyambi Amerika bw’ewa Uganda okusobola okutuukiriza enteekateeka ezo wamu n’obuyambi Amerika bw’ewa Uganda okusobola okukuuma emirembe n’obutebenkevu munda mu Uganda ne mu mawanga agatwetoolodde nga bwekiri mu nteekateeka ya AMISOM.

Rugunda yagambye nti enteekateeka y’okukuuma obutebenkevu ejja kuyambako nnyo okukendeeza omuwendo gw’abanoonya obubudamu ababadde beeyiwa mu Uganda kubanga ewaabwe bwe watebenkera tebabeera na nsonga ebasindiikiriza kuddukira mu mawanga ga muliraano.

Malac yawadde eky’okulabirako ky’omukyala Susan B. Anthony eyatandika kaweefube w’okulwanirira eddembe ly’abakyala ne yeenyigira mu kukuba akalulu mu 1872 ne bamukwata ne bamuggalira mu kkomera kubanga abakyala baali tebakkirizibwa kwenyigira mu kukuba kalulu.

Baamusimba mu kkooti ne bamuvunaana ne bamulagira okuwa engassi ya doola 100 n’agaana okuzisasula.

Yagambye nti okunyigirizibwa n’okutuntuzibwa omukyala oyo kwe yayitamu, abantu bonna kwe beeyagaliramu ekiseera kino. Wano Amerika weesinziira okuwagira emirimu egy’enjawulo egikolebwa abakyala okubayamba okumalawo okusosolebwa okusinziira ku kikula ky’omuntu.

Wabula yennyamidde olw’okusomoozebwa okuliwo okulaba ng’abakyala balemesebwa okwenyigira mu nsonga olw’ekikula kyabwe sso ng’okunoonyereza kulaga nti abatuusibwako okunyigirizibwa okwokusosolebwa olw’ekikula kyabwe.

Yayongeddeko nto olw’okubeera ng’abakyala bakkirizibwa okwenyigira mu buli nsonga kyekiyambye ennyo Amerika okutuuka ku nkulaakulana.

Yawadde eky’okulabirako nti mu palamenti ya Amerika (Congress) mulimu ababaka abakyala 127 omuwendo gwe babadde tebabeerangako mu byafaayo era kuno kuliko n’omubaka omukyala nga musiraamu asoose mu byafaayo bya Amerika ate nga yaasinga obuto ku babaka abaliyo.

Wano weyasinzidde n’ategeeza nti Amerika ky’eva eteekayo obuyambi obw’enjawulo okulwanyisa endwadde ng’akawuka akaleeta mukenenya, okukendeeza omuwendo gw’abakyala abafiira mu ssanya, okutumbula eby’enjigiriza n’ebitone kubanga bakizudde nga mu Uganda waliwo abakyala bangi abakyali mu myaka emito nga basobola bulungi okukola okukyusa obulamu obwabwe n’obwabalala.


Alimba. President omukyala bwafuga North America abasajja aja kubajjako okumala gakwaata emundu ate ne dollar agigaane okukozesebwa mubusuubuzi bwensi yonna! Era omukyala nga President wa America okukola bino tamalako myezi 7 nga essasi terimunoze! Muleke okubiyita wano mu Amerika nti okufuga ensi yonna kusaaga nga wano Uganda bwesaaga enkya ne ggulo.






How a dream trip for an American lady tourist became a nightmare in Uganda:

April 12, 2019

Written by The Observer Team


It was Kimberly Sue Endicott’s dream to go on an excursion to see gorillas in their natural habitat. (Left is one of the national park attendant).


That dream looked more like a nightmare last week when the California woman and her tour guide were kidnapped in Queen Elizabeth national park, taken by gunmen who later used their hostages’ cell phones to issue ransom demands. But the ordeal ended Sunday when Ugandan security forces rescued Endicott and her Ugandan guide, Jean Paul Mirenge.

They were freed unharmed from the Democratic Republic of the Congo, which borders the Queen Elizabeth national park in Kasese district. Four other people taken at the same time were previously released, officials said.

Endicott is from Orange county and lives in Costa Mesa, working as an aesthetician there. Endicott’s friends told US media that she had been enthusiastic about her trip to Uganda.

One – neighbor Pascale Douglas – said that hearing the news that her friend had been abducted was like a “punch in the gut”.

“She had mentioned when I met her one of her big dreams was to go see the gorillas,” Douglas said.

The world’s last mountain gorillas living in their natural habitat are only found in Uganda’s Bwindi Impenetrable Forest national park, Rwanda and DR Congo.

“At the time she asked me if it was something I would consider doing also, but time went by and she ended up going on her trip.” 

Friends were elated at the news of Endicott’s release, said Andrea Glasgow, who worked with Endicott at Platino Salon and Suites.

“Everyone was overjoyed that she was returned safely and that no harm came to her,” Glasgow said. “Everyone was very concerned at our work for her safety.”

Sandy Benton, who said she was formerly Endicott’s hairdresser and has known her for eight years, was “very happy” she was rescued. 

“I can’t imagine what she is going through. I hope she is coming home soon,” Benton said. “She has a love for animals. She has always been like that.” 

Freddie Medina and Shawn O’Hearn work at an advertising design company a couple doors down from Endicott’s office. 

“We are relieved she is safe,” O’Hearn said. 

“It’s crazy,” said Medina. “You just don’t think this would happen to someone so close to you.”

Ugandan police said Thursday that an armed gang had kidnapped Endicott and her guide, and made frequent demands for a ransom of $500,000 using their victims’ cell phones. Police had said they would not offer the money. Ugandan security forces eventually rescued Endicott and the guide, although officials released few details about how the rescue unfolded.

“Both were rescued from the Democratic Republic of the Congo and are safely back in Kanungu district in Uganda,” government spokesman Ofwono Opondo said Sunday. 

Endicott arrived in the Ugandan capital of Kampala on Monday. Mike Rourke, the manager of Wild Frontiers Uganda, told CNN that Endicott was in the custody of personnel from the US embassy.

Wild Frontiers is the tour company Endicott was with when she and her tour guide were kidnapped. Opondo said the kidnappers fled the scene of the rescue when law enforcement officers and soldiers moved in.

A US defense official told CNN that the US military had provided support to Ugandan security forces. The support included intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance assets and liaison officers, the official said.

Uganda’s minister for Tourism Ephraim Kamuntu said in a televised address Sunday that authorities had been “under pressure” over the abduction. “We can now put the anxiety to rest,” he added.

Kamuntu praised communities near the park where Endicott was taken, saying: “The media and the communities surrounding the national park were cooperative and sympathetic. They helped the security operatives in rescuing the abducted tourist and driver.”

‘A quiet and peaceful’ handover

A ransom was paid to free Endicott and Mirenge, a source with knowledge of the exchange told CNN on Sunday. The handover was “quiet and peaceful,” the source said. 

Wild Frontiers said it is “extremely relieved” to confirm the release of the two unharmed and thanked Ugandan and US authorities for their help, which involved a “negotiated handover, conducted between the Ugandan and US authorities.”

“We also are working with the investigating authorities to ascertain precisely what happened and how this can be prevented in the future,” the company said.

Wild Frontiers said the identities of the alleged kidnappers have not been revealed. 

A CNN report, with slight edits.


“The media and the communities surrounding the national park were cooperative and sympathetic. They helped the security operatives in rescuing the abducted tourist and driver.” 

These are the communities who are lucky enough to be near these incredible wild life. But everyday, they suffer when wild life destroys their crops. 

What do they think when they see that this government with the USA have paid so much money to a single kidnap. 

So now how much worth are these African wildlife animals to the international community. There is talk about removing these African communities from these expensive wild life national parks.
An example of the suffering of these communities living near these expensive African wildlife national parks is of recent. "KASESE - Residents of Kasenyi fishing village at Queen Elizabeth national park are grieving after a leopard attacked and killed a one and a half year-old baby at Kasenyi landing site, Wednesday evening".

The United States envoy in Uganda is turning around against the government of Uganda over human rights violation:


The USA Ambassador M/s Deborah Malac in Uganda

December 11, 2018

Written by Baker Batte 

Deborah Malac, the US ambassador to Uganda, says government must do more to protect people’s rights that are increasingly under attack.

She was speaking at a panel discussion to mark the 70th anniversary of the Universals Declaration of Human Rights organised by USAID and Freedom House. Malac says it is absurd that countries like Uganda ignore certain rights of citizens.

“These rights are universal and not rights that people can pick and choose. These are really fundamental rights that should apply to each and every individual. Every individual should live free from the fear of violence and intimidation,” Malac notes.

She adds that although Uganda has registered significant success in achieving some of the individual and collective rights of her people, a lot needs to be done.

“We have to continue to work towards achieving those ideals to realise those basic rights for everyone.”

Meanwhile, Supreme court Justice Lillian Tibatemwa Ekirikubinza said there has been too much talk about gender-based violence but there has been little reflection and action towards addressing it.

“Gender-based violence is part and parcel of our societies and we need to think and reflect as individuals because these are individual actions. When we reflect as individuals we shall be able to change as a society,” Ekirikubinza said.

Solome Nakaweesa Kimbugwe, a human rights activist, noted that it is high time for the public to focus more on abuses against the weakest of the minorities.

“Even among the marginalised groups, there are most vulnerable ones... for example, among people with disabilities, we have children and women who need special care. Everybody must talk about human rights violations because it affects everybody,” Nakaweesa said.

Meanwhile, Care International Uganda (CIU) also called on government and all stakeholders to increase the fight against gender-based violence that mainly target women at the workplaces. Cinderella Anena, the CIU male engagement specialist, says there is need for policy strengthening to curb the vice.

“CIU is calling for an end to one of the most widespread forms of abuse against women, violence and harassment in the world of work,” Anena said.

She added that her organisation has launched a twitter campaign dubbed, ‘Heremetoo UG Twitter Town Hall’ with the aim bringing together local, national regional and global women’s movements, survivors, advocates and women human rights defenders to create an opportunity for dialogue between activists, policy makers and the public.

“This online event allows the participation of many people who may not be able to attend a traditional physical meeting,” Anena said.

Janapher Taaka, the CIU sexual exploitation and abuse focal point officer, said there is need to speak out against violence openly.

“While sex underpins the relationship between man and woman; many times it is unwanted, especially when power relations come into play. When sex is between a manager and a supervisee, it doesn’t matter whether there was consent, most times the power dynamics dictate that the weaker person has no total consent and this can perfectly be described as sexual violence,” Taaka said.

Delphine Mugisha, the CIU director of programs, added that often time people don’t want to talk about sexual violence because in many communities, sex is considered a private affair. She said there is need for parliament to come up with law as that compels all organizations that employ people to have policies that deal with gender-based violence.


One hopes this is a lady from America that is speaking the truth of the matter. Of recent, her very government was saying the same thing as President Museveni against the work of the ICC and how this international court must be dismissed from representing its members that are suffering injustice. Saudi Arabia is bombing Yemen  citizens with USA made bombs every other day. To cut the story short, technology is coming out all the way to question the real meaning of a worker's human rights at the place of work as robots take over much of what humans do to earn a living.






Munnamawulire agambibwa okuttibwa atabudde Saud Arabia ne America!

By Musasi wa Bukedde


Added 15th October 2018


Munnamawulire agambibwa okuttibwa atabudde Saud Arabia ne America!


Muk1 703x422

Jamal Khashoggi.


EMBEERA wakati wa Saudi Arabia ne Amerika eyongedde okusajjuka, Donald Trump bw’alangiridde nti agenda kubonereza Saudi Arabia mu ngeri ey’obukambwe bw’akakasa nti be basse munnawulire.


Kiddiridde amagye ga Turkey okufulumya kye gaayise obukakafu obuluma Saudi Arabia nti ye yasse Jamal Khashoggi. Jamal abadde akolera olupapula olw’amaanyi mu Amerika oluyitibwa The Washington Post, naye nga kukolokota Saudi Arabia n’abakulembeze baayo yeekansa.

Olw’okukolokota ennyo Obwakabaka bwa Saudi Arabia n’Abalangira baayo, baali baamwegezaamu okumutta n’addukayo era abadde emirimu gye agikola asinziira mu Amerika, Turkey n’amawanga amalala.


Okumutta kigambibwa nti baamusindikidde bakomando b’eggye lya Saudi Arabia 15. Kigambibwa Bakomando bano babadde bamaze okufuna amawulire nti Jamal ali Turkey ng’alina n’entegeka eziyitirako ku kitebe kya Saudi Arabia mu Turkey ekiri mu kibuga Instabul. Yabadde akimyeyo mpapula zimukkiriza kuwasa kabiite we ayitibwa Cengiz mu bufumbo obutukuvu ne bamuteega.

Akatambi amagye ga Turkey ge kaafulumizza kalaga Jamal ng’ayingira ku kitebe kino naye okuva lwe yayingirayo ku Lwokubiri nga October 2, 2018, taddangamu kulabikako.

ABAAMUSSE YABAKUTTE KU KATAMBI Amagye ga Turkey gaategeezezza nti galina amaloboozi n’ebifaananyi ebitambula (vidiyo) nga biraga bakomando ba Saudi Arabia 15 nga batulugunya Jamal okutuusa lwe yaweddemu amaanyi ne bamukuba amasasi agatavaamu maloboozi agaamusse.

Ekyewuunyisa, obwedda Jamal bamutulugunya ng’abakwata ku katambi ng’akozesa essaawa ye ekika kya APPLE gye yabadde asibye ku mukono. Olupapula lw’amawulire ofulumira mu Turkey olwa ‘Sabah’ lwategeezezza nti obwedda ebikwatibwa essaawa ye bisindikibwa butereevu ku ssimu ze ez’ekika kya IPHONE ne I CLOUD.

Nti Jamal kino yakikoze akigenderedde ng’amanyi bayinza okumutta naye nga mumalirivu nti bwe bamutta bajja kuba bamwettidde! Bwe kiba nga kituufu Saudi Arabira ye yasse Jamal, ate nga ddala kituufu yafudde, ejja kuba yamwettidde oluvannyuma lw’amawanga gakirimaanyi okugisitukiramu ennyonnyole oba si ekyo erindirire ebiddako.

Nga Trump amaze okukambuwalira Saudi Arabia, Bungereza ne Amerika zimaze okusazaamu olukuhhaana olubadde lutegekeddwa Kabaka wa Saudi Arabia Mohamed bin Salman. Olukuhhaana luno olubadde lutuumiddwa ‘Davos in the Desert’ lubadde lwakubaawo ku nkomerero ya mwezi guno. Abakungu okuva mu Amerika, Bungereza n’abalanzi bonna baaluvuddemu okutuusa nga Saudi Arabia ennyonnyodde Jamal gy’ali n’ebyamutuuseeko.


Bunanfunsi bwa America nensi zeyagala enyo okufuga. Buli lunnaku lwa kutaano kakati emyaka mingi nyo ddala nga Saudi Arabia efugibwa Abawalabu abeddiini elya ba Suuni, ebadde etemako emitwe gyabazizza emisango munsi eyo. Nga yo ensi eno America eyongera kuguza byakulwanyisa ensi ya Saudi Arabia bakole entalo nga bo bwebagala. Jo juuzi America yeganye ne court enkulu ewozesa abayekera abefuga obufuzi ebiro bino nebatta abantu ekirindi.






The United States of America Turns a Blind Eye to Uganda’s Assault on Democracy:


It is more like a love affair

For decades, dictator Yoweri Museveni has been a stalwart ally of the

US military, while oppressing his own people:



22 July, 2018

By Helen C. Epstein

An activist opposed to the extension of presidential age limits is arrested and carried off by police, near Parliament in Kampala, Uganda on Sept. 21, 2017. (AP Photo / Ronald Kabuubi). One September evening last year, a visitor stopped by the office of 48-year-old Ugandan parliamentarian Betty Nambooze. The man was a ruling-party politician. Nambooze belongs to the opposition, but they were friendly nevertheless. After a few pleasantries, the visitor informed Nambooze that he had just come from a meeting at which government operatives discussed plans to physically harm her. Don’t attend Parliament this week, she said he warned her. “They are going to break your back.”

Few Americans know much about Uganda, but it is almost certainly America’s closest military ally in Africa. For years, its army has served as a proxy force for the US War on Terror in Eastern and Central Africa. During the 1990s, the Ugandan military, with US support, fought dirty wars in Sudan, Rwanda, and Congo in order to ensure Central Africa’s estimated $24 trillion in coltan, uranium, gold, and other mineral riches remained in the West’s sphere of
influence. Today, more than 6,000 US-supported Ugandan troops are battling the Islamist group Al Shabaab in Somalia and thousands more serve as guards in Iraq. President Donald Trump’s Arab allies are now reportedly negotiating the recruitment of thousands of Ugandans to join the ghastly quagmire in Yemen.

In exchange for Uganda’s military favors, Washington has long turned a blind eye to grave human-rights abuses committed by its leader Yoweri Museveni—who has held power for 32 years through brute force, election rigging, and corruption. But with Museveni’s most recent attacks on opposition figures, the United States is now ignoring one of the most evil and blatant recent assaults on democracy anywhere in the world.

In February 2016, Museveni was declared winner of Uganda’s seventh presidential election. The poll had been marred, like others, by police raids on opposition rallies, the arrest of opposition candidates, the killing of unarmed opposition supporters, and electoral fraud. At the time, Uganda’s Constitution limited the age of presidential candidates to 75, making Museveni, who claims to be 73, ineligible to run in the next election, scheduled for 2021. However, during the summer of 2017, a back-bencher from Museveni’s party named Raphael Magyezi began drafting a bill to remove the age limit from the Constitution. If passed, it would enable Museveni to rule indefinitely. Reputable polls found some 80 percent of Ugandans opposed lifting the age limit, but all Museveni needed was the support of a two-thirds majority of Uganda’s 427 MPs.

Museveni’s political machine runs on a war chest of hundreds of millions of dollars, much of it stolen from the Treasury and foreign-aid programs. This ensures his party has a comfortable parliamentary majority, so that if Magyezi’s bill were to be voted on, it would surely pass. Nevertheless, MPs like Nambooze who opposed the amendment were emboldened by the knowledge that Uganda’s people were behind them and launched a campaign to block it.

Known as Togikwatako, or “Don’t touch it!”—a common parental warning to Ugandan children—the campaign organized demonstrations against the age-limit amendment around the country. Museveni’s forces responded by shooting student demonstrators and arresting activists passing out Togikwatako leaflets and MPs making Togikwatako speeches.

On September 19, the day Magyezi’s bill was to be introduced, tanks were deployed around Parliament and police carrying military-grade weapons closed off surrounding streets to prevent demonstrations. But as soon as the session was called to order, Togikwatako MPs donned red headbands—the symbol of their campaign—and began trying to filibuster the bill by singing Uganda’s national anthem over and over while waving copies of the Constitution. Uganda’s formidable Parliamentary Speaker Rebecca Kadaga, in black robes and white-horsehair judicial wig glared down at them from the dais and closed the session without introducing Magyezi’s bill. Afterward, the Togikwatako MPS danced and sang in the hallways, punching their fists in the air in triumph.

Nambooze received the “they will break your back” threat from her colleague the following Monday. Since joining politics in 2000, she’d been arrested numerous times and even breastfed two of her children in jail. Though worried, she attended the sitting the next day anyway.

The filibuster stunts resumed under Speaker Kadaga’s expressionless gaze. At one point, a scuffle broke out when Museveni loyalist Ronald Kibuule brandished a gun at Togikwatako MP Ibrahim Ssemujju Nganda, and, according to Ssemujju, told him to prepare for a bullet in his nervous system. Again the session ended without the introduction of Magyezi’s bill.

That night, operatives from Museveni’s elite special forces snuck into Parliament, checking the routes in and out of the central chamber and identifying the locations of security cameras. Speaker Kadaga opened Parliament the following afternoon by announcing the suspension of 25 mostly Togikwatako MPs, including Nambooze. Kadaga then departed the chamber as dozens of operatives in business attire streamed in via Museveni’s private entrance and began violently arresting the MPs Kadaga had named. Images of what looked like MPs throwing chairs, fencing with microphone stands, pirouetting on tables, and waving the Ugandan flag like toreadors were broadcast on the Internet and even evoked merriment on Trevor Noah’s The Daily Show.

But off camera, something horrible was happening. While attempting to assist a fellow MP who had been slugged by an army officer, Nambooze found herself face to face with about six of the burly intruders. They led her to a small room without security cameras where two of them grabbed her from behind and began squeezing her shoulders and arms together. Then one of them shoved a knee into her back, and Nambooze felt something break. The pain was so intense, she thought she might die. Her assailants were dressed like women, but she told a local reporter that she had her doubts: “I could not see them, because they held me from behind but the hands were so hairy and I doubt that they were actually women.”

Nambooze was rescued when a female member of the Parliamentary police force that routinely patrols the building burst in. “Why are you killing Hon Nambooze?” she recalled the officer shouting. Her tormentors released her, but she was no longer able to stand unaided and fell to the ground. In November she was flown to India where surgeons performed a six-hour operation in which metal implants were inserted in her spine so she could walk again.

After the raid, attendance at Parliament dwindled and the filibusters ceased. But Togikwatako demonstrations continued around the country, and in October, police shot dead three unarmed demonstrators. Several NGOs that had been supporting community education about the age-limit amendment were shut down by the police, and explosives were thrown at the homes of some Togikwatako MPs. The presidential-age-limit amendment passed on December 20, 2017.

Early in the New Year, Nambooze’s health began deteriorating, and by spring the pain had become unbearable. She arranged to travel to India to consult her surgeon, planning to fly out on June 15. But on June 8, masked men on motorcycles gunned down Ibrahim Abiriga, a ruling-party MP whom Nambooze had once teased for always wearing yellow—signifying his loyalty to Museveni. Such drive-by motorcycle murders have become increasingly frequent in Uganda; a police commander, a senior prosecutor, several Muslim sheiks, and many others have been killed in this way in recent years. While Abiriga’s killers are not known, his constituents rioted before his burial, shouting, “We don’t want yellow!” and blamed the government for his death.

In a Facebook message of condolence to Abiriga’s family, Nambooze wrote, “Uganda will be better not through elimination of those we don’t agree with, but because of our effort to put up systems that will work for us all irrespective of our political beliefs. Every life must be respected and every murder must be condemned.” Her message also lamented that Abiriga had allowed himself to become a “loud speaker” for Museveni and his henchmen—“who have chosen to love power more than the future of our Uganda”—a sentiment shared by thousands of Ugandans on Twitter.

Three days later, Nambooze was arrested on charges of “offensive communication,” in connection with the Facebook post. She paid bail and was released, but during a budget speech the next day, Museveni announced that bail for murder suspects would be scrapped. Nambooze was immediately rearrested, and for two days she lay in a bare jail cell on a wooden bench, unable to sit up or stand. She was then taken to a hospital, but on the way a police vehicle rammed into the ambulance, further damaging her spine and severely injuring her knee. While it’s impossible to prove, Nambooze suspects the collision was deliberate and intended to further physically traumatize her. Doctors later determined that one of the metal screws implanted in her back
had been dislodged and was pressing on a major nerve. Demonstrations broke out around the country, and she was finally released on bond and flown to India for another round of surgery on July 4.

In recent years, Uganda’s security forces have manipulated elections, tortured nonviolent political activists, and shot dead roughly 100 unarmed people—including 14 children in a traditional palace in western Uganda. Government security forces have also thrown countless peasants off their land to make way for politically connected investors such as Total, which is constructing an oil pipeline, and General Electric, which is building a refinery in western Uganda

As Uganda’s largest foreign-aid donor—with over $500 million in grants per year, plus an unknown amount of classified military aid—the US government has the leverage to rein Museveni in. Much of our aid pays for medical and other humanitarian projects, which should continue, but US tax dollars also flow through the World Bank directly into Uganda’s treasury, where much of it is looted to fund Museveni’s repression.

Suspending aid to Museveni might also help quell tensions in Uganda’s war-torn neighborhood. For far too long, gullible US national-security officials have relied on Museveni to interpret Central Africa’s complex regional conflicts, including the wars in South Sudan and Congo, even as Museveni himself has exacerbated those conflicts by arming one side or the other, while pretending to be a peacemaker. Uganda-backed rebel groups now appear to be emerging in Burundi and Congo, and Uganda may soon be embroiled in a new war—this time with Rwanda.

State Department insiders have told me that if we didn’t support Museveni, China would. China’s interests in Africa, however, are primarily economic, not military, and war—Museveni’s specialty—is generally bad for business. In any case, the United States has historically supplied far more weapons to African dictators than China has. And even if we did pull out and the Chinese propped up Museveni instead, at least our tax dollars wouldn’t be funding his oppression
and mayhem.

Cynical Ugandans have taken to calling Museveni the Nyampala—after the brutal headmen who did the dirty work of conquest and subjugation during colonial rule, while British administrators looked the other way. The most recent US State Department annual human-rights report on Uganda mentions neither the Parliament raid, nor Nambooze’s injuries. In a statement days after Museveni’s troops raided Parliament, US Ambassador to Uganda Deborah Malac expressed concern about the “rough treatment” of some legislators and urged “both sides to refrain from violence,” even though all the violence had been committed by the government. In early June, Malac toured a Ugandan army base, where she inspected Washington’s latest $270 million donation of heavy military equipment. She’s seen in a newspaper photo gazing through dark glasses at a tank that looks just like the ones deployed in front of Parliament while Nambooze was being tortured.

Helen C. Epstein teaches at Bard College and is the author of Another Fine Mess:

America, Uganda and the War on Terror.






In Uganda, the depreciation of the shilling is not going to go away soon:

There are always winners and losers anyway:

June 30, 2018

Written by Alon Mwesigwa


The Uganda shilling has had it rough times in the past four months, losing at least Shs 300 against the dollar, reaching an all-time low last week.



The Uganda shilling traded at Shs 3,900 against the dollar last Friday, the lowest level ever before Bank of Uganda intervened selling dollars to bring it back to the Shs 3,870 range.

But according to several commentators, the central bank’s intervention will only give the currency temporary relief and that it may weaken further, reaching Shs 4,000 before the year ends. On Monday, it traded at Shs 3,868/3,878 a pair against the dollar.

“The current budget seemingly has a high capital expenditure expected in foreign currency. If this impacts on the current account deficit to widen and low foreign direct investment inflows remain, the pressure will prevail,” said economist Dr Enock Twinoburyo.

Stephen Kaboyo, director at Alpha Capital, said Uganda being a net importer, sustained weakness of the currency is likely to see imports become more expensive. This means the price you pay for a shirt or cooking oil at your local shop will go up as well. In a statement on June 12, Bank of Uganda said the falling of the shilling value with affect the projected growth.

“The exchange rate has over the last three months come under pressure, driven by global strengthening of the US dollar and the weaker current account position due to increased demand for imports which more than offset the growth in exports,” BOU said.

Weaker current account means that the country’s value of earnings from exports are less than it spends to buy imports.


Ordinary consumer

This category takes in all Ugandans who go out to a local shop or supermarket to buy merchandise for domestic use. It can be soap, cooking oil or even a shirt.

Because many of these things are imported, it means that importers must spend more money to buy dollars in order to be able to import these products. When they reach here, the importer has to sell them to you at a higher price to be able to get their money back.

For an ordinary Ugandan, you will have to spend more to buy soap than what you spent in January. Other areas that are likely to be expensive include transport fares. Because fuel, which is imported, is likely to be more expensive, your local taxi will increase its charge on you to cover fuel prices.

Electricity and fuel consumers

Another category of Ugandans to lose are those who use electricity and drive private cars. Early July, the Electricity Regulatory Authority, the body that regulates the electricity sector, will announce new power tariffs.

Power prices are usually pegged in exchange rate movements and fuel prices – both currently going up. This means starting July, Ugandans will pay more for power. Those who buy fuel for their cars will also have to brave increase fares – with a litre of premium trading at more than Shs 4,000. Crude oil traded at $73 per barrel at the start of the week.

Construction industry

Those in the construction industry are also likely to fill the pinch too. This is because most of the materials used are imported. These include glass, tiles, iron bars among others.

According to analysts, some people are likely to halt their projects temporarily but those who continue will pay more for construction materials than they paid a year ago.

Salary earners

For salary earners, the weakness of shillings means in real terms you will be earning less money even when on the surface your salary remains the same.

Also, increasing prices as a result of weak shilling means your salary will be able to buy fewer goods than you were able to buy six months or a year ago.

BOU has said in a statement that “contrary to the assessment made previously monetary policy committee meeting, BOU now says the risks to the inflation forecast to have moved to the upside. Inflation is projected to rise faster than previously projected.”

Unless your salary is revised upwards, prepare for the worst.

Those producing for the local market are also in for bad news as the shilling value continues to fall. It would even be worse if some of the raw materials used are imported. This means they will need more money to import raw materials but at the same time earn less in value when they sell their final products.


While the traders can pass on the impact of weak shilling to final consumers, it is also likely that some consumers might suspend their consumption until the prices stabilise.

For starters, the traders will need more money to buy dollars to purchase the same amount of goods they bought six months ago. This means their exposure to borrowing will be higher.

But also as some buyers suspend purchases due to higher prices, it means some importers will have to stare at their merchandise with hardly anyone willing to buy.



If anything, the weakness of the shilling should be good news to Ugandans producing tradable goods. In short, those in export business are expected to earn more money as they earn foreign currency which would be of higher value compared to the local currency.

Commercial banks

Currency stability is not good business for commercial banks but currency volatility is. This is because they make money from buying and selling foreign currency and the spreads – the difference between what they buy at and that they sell at is always high, making them a little bit of money.

Banks also do some hedging and advisory services for companies that want to guard against currency volatility. This earns them some money.

On the flip side, though, the banks can lose as other sectors affected by the shilling fail to pay back their loans, pushing up non-performing loans. Those borrowing in foreign currency are likely to surge but unless they earn in the same way, they will surely face challenges paying back borrowed funds.

Real estate

Those in the business of selling land and houses are likely to benefit as the shillings’ fall. This is because as inflation raises elsewhere, people will rush to save their money in immovable assets like land and housing.

Also those who earn in foreign currency will likely have more shillings when they exchange, the money they will easily push into buying land. Those constructing houses, however, will face high prices from imported materials.

Clearly as the shilling continues to slide, there are more losers compared to winners, an indicator the economy might be up for a rough ride in the coming days.      


The depreciation of the shilling or for the thousands of other world currencies this global economic illness is not going to go away. Until probably the world wakes up and decides to use a better internanational currency than the dollar. China seems to be speaking this commercial language better especially if they start to do as the Americans do and advertise how much debt China owes the world.


North America seems to be finding it difficult to trade out its local currency free and fair in a global market. A new world currency should be introduced and agreed on.









Added 22nd February 2018


Execution 703x422

A U.S.A government owned human killing chamber in one of the maximum prisons in this country.

In a rare coincidence, three US states are set to each execute a prisoner Thursday -- although each man's lawyers have appealed for a last-minute reprieve.

Facing the death penalty in Texas is Bart Whitaker, 38, who hired a gunman to kill his family. Seriously injured in the attack, his father is nonetheless one of his strongest defenders.

For years, Kent Whitaker has been moving heaven and earth to try and get mercy for his son, whom he forgave from his hospital bed.

In an exceptional turn of events, the Texas Pardons and Parole Board Tuesday recommended clemency for Bart Whitaker. The final decision lies with the southern state's Republican governor, Greg Abbott.

Meanwhile, in Alabama, Doyle Hamm is facing execution after spending three decades on death row. He was condemned to death in 1987 for the murder of a motel employee during an armed robbery.

Hamm is already dying of cranial and lymphatic cancer, and his lawyers fear execution by lethal injection would be torture, as he no longer has suitable veins.

However, after a bitter legal battle, a court finally ruled on Tuesday that Hamm's execution will go ahead, on condition that he is injected in his legs or feet -- instead of his arms or hands, as would usually be the case.

Finally, Florida is scheduled to execute Eric Branch, handed a death sentence for murdering a student in 1993.

His lawyers have launched final appeals based on the fact Branch was only 21-years-old -- and therefore, they say, cognitively comparable to a juvenile -- at the time of his conviction, nor was he sentenced to death by a unanimous jury.

Since US executions resumed in 1977, there have been 13 instances of three executions on the same day -- most recently on January 7, 2010, according to the Death Penalty Information Center.

In recent times, the highest number of executions in a single day occurred on December 9, 1999, when Oklahoma, Indiana, Texas and Virginia all executed a prisoner.

But the highest number ever was on December 6, 1862 in Minnesota, when the colonising Federal Authorities hanged 38 members of the Dakota tribesmen who were resisting the advancing colonial rule. 







The USA is advising its African allay in Somalia, that is the country of Uganda, not to intimidate age limit opponents in Uganda:

Criticised. The United States Ambassador, Ms

Criticised. The United States Ambassador, Ms Deborah Malac, during a Daily Monitor interview on Thursday. PHOTO BY RACHEL MABALA 

The United States Ambassador, Ms Deborah Malac, has criticised the intimidation of opponents of a proposal to scrap presidential age limit, saying “to debate, differ and disagree in a non-violent manner” is a basic tenet of a vibrant democracy.
However, government spokesman Frank Tumwebaze has, in a rejoinder, told Ms Malac to keep off Uganda’s internal matters because it is “none of their business …their aid and trade relations are not conditions for meddling into the internal politics of the country”.
In an exclusive interview with this newspaper on Thursday, the envoy said her country would not insert itself to determine the outcome of the constitutional amendment but that their concern was “about the process”.
“It is about people having a different opinion on an issue and being able to say so without being harassed, having their media houses shut. Just because you have a different view does not necessarily mean you are a political opponent,” Ms Malac said in an interview to be published in full tomorrow.
She added: “The hallmark of vibrant democracy is that there are institutions, but also the ability for people to debate, to differ and disagree in a non-violent manner. Neither the government nor the people who may have a very different view should engage in violence.”
There have been episodes of vicious clashes between the police and Opposition supporters during rallies organised by Opposition politicians to galvanise citizens against the amendment of Article 102(b) of the Constitution.
The Article provides that a prospective Ugandan President should be no younger than 35 years and no older than 75 years.
Opponents say the removal of the upper presidential age cap is to enable President Museveni, who currently at 73 years would be ineligible for re-election, to stand again in 2021.
In the Thursday interview, Ms Malac said, “People should not be afraid of somebody simply [because of] having a different view,” she said, adding: “Let people discuss because this (proposed age limit removal) affects all Ugandans at the end of the day. Whatever the outcome is less of the issue. People must be part of the discussion in their own country”.
Mr Tumwebaze in response, however, said Uganda does not need lectures from foreign diplomats and that Ms Malac would do better speaking out against “gross injustices” meted against particularly “black people” in her country, the United States.
Ambassador Malac also described the closure of Pepper Publications Ltd, the publisher of Red Pepper, and the subsequent arrest and incarceration of its executives as “overkill”.
The envoy and the minister briefly sparred on Twitter, this week after Ms Malac tweeted that the media in Uganda was “under assault”.
“Not as worse as in your own country where your president (Trump) can’t even tolerate questions from critical journalists,” Mr Tumwebaze replied.
Pepper Publications was shut on November 21 after its tabloid, the Red Pepper, reported allegations, denied by the government, that Uganda planned to depose Rwandan president Paul Kagame.
Eight of the paper’s directors and editors have been charged with publication prejudicial to national security, offensive communication and disturbing the peace of, among others, the President. They remain on remand at Luzira Maximum Security Prison, drawing a plethora of condemnation from media freedom defenders and rights activists.
Malac in the interview also spoke about Trump’s agenda for Uganda and the fate of Foreign Minister Sam Kutesa.

Govt responds to Malac

Frank Tumwebaze, Information minister and government spokesman: “Her claim that journalism in Uganda is under assault is not only unfortunate but also an act of extreme arrogance. The decision NRM government took long ago to liberalise the media and fully guarantee space for independent press was deliberate and aimed at building our democratic culture. That is why we have more than 300 radio and almost 50 TV stations all licensed all over the country broadcasting freely. However, when certain actors in the media offend certain established laws and public interest and are charged in court, it doesn’t mean the whole journalism is under attack as she concludes. Charging people in court is not an abuse of their rights. Being in court means you have a chance to defend yourself and get justice. True, I told the American ambassador through a Twitter post; to first speak to their own gross injustices at home. We see people and more so black people being shot by their police every other day and it passes as just okay. The government of Uganda knows how to defend the rights of Ugandans, journalists inclusive, without having to be lectured by the US embassy.”


One can understand the sort of African Democracy these two countries and others of good will are trying to export into the suffering African country of Somalia.





The USA as an ardent observer of the democracy of Uganda is calling for calm as Parliament removes the Age-limit for the President of Uganda to rule the country for the rest of his life:

By David Lumu

Added 21st September 2017



Malac 703x422

The lady Abassador of the USA for Uganda

M/s Deborah Malac.

The United States embassy in Uganda has described the clamp down on several civil society organization offices, including Action Aid, as “disturbing”, and called for calm as the debate on the amendment of Article 102 (b) continues to take shape.

Article 102 (b) caps the required age to stand for President and other top district political positions at 35 years and not beyond 75 years. The ruling NRM party has endorsed the proposal to amend the Article.
In a short statement released today morning, the US embassy has called upon the Government to guarantee freedom of speech.
“The United States is deeply concerned that recent arrests and raids stifle the Ugandan people’s right to free expression and tarnish Uganda’s global image. We are disturbed by reports of raids on NGOs. Infringements on protected rights under Uganda’s Constitution will impede the country’s development,” the embassy noted.
“We call on the Government of Uganda to guarantee all its citizens freedom of speech, expression, and assembly, without fear.”
Police yesterday surrounded the headquarters of Action Aid Uganda in Kansanga, saying they secured a search warrant from Makindye Magistrates court to access the premises and conduct the operation.

Uncle Sam of the United States of America meets an African military dictator he promised his mandate to help to remove from power:


20 September, 2017


President Yoweri Museveni and his wife Janet Kataaha Museveni pose for a photo with the US President Donald Trump and his wife Melania Trump. Photo/PPU

President Yoweri Museveni has expressed hope in the United States new focus on peace and security in Africa and the world saying this coupled with infrastructure development; trade and investment will put the country in sync with the rest of the world.
“There are four things we emphasized including market access, trade and investment, infrastructure development and peace and security. Once we cooperate in these areas, our relationship will be in sync,” he said, shortly after a luncheon hosted by the US president Donald Trump at the Lotte New York Palace in New York. He was accompanied by Uganda’s Minister of Foreign Affairs Hon. Sam Kutesa.
The leaders of Côte d’Ivoire, Ethiopia, Ghana, Guinea, Namibia, Nigeria, Senegal, Uganda, and South Africa attended the luncheon. 
President Alpha Condé also represented the African Union.
Trump and wife Melania had the previous evening hosted world leaders including President Museveni and the First Lady Janet Kataaha Museveni, Vice Presidents and crown Princes and Princesses to a welcoming dinner.
President Trump described the leaders as partners in promoting peace and prosperity.
“In this room, I see partners for promoting prosperity and peace on a range of economic, humanitarian, and security issues. We hope to extend our economic partnerships with countries that are committed to self-reliance and to fostering opportunities for job creation in both Africa and the United States,” Trump said at the luncheon.
Trump said Africa has tremendous business potential and represents huge amounts of different markets. The world’s ten fastest-growing economies are in Africa. Increasing American trade and investment across diverse industries -- including agriculture, energy, transportation, healthcare, travel, and tourism -- will further transform lives throughout the continent,” he said.
Trump praised Uganda’s fight against HIV/AIDS and pledged to continue their support in health initiatives.
“We cannot have prosperity if we're not healthy. We will continue our partnership on critical health initiatives. Uganda has made incredible strides in the battle against HIV/AIDS. In Guinea and Nigeria, you fought a horrifying Ebola outbreak. Namibia’s health system is increasingly self-sufficient. My Secretary of Health and Human Services will be traveling to Africa to promote our Global Health Security Agenda,” he said.
He said the United States will partner with the countries and organizations, like the African Union, that lead successful efforts to end violence, to prevent the spread of terrorism, and to respond to humanitarian crises. 

According to Trump, they are closely monitoring and deeply disturbed by the ongoing violence in South Sudan and in the Congo.
“Real results in halting this catastrophe will require an African-led peace process and a sincere-really sincere commitment of all parties involved. And I know you’re working on that, and you’re working on that very hard. To assist in these efforts, I'm sending Ambassador Nikki Haley to Africa to discuss avenues of conflict and resolution and, most importantly, prevention,” he said.

Why I will not mourn Afande Felix Kaweesi

March 22, 2017


Mr Yusuf Serunkuma


The conventional sentiment in moments of calamity, especially when death strikes, is for public commenters to commiserate with the family and friends of the deceased.

Often, many times deceptively, people speak or write glowingly. It is a terrible thing to tell lies but it seems regarding death, celebratory lies about the deceased are normal and welcome.

However, although this reaction may be true for ordinary folks, it is not so true for men and women of extraordinary greatness and or accomplishments (such as kings and queens, princes and princesses, generals and presidents).

A combination of good education, a handsome giant build and eloquence turned the late Afande Felix Kaweesi into a symbolism of institutions and ideas: police, government, security, safety, etc.  Effectively, he was transformed into an extraordinary and important person who was an inspiration for many who came to know him. 

The sad effect of this celebrity transformation is that it also effaced his private personhood, turning him into a subject for public scrutiny – in both life and death.

Since the actions of extraordinary persons often deeply affect other people’s lives – with either death or poverty, happiness or pain – the reaction is never singular; it is a mixed bag.

Against this, forgive me countrymen, I choose not to mourn Afande Kaweesi, but neither will I dance on his grave. I choose to sit in my solitary abode and reflect on the lives and actions of men; that moment when one’s time on the stage is called off; the lights go down, and the place of power and influence is taken by the silence of death and solitude.

Shakespeare was right, “life is but a walking shadow…,” and if all men with power and influence knew!  Like many Ugandans, I am lucky not to have known Afande Kaweesi’s private personhood – for he could have been a good man – making my rather critical reflection painstaking. 

It is my contention that Kaweesi’s demise is actually a result of his very genius. His impeccable prowess in calming down Ugandans in moments of great unease should be recorded as his tragic flaw. If the dead would return, surely Afande Kaweesi would never again sing this country’s security greatness.

All narratives from the scene of crime indicated that the execution of Kaweesi’s murder followed the same script as one in which our Muslim sheikhs (Kiggundu, Sentamu, Bahiga, Kirya, Muwaya, Wafula and Kiweewa) were killed. Shooting entire magazines, the killers are tasked to ensure they leave behind a heap of lifeless flesh.

Reports showed that during the murder of Sheikh Kirya, his killer walked and shook the body with his boot to confirm it was lifeless. In all these murders, Kaweesi assured us the country was safe and secure. 

He would return to singing the same song when Kasese went up in flames late last year. For this well-done job, the country has come to know this gallant officer through his innumerable appearances in the press explaining our anxieties away. 

He had mastered his craft so much that even when caught on the wrong foot, he would calmly and sweetly tell a lie. We believed him. With his murder, Kaweesi’s cover has been blown.

All of his life-size claims of a safe and secure country are now in the open as the terrible lies of his genius.  Surely, the country cannot be safe with the murder of a man so close to power as Kaweesi.

But then, this opens the million-dollar puzzle in the question, “who killed the AIGP?” If criminals did (say, remnants of the Allied Democratic Forces, armed gangs, or Rwenzururu hardliners), the government would be on the spot for acknowledging incompetence, which translates into a professed failure to secure the life and property of Ugandans.

Surely, with our innumerable well-facilitated security wings ranging from JATT, ISO, ESO, CMI, CID, Uganda Police, UPDF, SFC, Crime Preventers, State House to Flying Squad, it is difficult to even countenance the idea that the country’s intelligence and security services are incompetent. 

However, if government claims absolute strength in these departments, does it mean they themselves decided to take out Afande Kaweesi? We may never know. 

However, that Afande Kaweesi will not attend his funeral and, in his signature composed demeanor, calm Ugandans down with songs of a secure country, is lesson enough for me: Life is but a walking shadow…It is a tale. Told by an idiot, full of sound and fury. Signifying nothing.

The author is a PhD fellow at Makerere Institute of Social Research.

Kaweesi wanted to join the NRM politics

March 22, 2017

Written by Sadab Kitatta Kaaya

Andrew Felix Kaweesi’s funeral in Kitwekyanjovu village in Lwengo district began at 12 o’clock with three hours of prayers and speeches, and ended with a three-gun salute.

In eulogies, several leaders in Lwengo hailed Kaweesi for initiating several projects in the district, including the excavation of water dams. Ronald Kibuule, the minister of state for water, told mourners Kaweesi wanted to join elective politics in previous elections but was dissuaded by Kayihura and Vincent Bamulangaki Ssempijja, the minister of agriculture, animal industry and fisheries.

The Late Andrew Felix Kaweesi

“He was in the group of [MPs] Judith Nabakooba [Mityana Woman] and Simeo Nsubuga [Kassanda South] that wanted to leave the police and contest in the previous elections but when he came to me, I told Kayihura and Ssempijja about it,” Kibuule said.

The two, Kibuule said, opened Kaweesi’s mind to the possibility of him rising to bigger positions in the force. The revelations of Kaweesi’s political intentions will complicate the puzzle before security agents trying to answer the questions: who killed Kaweesi and why? For one, it could widen the circle of possible enemies from simply security to include politics. 

But two, it also speaks volumes about how Kaweesi felt about his position in the police force.  From the outside, Kaweesi had been seen as one of the future leaders of the force, although unconfirmed reports then emerged that he had fallen out with his superiors. His desire to think of life outside the police at an early age would give these rumours significant credence.


Meanwhile, as speaker after speaker eulogized the fallen assistant inspector general of police, plainclothes security operatives helped by their uniformed colleagues arrested two women and a man.

It seemed as though the suspects also got a tipoff of the impending arrest because they were rounded up as they tried to mingle with the crowd. It was a discreet operation that was executed swiftly and was meant to avoid causing panic among the mourners.

Several police officers at the scene that The Observer talked to declined to comment due to the sensitivity of the matter. By press time, the three were still held at Kyazanga police station.

The Observer has also learnt that four other people, including a police officer, were arrested in Kampala yesterday in connection with the murder of Kaweesi even though a source said they have not yet been linked directly.

Kaweesi, his bodyguard Kenneth Erau and driver Godfrey Mambewa were killed on Friday at Ttuba zone in Kulambiro, a Kampala suburb, by gunmen still on the run using two motorcycles.

According to the post mortem report, Kaweesi’s body was riddled with 30 bullet wounds. Shaken by the revelation, Bishop Kaggwa called for special prayers for the country. In his speech, Inspector General of Police Kale Kayihura said police would construct a museum after Kaweesi.

“Kaweesi is the second high-ranking police officer after Erinayo Oryema [first Ugandan IGP] to be brutally murdered; we shall immortalize him [by building] a museum at Kibuli for the young officers to learn from him,” Gen Kayihura said.

Oryema was killed in February 1977, together with Archbishop Janani Luwum and interior minister Charles Oboth Ofumbi by President Idi Amin’s security forces. Several government officials including ministers, MPs, military, police and prisons chiefs as well as Kampala Lord Mayor Erias Lukwago attended the burial.

The four-kilometre stretch from Kyazanga prison was jammed with heavy traffic, forcing many to walk all the way to Kaweesi home.



Such ambitious projects only happen in Africa. There is an African President well supported by the French who used a golden wagon on the ceremony to enthrone himself as an Emperor. The horses to pull the wagon had to be imported from France for the grand ceremony! One reckons this time round the United States of America will provide the funds for Kaweesi' s Police Museum.

An American filmmaker has died in Iganga, Busoga Province as year 2016 is about to end:

By Cecilia Okoth


Added 28th December 2016


David Steiner, an American filmmaker who was killed in a motor accident on the Iganga-Bugiri highway, during one of his earlier filming expeditions. Courtesy photo

What happened?

The group was travelling in a mini bus when it collided head-on with a lorry, sending the minibus into a ditch, according to reports.

“I was told he tried to jump out through the window when he saw the lorry heading in their direction,” the source at Hotel Africana, who did not reveal her identity, said.

American media reports said Steiner had travelled with students from Barbara A. Sizemore Academy in Englewood, in the US after working with them on a documentary about their school.

The group was also in Uganda for the Nile Diaspora International Film Festival to screen their documentary.

A video of the aftermath of the crash, posted on YouTube by ABC eyewitness news, an international news agency, revealed that the group was travelling in a Hotel Africana minibus.

According to the source at the hotel, the rest of the team had checked out and flown back to the States.

When contacted over the incident, Nasib Nditta, the Iganga divisional Police commander, declined to reveal any information on the matter and referred New Vision to Police spokesperson Andrew Felix Kaweesi.

Kaweesi, however, said he was still gathering information.

According to media reports, Steiner was travelling with also with his son. Two eighth grade students and two other adults suffered non-life threatening injuries, according to media reports.

“I saw some posts from Uganda that instantly turned my blood cold,” said

Paul Christopher Greene, a filmmaker and friend of Steiner.

He added: “David was incredibly passionate about this project. It was his life.” Background Steiner worked with Terrance Dantzler and Hayah Rasul on Saving Barbara Sizemore, an award-winning Indie documentary about the successful quest by students to keep Barbara Sizemore Academy open after Chicago Public Schools voted to close it in 2015. The group left for the trip last week. They had hoped to open even more eyes overseas and were set to work on another documentary on Sudanese refugee children.

“They were also going to be engaged in a second documentary where he was having them meet with Sudanese refugee children,”

Dr. Carol Lee, co-founder of Betty Shabazz International Charter Schools, was quoted as saying.

Sarah Giroux, a Chicago based cinematographer on the trip with the group, posted a message on Facebook saying their van was knocked into a ditch and as the group waited for help, their luggage and money was stolen and some passports taken as well.

Condolence messages Steiner’s Facebook page was filled with photos and messages about the trip and the horrors his friends and documentary subjects had endured, updates he made until hours before his death.

The deceased is survived by three children.

Steiner’s fiancée Diane Silverberg who released a statement after the fateful incident said: “David died as he lived selflessly bringing joy to others, no matter the distance or complexity. In one of his last texts to me, he remarked that the joy they were bringing to the Sudanese refugees and to the children from Englewood who accompanied him had made all the challenges of the trip worthwhile.”

The accident comes at a time when the festive season has witnessed a number of accidents according to police statements.




In what will be a space of weeks, Uganda is hosting leaders of South Korea, Turkey and Israel. While all this looks like routine diplomatic activity, SULAIMAN KAKAIRE finds strong suggestions to the contrary.

If you go by official communications from Uganda’s ministry of foreign affairs, South Korean president Park Geun-hye and Turkey’s Recep Tayyip Erdogan have only been here as part of normal bilateral arrangements.

But sources in diplomatic circles and the ministry of foreign affairs say that the visits were pushed by Kampala in a bid to polish an international profile stained by a shabby election and its chaotic aftermath. After the two leaders, Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu is due this month.

L-R President Museveni, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Turkish first Lady Emine Erdogan and Ugandan First Lady Janet Museveni at State House

“The planning of these engagements, though impromptu, is intended to redeem our image before other states that consider our internal practices unbefitting. So, we are sending a signal of reassurance that ‘we still stand by the same values as you do; we believe in security and peace for the whole world’,” said a well-placed government source.

Following the February 18 general elections, Western powers have become increasingly critical of the Kampala regime’s democratic credentials. Indeed, election observers from the Commonwealth and European Union unusually described Museveni’s re-election as neither free nor fair.

The West’s contemptuous treatment of Museveni peaked at his inauguration, when US and some European diplomats walked out in protest as some of his remarks. Sources in the diplomatic circles say the result of these actions has been a Museveni somewhat isolated – hence the diplomatic charm offensive.


Publicly, Museveni appears disgusted with the continuous questioning of his credibility and ready to do battle. But behind the scenes are actions intended to win the trust of the West. That, sources told us, is what influenced his government to strengthen its weak ties with South Korea. Not only has Kampala hosted the South Korean leader, it has also publically denounced North Korea – an eternal enemy of the US.

On March 2, the UN Security Council passed a resolution obliging members to disengage from military cooperation with North Korea until the latter ceases nuclear test adventures.

However, some UN members were reluctant to honor the resolution on grounds that if they are to do so, there should be an alternative to the mutual benefits from engaging with North Korea. In this context, the US agreed with South Korea to engage countries by promising or giving the same or better benefits they get from North Korea.

“After they [Museveni’s officials] heard that the president of South Korea would be visiting the region pursuant to the UN resolution on North Korea, they made sure they are on the list of those countries to be visited,” one diplomat said.

Now, Uganda has signed a memorandum of understanding with South Korea in areas of security and military – not materially dissimilar to the arrangement it had with North Korea.

During her visit, President Park also commissioned a Shs 12bn farmers leadership centre in Kampiringisa in Mpigi district, as well as pledging Korean scholarships to Ugandans in agricultural science.


Sources told us that the visit by President Erdogan was impromptu. It is understood that when Kenya announced that it would close all its refugee camps, the president of Turkey planned to visit Kenya before the closure.

Irene Muloni (R) with a Turkish delegate


“When Uganda learnt about it, they contacted their Kenya counterparts to have President Erdogan have an extended visit to Uganda,” said a source.

On Wednesday, the Turkish president signed memoranda of understanding with Uganda on mutual expansion for diplomatic relations, tourism, industry, energy and joint military cooperation. Similarly, sources indicate that the impending visit by Israel’s Benjamin Netanyahu is being pushed by lobby groups linked to Kampala than to Israel.


However, on Wednesday, Museveni’s senior press secretary Don Wanyama scoffed at suggestions that the recent visits are an attempt to change Uganda’s image in the international community.

“For us, we are ready to embrace any friendship that is of value to us...that is why we signed MOUs on issues of how the two countries will relate on investment, trade, agriculture and technical support,” Wanyama said.

For his part, Ambassador James Mugume, the permanent secretary in the ministry of foreign affairs, said in a phone interview on Tuesday that the present visits were part of the normal bilateral, relations-strengthening engagements.

Although there are pointers Museveni is under scrutiny – and therefore pressure – by the Western countries since the February elections, Mugume sees any such suggestions as erroneous.

“The election observer reports have been reported out of context, as there are reports which indicate that the election was not free and fair; the African Union and East African Community reports indicated that the elections were free and fair...those[latter] are more important than the Europeans’,” Mugume said.


Weighing in on the visits, Phillip Kasaija, a lecturer of international affairs at Makerere University, told The Observer that they show a contradiction on President Museveni’s part.

“He was seriously attacking the US the other day but by embracing South Korea and Israel, strong allies of the US, it appears as a contradiction on his previous position,” Kasaija said, adding that he does not “read much into any quarrels between Uganda and the West”.

Prof Julius Kiiza does not see any contradictions. A political economist at Makerere University, Kiiza says he was not surprised by the visits since relations between states are dictated more by interests as opposed to principles.

“These interests are permanent regardless of the type of government. So, where the West’s interests are at stake, they can relate with any government regardless of its internal governance,” Kiiza told us this week.

We understand that as regards the visit by the South Korean leader, there were concerns about Uganda’s internal politics but this was dismissed on ground that US interests in Korea matter much more.

“North Korea is China and if you manage to win an ally like Uganda against North Korea, you mind less about its internal politics,” said one official at a Western embassy in Kampala.

This official said that while the West may criticise Museveni for oppressing his political opponents, his general stance at the international plane makes him a more considered ally of the West.

 “American interests are about security of the Great Lakes [region]; if those are fulfilled everything is secondary,” the official said.

Not surprisingly, on Wednesday, Ugandan diplomat Kintu Nyago argued in a New Vision opinion that relations between Uganda and the West would be shaped not by complaints by the opposition, but by realities of geo-political cooperation.

Nyago wrote: “To further appreciate the solid relations between Uganda and the US, one has to appreciate that in the week of Museveni’s inauguration [during which the U.S ambassador expressed displeasure], the UPDF peace keepers in Somalia jointly with US special forces attacked and dislodged an al shabbab roadblock in southwestern Somalia.”



Sort of trying to beat war drums and pondering about international war mongering. It helps lots of military weapon makers to research their African military markets these days especially when citizens of this planet do not want military wars any more! Peaceful Democracy does not make money for some of these nasty international war mongers. Nasty countries these days have an inherent external policy to see that other countries are at a constant state of civil wars but not at all theirs.


Tensions between Uganda and the United States were yesterday set to escalate, after it emerged that Kampala was to summon Ambassador Deborah Malac to explain her recent criticism of President Museveni’s government.

Since the widely-criticised February 18 elections, the United States has led international criticism of Museveni’s democratic and human rights record.

Malac  and the US representative to the UN, Ms Samantha Power, have been most vocal, variously accusing Museveni of infringing on human rights and being a risk to Uganda’s future.

During a routine interview with The Observer on Monday, the deputy director of the Uganda Media Centre, Col Shaban Bantariza, hinted that there would be a basis for summoning Ms Malac over her remarks.  Probed further last evening, Col Bantariza excused himself to “consult”, before calling back to explain Kampala’s displeasure.

“Yes, the intention [to summon Malac] is there and the process is underway,” Bantariza said by telephone. “It should have been today [Tuesday] but I think it will now be in the next few days.”

The Ambassador to Uganda, Deborah Malac makes a toasts with President Museveni at State House. 

Bantariza said government was displeased with both Malac’s “misconceived” views and her methods of work. He said that as a diplomat, Malac should have used diplomatic channels to express her “grievances” against  the Uganda government, instead of using conferences to attack the government directly.


Ambassador Malac is known as a straight-talking diplomat. During the recent women’s conference in Kampala, she was quoted as having said: “The social media shutdown, the detention of opposition figures, harassment of media [during and after elections] – all of these things combined with poor organisation of the election have weakened Uganda’s democracy and tarnished Uganda’s image as a strong democracy in a turbulent region.”

The statement – and the broader speech – mirrored the hardening rhetoric against President Museveni from the United states.  Key American newspapers have also attacked Museveni as a mockery of democracy.

In response, the Kampala government has taken the battle to the donors, with various spokespersons writing hard-hitting newspaper opinions.  Museveni crowned it last Saturday, saying that donors should not lecture him about how to run Uganda.

Speaking at the NRM victory party at Kololo ceremonial grounds, Museveni said he would not take orders from foreigners on matters Ugandan. To drive his point home, Museveni said foreigners earlier backed such bad leaders as the 1970s dictator Idi Amin.

Officials at the American embassy were not immediately available for a comment by press time. But with Bantariza confirming that no official communication had gone out, it was unlikely that the embassy  would answer our questions.


But America’s stance reflects the view of many Western and independent local observers about the recent elections – described by former FDC presidential candidate Kizza Besigye as the most fraudulent in Uganda’s history.

Indeed,  while it has annoyed the government, America’s position has been welcomed by the local political opposition, which insists Mr Museveni stole the election, despite failing to prove it in the Supreme court.

On Monday, FDC spokesman Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda challenged Museveni to address the problems in Uganda instead of attacking donors who point them out. At a press conference in Kampala, Ssemujju said donors only spoke about the situation in Uganda because the country has failed to manage its domestic affairs.

“You don’t criticise people who solve problems you create in your country,” Ssemujju said. “Most of our internal problems do not end here; they go up to these donors since there are many Ugandans living in these countries.”


However, Ssemujju fears that if Museveni continues his ‘war’ with donors, the country risks losing development aid, something that would hurt ordinary Ugandans.  He claimed that Museveni was angry because he expected the donors to reward him for keeping troops in Somalia and South Sudan – by ignoring problems in Uganda.

“Mr Museveni is taking Uganda where Mugabe has taken Zimbabwe. He is isolating Uganda from the international community; he can be isolated but [let him] not isolate our country as well. We call upon him to control his remarks.”

Responding to Ssemujju later on Monday, Bantariza retorted: “If our ambassador in Washington made such remarks, he would be summoned to explain.”

On the risk of donors cutting aid because of the public diplomatic row, Bantariza suggested there was not much American aid for Uganda to fret over.

“Which aid are we getting from America? You talk of military aid; US trained only 100 Ugandan soldiers, can 100 soldiers fight a war?” Bantariza said. “They have even failed to find Kony in Central African Republic yet without US help, we managed to send Kony out of Uganda.”

Interesting how some countries go out to other countries to preach human Christian and Islamic religious values and yet at their own homes, they are wolves of a very different kind. A lion preaching to a wildebeast how it must behave. A self confessed dictator securing all neighbouring countries for democracy!

Mr Derrick Kiyonga, a journalist of the High Court, Kampala


















The suspects of terror attacks sitting in the High Courts of Law at Kampala,



On Wednesday morning, I arrived at the High court to continue my reporting on the trial of the suspects in the 2010 terror attacks in Kampala. For me, it was just another day at court.

I now know I was wrong; but it started like any other day in Justice Alfonse Owiny-Dollo’s court. At 9:45am, the judge entered court and the trial started with testimony from an FBI agent.

As the norm is, suspects who sit behind journalists in court, often write messages on chits, pass them to journalists, for onward transmission to their lawyers. As fate would have it, I was one of the journalists who were passing these chits to the defense lawyers. The judge and prosecution lawyers are okay with the practice.

At 11:30am, at the urging of Suzan Oakland, the prosecution lead counsel, Justice Owiny-Dollo granted a 30-minute break. In court, I was approached by a short man who was shabbily dressed in jeans and a short-sleeved shirt. He whispered to me to follow him outside the courtroom and I dully obliged.

Outside court, the short man was joined by another medium size man who was dressed in faded jeans. Speaking at the same time, without telling me what they were doing at court, the men asked me why I was passing chits from “dangerous” people to their lawyers.

I said that was the norm in court. I reminded them that I had broken no law. The duo accused me of being a conduit of the terror suspects. I found that particular accusation ludicrous. To mask my bemusement, I simply smiled.

My smile annoyed the medium- size guy who asked me to hand over my identity card. To them, I was proving to be arrogant. I called Yunus Kasirivu, one of the defence lawyers. He told the men that I had not committed any crime.

On hearing that, they let me go. But as I was entering court, a beefy man called Olal, dressed in counter terrorism fatigues, called me and gave me a stern warning.

“I don’t want anything bad to happen to you. Stop passing those notes [chits] from those people [suspects]. Are they your relatives?” he asked.

At that moment, defence lawyer Caleb Alaka intervened and told Olal that I have not committed any crime. As Alaka talked to a rather-stubborn Olal, Justice Owiny-Dollo returned and the trial resumed.

Alaka informed the judge that security operatives were intimidating journalists. The judge then issued a stern warning to security operatives.

“I don’t want to hear anyone saying that the accused cannot pass over instructions to their lawyers. It’s their right to tell their lawyers what they want. And I don’t see any problem with chits since they are not explosives. There should be free flow of information,” the judge ruled.

After the ruling, the trial resumed with testimony from another FBI agent. We, journalists, continued to pass chits from the suspects to their lawyers to the chagrin of the security operatives.

Later the judge announced a lunch break. As I was moving out of court with my senior colleague Siraje Lubwama, one counter terrorism policeman approached us and ordered me to follow him into a room at the entrance of the High court. I followed him without hesitation.

But Siraje asked the operative why he was taking me away. He simply barked at Siraje to disappear. While I was seated in the room, another tall man, I later came to know as Oloka, came in and ordered me to hand over both my phone and notebook. He was dressed in counter terrorism fatigues and dark glasses.

After getting my phone and notebook, the man sped off only to return with a police patrol 999 vehicle. I was bundled onto the truck and driven at breakneck speed. During the crazy ride Oloka kept telling me how he wasn’t going to torture me but that it’s only the truth that will help me gain my freedom.

I was handled and driven as if I was a terror suspect. The vehicle sirens were on. Within 10 minutes, we were in Nakawa and branched off Jinja road onto a muddy stretch. In movie-like style, the car stopped at a certain storied house and Oloka ordered me to get out.

“Here we just don’t bring anyone but we bring people who have a case to answer; just tell us the truth and we shall let you go,” Oloka said.

He got out his phone and called a man who would take my statement. Before the man arrived, another guy barked at me to remove my shoes and belt and sit on the floor. I did all that smiling.

“You think you are important. From the way you are looking, it seems you are an arrogant boy. How do you call those terrorists?” he asked in a Kinyankore accent.

“Now because you are a journalist, you think you are important. It seems you are sure you are soon getting out of here,” he said.
“Who is your mother? Who is your father and which club do you support?” the man asked. I told him I support Arsenal.

At this point, the man was busy going through my phone book. He asked me why I have many lawyers and judges in my phone book.

“I’m a court reporter and it’s just normal to have such contacts,” I replied.

Then he started going through my notebook. He later announced he couldn’t understand anything because I had a bad handwriting. As he continued to ask all sorts of questions, I started seeing people I normally see in plain clothes at the High court during the terror trial passing by.

One said: “You journalists, you are creating for us problems; who brought you here? Your colleagues are busy making noise about how we have kidnapped you.”

After five minutes, the patrol car with sirens returned. Oloka came personally and dressed me up and got me into the car and within 10 minutes we were back at the High court.

At court, Oloka handed me to the police officer in charge (O/C) of the High court.

The O/C told me: “I told those people [counter terrorism police] that you are innocent but they couldn’t listen to me. I know you very well; you are our good boy,” he said.

“Let’s go to the judge’s chambers because he wants to personally see you,” he added.

On our way to the judge’s chambers the O/C told me that Justice Owiny-Dollo, on learning from the defence lawyers that I had been “kidnapped”, he suspended hearing of the case. He said if I were not produced before him, he would quit the case.

When we got to the judge’s office, he personally checked to see I wasn’t tortured. “This trial started well, I don’t know why these people want to scandalize it. Now since you are well, let’s go back to court, then we resume with the case,” Owiny-Dollo said.


Security forces kill seven Somalis waiting for aid
Publish Date: Nov 17, 2015


Relatives help a victim at the Medina Hospital in Mogadishu after seven people were killed and 12 others wounded when a gunfight broke out in Somalia between rival security forces as they waited for cards for food aid. AFP Photo


AT least seven people were killed and 12 others wounded Monday when a gunfight broke out in Somalia between rival security forces as they waited for cards for food aid, police said.


"There was exchange of gunfire between policemen who were guarding a distribution site and members from the military," police officer Mohamed Burhan said, adding that seven civilians were killed in the crossfire in the clashes, just outside the capital Mogadishu.


Witnesses said the dead included children as well as elderly men and women.


United Nations envoy to Somalia, Nick Kay, said he was "shocked at shooting of civilians queuing for food rations" and added that the "perpetrators must face justice."


Shooting broke out in a camp for displaced people in the Afgoye corridor, where thousands of people live in dire conditions along a key route leading northwest from Mogadishu.


"Many people were waiting in lines receiving cards for food aid distribution when the gunfight broke out," said witness Mumino Dinow.


"It was horrible and I saw several dead people including a woman, child and two elderly men."


It was not immediately clear what sparked the fighting between the rival forces.


The area is under the control of the government, after the Al-Qaeda-linked Shebab were driven out of Afgoye in 2012.


Tens of thousands of people who have fled war as well as hunger -- amid poor rains in some areas and floods elsewhere -- live in basic camps in and around the capital.



The country of Buganda (Uganda) and America:




LRA's Ongwen may be tried in Gulu - ICC

Mr Dominic Ongwen at ICC

The trial against former commander of the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) rebels, Dominic Ongwen could carried out in Gulu, the International Criminal Court (ICC) has said.

Ongwen is facing three counts of crimes against humanity, inhumane acts of inflicting serious bodily injury and suffering and four counts of war crimes carried out in Uganda and the Central Africa Republic (CAR). 

Maria Kamara Kabinti, the outreach coordinator of ICC says the proposal and decision was reached at by ICC prosecutor Fatou Bensouda and Ongwen's lawyer Krispus Ayena Odongo.

She says both parties agreed on Wednesday, July 15, that the most desirable location for the confirmation of charges should be Gulu because of its proximity to the victims of the Lukodi massacre carried out on May 16, 2004, in which Ongwen is believed to have actively participated. Over sixty people were brutally murdered and several abducted on that day.

Kamara, however, notes that Ongwen's hearing in Uganda is subject to key issues such as security, costs and impact of bringing the court closer to the people. 

On June 29, 2015 the trial chamber directed the prosecution and the defense to provide their views on the possibility of holding the confirmation hearing in Uganda by July 13, 2015.
The chamber also ordered the ICC registrar to provide an assessment of the possibility of holding the confirmation hearing in Uganda by July 27, 2015.

"[A hearing in Gulu] will increase the visibility of the court and making the process more accessible to the victims and affected communities that have suffered as a result of the alleged crimes by Dominic Ongwen by which he is at ICC. The defence also emphasised that it will create an opportunity for victims not only in Gulu but in other parts of Uganda particularly in Acholi sub-region to attend this process live and see how justice is being carried out at ICC.", Kamara said. 

She says, the registrar who is in charge of administrative and non-judicial functions of the court has up to July 23 to present a full report on the possibility of the court sitting in Uganda.

According to Kamara, survivors of the Lukodi massacre have been pushing for the trial to be brought closer to them. Vincent Oyet, the secretary of the Lukodi massacre says bringing the trial home will offer satisfaction to the victims.

Krispus Ayena Odong couldn't be reached for comment as he didn't pick our calls. Earlier attempts by the ICC to try ex-DRC militia commander Bosco Ntaganda in his home county hit a dead end due to high costs and feasibility challenges.

Top Stories


Ongwen (a confessed Acholi African freedom fighter) is heading to the International Criminal Court after Uganda and the USA disagree on how to handle him:




Mr Dominic Ongwen of the African Acholi Tribe of Uganda



The delay to decide on the fate of former Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) commander Dominic Ongwen is due to a standoff between Uganda and the United States of America, The Observer understands.


Ongwen, who surrendered to the Seleka rebel forces in the Central African Republic on January 6, has been in the custody of the Americans since then.


The US Special Forces were deployed to help the African Union (AU) troops, who include Ugandans, in tracking down LRA leader Joseph Kony. Ongwen is one of the five LRA commanders indicted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) in 2005 for war crimes and crimes against humanity. Accordingly, human rights groups have been calling on Uganda and the US to hand over Ongwen to the ICC for trial.


“With Ongwen in custody, the door is open for victims of LRA crimes to see some long-awaited justice. He should promptly be transferred to the ICC, which has a warrant for his arrest,” said Daniel Bekele, Africa director at Human Rights Watch.


However, Kampala and Washington have over the last one week been involved in a tug- of-war over Ongwen, who at the time of his capture was the LRA’s second-in-command.


On January 7, UPDF Spokesman Paddy Ankunda told journalists that the US military had handed Ongwen over to Ugandan authorities. A day later, US embassy officials in Kampala disputed that, saying they were still in talks with the relevant parties in the anti-LRA operation. The Observer has now learnt that the delay is due to a standoff. Uganda, sources said, demanded Ongwen, but the Americans would not hand him over yet.


Point of departure

Sources privy to ongoing high-level negotiations believe that both sides are trying to make political capital out of Ongwen. Ugandan authorities believe Ongwen should be brought and tried in the war crimes division of the High court. This move, according to our sources, would be in keeping with President Museveni’s recent resentment towards the ICC.


The president said while in Kenya recently, that he would ask African Union (AU) member states to pull out of the ICC en masse due to its perceived persecution of African leaders. In addition, according to our sources, the move would also help Museveni to assuage sentiments in northern Uganda, where voices calling for Ongwen to be tried within the country, or even pardoned altogether because he was abducted as a child, are growing ever louder.


On the other hand, the US is trying to use Ongwen for accountability purposes to its electorate. Since deploying some 100 soldiers a few years ago, this is the first major success in the hunt for Kony and his guerrillas, and so the US is keen to drum it up. This explains why, shortly after Ongwen surrendered, it was the US State Department rather than the Defence Department that was at the forefront of making announcements.


While the US wants to see Ongwen handed over to The Hague, they would not want to do it by themselves since they are not signatories to the Rome Statute that resulted in the formation of the ICC.


Hence it has taken the US and Uganda more than a week to agree on the next course of action, even if both armies share nearly the same compound at Obo and Nzara in the Central African Republic.


Win-win deal


While the US is hamstrung by legal and political hurdles, sources said the American government has spent the last week contemplating whether to hand Ongwen over to authorities in the Central African Republic, a member of the ICC. According to our sources, although Ugandan authorities were not keen on Ongwen going to the ICC, they were at least receptive to the idea of having CAR hand him over since it would also help Museveni save face.


“By handing over Ongwen to the ICC, the US would have indirectly helped Museveni from a possible diplomatic embarrassment of being accused of referring LRA leaders to the ICC in 2005 and after one was arrested on foreign territory, failing to hand him over, or of attacking the ICC in recent months and then turning around to hand over Ongwen,” explained a source privy to the top level negotiations.


In the end, the CAR route seemed to have been agreeable to both Uganda and the US. Yesterday afternoon, Lt Col Ankunda tweeted that Ongwen would eventually end up at The Hague after all.


“Finally it has been decided. Dominic Ongwen will be tried at the ICC in The Hague,” Ankunda wrote on the official ministry of defence website.


“Dominic Ongwen will be conveyed to The Hague by CAR authorities.”

However, when contacted by The Observer for details, Ankunda said he did not have any.


“You wait for a statement from government,” he said. “What I tweeted was said by [UPDF Chief of Defence Forces] Gen Katumba Wamala in Gulu at a function. The government will make a formal statement.” 






The White House


The President of America


The First Lady and Wife to the President of America


The House of The State Representatives





Joseph Kabila: The Young  leader of the  Democratic Republic of the Congo trying his luck with his dictatorial rule on the people of the Congo:

Publish Date: Jan 22, 2015


PROPELLED to power by the 2001 murder of his father, Congolese President Joseph Kabila has since struggled with the challenge of ruling a vast mineral-rich nation ravaged by incessant conflict.


But the deadly violence this week sparked by an electoral reform bill which would extend his hold on power, has revived claims Kabila is more intent on prolonging his own reign than unifying the nation.


The Democratic Republic of Congo was being riven by "Africa's Great War", in which up to five million people would die, when Kabila's father -- longtime rebel commander and president Laurent Kabila -- was assassinated by a bodyguard in 2001.


His son, then a general, was summoned to take up the reins of state, and on January 26, 2001, aged just 29, was sworn in as Africa's youngest leader.


Taking charge of a country half the size of western Europe, plagued by the worst war in modern African history and weakened by decades of ineffectual governance, Kabila embraced international moves to end the conflicts that had brought at least six foreign armies onto Congolese soil since 1998.


Alongside deals for the withdrawal of foreign troops, an agreement was signed in December 2002 among rival Congolese parties that launched a transition process towards democracy in the former Belgian colony, once known as Zaire.


'Surrounded by hardliners'

But while a large UN mission helped prepare for free elections, the outgoing British ambassador, James Atkinson, alleged in a leaked 2004 diplomatic cable that "Kabila is surrounded by hardliners using him as a front...(and) serves the interests of those who (probably) killed his father."


A series of peace accords retained Kabila in power until he was voted into office in the 2006 general election -- the country's first free ballot in 41 years.


However, eastern provinces bordering Rwanda and Uganda remain embroiled in conflict, with soldiers and numerous armed movements terrorising villagers and fighting for control of mineral resources. Widespread atrocities including rape and massacres have left hundreds of thousands displaced to this day.


With the help of UN troops given a special mandate to take the offensive against armed movements, the Congolese army defeated the M23 rebels, who were said by the United Nations to have Rwandan and Ugandan backing, an allegation denied in Kigali and Kampala.


Accounts vary as to when and where Joseph Kabila came into the world, but the accepted version holds that he was born on June 4, 1971 in the Fizi territory of South Kivu province in the east of the country, where his father based his rebellion to topple dictator Mobutu Sese Seko.


When the family was pursued by Mobutu's forces, the young Joseph went into exile in Tanzania at the age of five, and in 1996 travelled to Uganda to begin law studies.


After his father took power, Kabila was sent to China for further military training, but was called home after a new rebellion backed by Rwanda and Uganda broke out in 1998. He was given the rank of general.


Since assuming the presidency after his father's death, Kabila has proved a stern and steely leader, but he seldom seems at ease during official events.


Both his presidential election victories, in 2006 and 2011, led to unrest and cries of electoral fraud, and foes have also accused him of running a "parallel government" -- allegations his many supporters refute.


'He loves discretion'

During his 14 years in power Kabila has cultivated an air of mystery about himself. In rare interviews, he comes across as a soft-spoken leader who modestly tries to govern a war-scarred and under-developed state.


"He has an introverted personality, he's disciplined and he loves discretion," according to a member of his inner circle, yet Kabila often drives his bullet-proof 4x4 through Kinshasa, stopping pedestrians in their tracks at the sight of his motorcade.


Rebutting charges that he has given foreign mining firms juicy contracts to exploit vast mineral resources at the cost of stable development plans, Kabila insists he has acted for the good of Congo's 66 million people, who were bled dry during the 1965-97 reign of the kleptocratic Mobutu.


Kabila, an Anglican, is married to Marie Olive Lembe di Sita, and they have a 14-year-old daughter Sifa, and a son Laurent-Desire Junior, aged six.



166,000 displaced in Sudan's Darfur in 2015:

Publish Date: Nov 17, 2015
KHARTOUM - As many as 166,000 people have been displaced by conflict and tribal violence in Sudan's strife-hit Darfur region since January, the United Nations said on Monday, fewer than in 2014.

The western region has been mired in conflict since 2003, when ethnic insurgents rebelled against President Omar al-Bashir's Arab-dominated regime, complaining of marginalisation.

"The net displacement figure for Darfur since January 2015 is up to 166,000, nearly 100,000 confirmed and some 66,000 reported to have been displaced," said Ivo Freijsen, head of the UN's Khartoum Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.

Freijsen said the UN had been unable to fully verify the figure of 66,000, but was trying to check the number.

The figure for 2015 so far is smaller than that for 2014, when tribal violence and fighting between troops and rebels displaced a net figure of 286,000 people.

But Freijsen warned that the humanitarian situation in the region is still "a very mixed picture".

He said the UN is still concerned about the 2.5 million internally displaced people in the region who have fled their homes since the outbreak of the conflict, and is working with Khartoum to find long-term solutions for them.

West Darfur is also facing an outbreak of dengue fever, with 244 reported cases and 110 fatalities since late August, Freijsen said.

Conflict over land and resources between Darfur's many ethnic groups has further destabilised the region since 2003.

Sudan's Bashir is wanted by the International Criminal Court on war crimes charges over his alleged role in the brutal counter-insurgency unleashed to crush the rebels.

In September, Bashir announced a two-month ceasefire in a bid to encourage the rebels to join national dialogue talks.

The talks began last month and are aimed at resolving the conflict in Darfur as well as those in Blue Nile and South Kordofan states, where the Sudan People Liberation Movement-North is also battling Bashir.

In turn, Darfur-based rebels who are part of the Sudan Revolutionary Front alliance announced a six-month halt in fighting in October.

But the SPLM-N, which is also part of the alliance, did not confirm this, and said Sudanese warplanes had carried out raids in South Kordofan after the government announced its ceasefire.

The UN says some 300,000 people have been killed in Darfur since 2003, while Khartoum puts the toll at 10,000.


Bazillio Okello, a war monger's remains, arrive, to be buried today: 

Senior UPDF officers wheel a casket containing the remains

Senior UPDF officers wheel a casket containing the remains of Lt Gen Bazillio Olara Okello at

Entebbe International Airport yesterday morning.

Gen Olara Okello (Insert) succumbed to diabetes in exile in 1990 in Sudan and was buried in

Omdurman in Sudan.





Posted  Saturday, February 14  2015 


ENTEBBE- The ground handling staff at the airport looked on puzzled as a unit of about 20 UPDF servicemen mounted a guard-of-honour to receive the remains of former UNLA commander, Lt Gen Bazillio Olara Okello, at Entebbe International Airport yesterday morning.

All the Entebbe airport staff saw from a distance, was a big casket draped with the Uganda national flag, brought out from a Kenya Airways flight number KQ-416 that had touched down at exactly 12am on Friday.

It was the remains of Lt Gen Olara Okello, the late former commander of the Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA), brought back into the country after nearly 25 years since his death.

Lt Gen Olara Okello had a mixed reputation as both a feared and charismatic figure, perhaps even, few still recall, the role he played in Uganda’s liberation history.

Present at the airport were a small group of the deceased’s relatives led by Dr Saverio Pido, a family elder and Olara-Okello’s son Phillip Ocan Olara.

The Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF) was represented by Brig Gen Charles Otema Awanyi, the Chief of Logistics and Engineering, Brig Gen Joseph Musanyufu, Chief of Personnel and Administration, Brig Gen Wills Byarugaba, Chief of Training and Recruitment, and Col Dan Opita, a Garrison Commander in the UPDF Airforce.

Others included Col Mubarak Nkutu from the Airforce and Col Innocent Oula, an army representative in Parliament.

Gen Olara Okello succumbed to diabetes in exile on January 9, 1990, in Omdurman hospital in Sudan and was buried in Omdurman, near Khartoum.

Burial is scheduled today in Madi-Opei Sub-county, Lamwo District, according to relatives and the UDPF which took over the burial arrangements.

Brig Gen Awanyi explained to Saturday Monitor that the army, through the Chief of Defence Forces, Gen Katumba Wamala, had received a directive from President Museveni to take over burial arrangements.

However, the family says the traditional rites will be performed as planned even as the army conducts the ceremonial military sendoff.

“The Commander in Chief, the President, wanted the late to be given a State burial and he reserves the right to decide on who should be given an official sendoff,” he said. But above all, he added, “Gen Okello, remains a historical figure in the history of our country so we think he deserves it.”

The deceased’s son, Mr Ocan, said it is a good gesture by the government to have agreed to return the remains of their father because they felt that over a long period of time, he was never appreciated and under looked.

Lt Gen Olara Okello was a former UNLA Northern Brigade commander and later member of the Military Council that ran government for six months following the second overthrow of President Milton Obote in 1985, with Lt Gen Okello as the commander of the UNLA.

Lt Gen Okello was exiled to Sudan and sought asylum in January 1986 when the National Resistance Army under the command of President Museveni toppled the Gen Tito Okello Lutwa government.


Uganda's Islamic children under Military Police arrest with their Moslem parents.


               Some of the arrested children at Kira Division Police Station in Wakiso.

Photo by Abubaker Lubowa

By Stephen Kafeero


Posted  Thursday, March 19  2015 


Last year, Police raided several Madarasas which they said were indoctrinating children in the guise of teaching them Islam

Kampala. Six days since 24 children between two and 12 years were rescued from suspected terror cells, no one has come out to claim them.

Addressing journalists at Kira Divisional Police headquarters, Police spokesperson Fred Enanga appealed to the public to provide information, if any, so that the children can be reunited with their families.

“We want the public to identify these children because their parents have not claimed them to-date. The children are very young, they are missing their childhood and are already detached from the love and care of their parents.”

On March 13, Mr Enanga says police officers raided the home of Hajati Mariam Uthman in Mpoma, Mukono District, and recovered nine children.

The following day, Mr Enanga adds, police raided the home of former ADF operative Hajji Abdul Rashid Mbaziira in Namawojolo, Mukono District, where they recovered 14 children. The children claimed Mbaziira is their father. Police later rescued another child from Namayingo District. They suspect that all the 24 children were being radicalised.

“They were being taught under facilities which are not recognised or licensed. The children were also hardened and indoctrinated by being told who their enemies are,” Mr Enanga says. Both Mbazira, who was granted amnesty in the past when it emerged that he had been part of the ADF and Uthman together with two others are detained in Nalufenya Police Station, in Jinja District for questioning.

Mr Enanga said police was able to recover valuable evidence from the two crime scenes but could not divulge more information citing that the case is under investigation

However, one of the children Daily Monitor interviewed said Mr Mbaziira was their father although they have different mothers.

By age 14, Enanga said the children disappear mysteriously but an investigation was underway to find out their destination.

“We discovered that they are taken out through Buvuma Island to an unknown destination and our investigators are looking into it already.”

Enanga also observed that investigations were still ongoing to find out if the parents of the children were either complicit or turned a blind eye to events that got their children here.

Last year, Police raided several Madarasas which they said were indoctrinating children in the guise of teaching them Islam.


United States envoy urges unemployed youth in Uganda to to work in peasantry agriculture:
Publish Date: Apr 23, 2015
Grace Asio, a farmer from Soroti interacts with the US Ambassador to Uganda,
Scott Delisi during the touring of the agriculture value chain summit and expo at
Uganda Management Association.
Photo by Juliet Kasirye 


By Billy Rwothungeyo


THE United States ambassador to Uganda Scott DeLisi has called upon youth to embrace agriculture as a pound-for-pound answer to the biting unemployment in the country.


“And, unfortunately, at present many of these young people either do not think of agriculture as an option or, when they do, they think their family’s small plots of land are not worth working, offer no potential for the future or for profit, and they are convinced they will be better off selling their land, buying a boda boda and going to the city.  They're wrong. That’s not a future.  It is just a dead-end on wheels,” he said.


DeLisi made the remarks yesterday while closing the first ever Generation Agripreneur Expo and Summit at Uganda Manufacturers Association (UMA) main hall in Kampala.


“They (youth) forget, or they don’t know, that it is agriculture that offers livelihoods to about three quarters of Uganda’s workforce and it is agriculture that accounts for about half of the country’s exports.  Agriculture matters,” he said.


“We need young people, with all of their talents and energy and innovative spirit, to commit to agriculture and to help Uganda realize the potential for greater production, and even greater profit.”


The ambassador was accompanied by Prime Minister Ruhakana Rugunda to the two day event which was chiefly organised by the U.S Mission in Uganda and the American Chamber of Commerce.


Rugunda also urged farmers to do more to earn more from agriculture which for long was the backbone of Uganda’s economy.


“Our country has enormous opportunity for agro-processing. Uganda also has opportunities for agribusiness…the country will earn more by adding value to what we are producing. There is a rapidly increasingly regional and international market for food,” he said


The Forgotten Girls Who Left the South just after the end of  International Slavery and Changed History in the United States of America:

© Provided by Time Article African American Migrants 1917


A “Northern Invasion” was coming, the Chicago Defender declared in early 1917: that spring, specifically May 15, would begin the Great Northern Drive. Southern blacks would abandon Jim Crow’s regime and seek their economic and social freedoms in the North. And Chicago was waiting for them.

The Defender, which was founded 110 years ago this month, was the most influential African American newspaper of the 20th century, not least because its entrepreneurial founder and editor, Robert Sengstacke Abbott, used it as a catalyst for the Great Migration, a movement that would change the color and composition of American cities.

Some of the littlest members of this invasion were girls and teenage women, whose stories have yet to be fully told. Reaching across a century, their tale draws a direct line from the desperate denizens of the Jim Crow South to the striving residents of Northern cities—and all the way to the White House.

Luckily, their stories have been preserved, and in their own words. In response to Abbott’s call, thousands of letters poured into the Defender’s South Side Chicago office. Would-be migrants sought employment connections, train tickets, and any form of confirmation that 'up North' would be everything Abbott promised and more.

Among these dream-seekers who put pen to paper to plan their great escapes were scores of girls and teenage women. These letters, printed in the pages of the Defender, and other reflections from African American girls who settled on Chicago’s South Side, fueled my scholarly search to understand how girls experienced, shaped and understood the mass exodus that roughly spanned 1917 to 1970, during which an estimated 7 million blacks settled in urban corridors.

Girls’ letters to Abbott spoke volumes of the struggles of everyday life. Girls revealed the poignancy of being a child while confronting the very adult economic pressures families endured. Girls labored as sharecroppers, domestics and low-wage workers in the post-Reconstruction South, and they hoped Chicago could provide better paying jobs.

Older teenage girls shouldered the responsibility of supporting families at the expense of their education. Girls also hoped that they could use the beauty products or attend the dance venues that the Defender advertised. They wanted to remake themselves into city girls—modern, stylish and in control of their futures.

Ten days before Abbot’s Northern Migration Day, a girl from Port Arthur, Tex., asked him for money for transportation and ultimately a pathway to transform her life.

“Dear Sir: I am a reader of the Chicago Defender I think it is one of the Most Wonderful Papers of our race printed. Sirs I am writeing to see if You all will please get me a job. And Sir I can wash dishes, wash iron nursing work in groceries and dry good stores. Just any of these I can do. Sir, who so ever you get the job from please tell them to send me a ticket and I will pay them. When I get their as I have not got enough money to pay my way. I am a girl of 17 years old and in the 8 grade at Knox Academy School. But on account of not having money enough I had to stop school. Sir I will thank you all with all my heart. May God Bless you all.”

That same summer, in August, a 15-year old girl from New Orleans pleaded with Abbott:

“Dear sir: i am wrighting you for help I haird of you by telling my troble I was to to right you. I wont to come ther and work I have ben looking for work here for three month…i am 15teen…if you will sin me a pass you will not be sorry I am not no lazy girl i am smart I have got very much learning but I can do any work that come to my hand.”

Some girls sought advice about migration without their parents’ consent, believing that they knew what was best for their families. A teenager from Alexandria, La., risked angering her father by seeking advice about Chicago.

“There isnt a thing for me to do, the wages here is from a dollar and a half a week. What could I earn Nothing…I have and a mother and a father my father do all he can for me but it is so hard. A child with any respect about her self or his self wouldn’t like to see there mother and father work so hard and earn nothing I feel it my duty to help…father seem to care and then again don’t seem to but Mother and I am tired tired of all of this. I wrote to you all because I believe you will help.”

Mothers also wrote to Abbott hoping to create better opportunities for their daughters, many of whom began working as domestics in white households before they had their tenth birthdays and rarely attended their one-room schoolhouse during the cotton harvest season.

One mother wrote:

“Gentlemen: I want to get in tuch with you in regard of good location & a job i am for race elevation every way. I want a job in a small town some where in north where I can receive verry good wages and where I can educate my 3 little girls and demand respect of intelegence.”

It’s hard to track what happened to those specific writers, but few, if any, may have imagined that their journey would lead to the monumental demographic shifts that globalized black culture and would yield a black First Lady, the granddaughter of a migrant, who proudly called herself a "South Side Girl" while campaigning for her husband.

Nearly a century after the initial call for blacks to seek their destiny in the industrial centers of the nation, the Great Migration’s complicated legacy continues to shape dialogue about race relations and the broad scope of topics now called ‘urban,’ from housing to employment to education.

As producer Shonda Rhimes prepares to bring Isabel Wilkerson’s Great Migration story The Warmth of Other Suns to television audiences and as art lovers flock to New York’s Museum of Modern Art to catch the rare display of all of Jacob Lawrence’s Migration Seriespaintings together, we have to remember that we have much more to learn, see and hear from the Great Migration.

Girls’ stories, especially their letters, make real the urgency and the hope of the domestic migration that changed the world.


"The United States will not  back President M7 this time or any other Presidential candidate in the coming National Election of 2016." US Ambassador DeLisi has said.
Publish Date: Jul 08, 2015
By Charles Etukuri


THE United States embassy has spoken out about the 2016 national elections after reports indicated that it had threatened to withdraw aid to the country and that it had a preferred candidate in the 2016 elections.


In a strong statement, the US Ambassador to Uganda Scott DeLisi said that the US did not have any preferred candidate neither did it intend withdraw any assistance it had provided to the country.


"Any online rumors or other assertions that the United States has a preferred candidate in the ‪‎Ugandan elections, or has threatened to withdraw assistance to the government and the people of ‪‎Uganda over any individual’s candidacy, is simply not true,” DeLisi said in a statement.


The Ambassador also said that whoever followed the US engagements in the country knew that they actively support the development of all political parties in Uganda because of their ability to represent a range of views which was central to a robust democratic process in which citizens are informed and free to make choices on key issues.


“However, we have not, and we will not, support any particular candidate either now or in the future. Those who suggest that we seek to play such a role betray their fundamental lack of understanding of the United States and of our unwavering belief that the people of Uganda, and no one else, must choose their candidates and, ultimately, their elected leaders,” he noted.


The US ambassador said his country hoped that, in the months ahead, diverse viewpoints will be heard in a vigorous democratic debate that would conclude with a free, fair, and transparent election.


The US warning comes in the wake of an announcement by former Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi that he would seek nomination for the position of the National Resistance Movement flag bearer for the 2016 elections.


His announcement and planned tour across the country has met stiff opposition from his party, the Electoral Commission and the Uganda Police Force. Police has warned that they will not allow him start his national consultations scheduled for Thursday in Mbale but he has insisted he will go.


Earlier on his team circulated reports that he had been cleared by his party chairman Yoweri Kaguta Museveni however , the President’s office and police issued a statement stating that no clearance had been given and that the laid down laws must be followed.




Obama demands new approaches to Africa

US President Barack Obama delivers a speech at the African Union Headquarters in

Addis Ababa yesterday as he made the first address to the African Union by a US leader. AFP PHOTO

By Agencies

Posted  Wednesday, July 29  2015 


Addis Ababa. US President Barack Obama said yesterday it was time for the world to change its approach to Africa, as he made the first address to the African Union (AU) by a US leader.

“As Africa changes, I have called for the world to change its approach to Africa,” Mr Obama said in a speech at the AU’s headquarters in Ethiopia’s capital.
“A half century into this independence era, it is long past time to put aside old stereotypes of an Africa forever mired in poverty and conflict. The world must recognise Africa’s extraordinary progress.”
Mr Obama said Africa needed more trade, and that the United States was stepping up its business ties with the continent.
“So many Africans have told me: we don’t just want aid, we want trade that fuels our progress. We don’t want patrons, we want partners who help us build our own capacity to grow. We don’t want the indignity of dependence, we want to make our own choices and determine our own future,” he said.
President Obama said the United States was a trusted partner of the continent, and took a veiled swipe at resource-hungry China, which has massively stepped up its presence on the continent.
“Economic relationships cannot simply be about other countries building infrastructure with foreign labour or extracting Africa’s natural resources,” Mr Obama said.
Mr Obama said the United States stood with Africa to defeat terrorism and end conflict, warning that the continent’s progress will “depend on security and peace”.
“As Africa stands against terror and conflict, I want you to know the United States stands with you,” Mr Obama said, highlighting threats ranging from Somalia’s al-Shabaab, Boko Haram in Nigeria, insurgents in Mali and Tunisia, and the Uganda-led Lord’s Resistance Army rebels in central Africa.
He said the United States was backing AU military efforts and saluting the “brave African peacekeepers” battling militants.
“From Somalia and Nigeria, to Mali and Tunisia, terrorists continue to target innocent civilians,” he said at the African Union headquarters in Addis Ababa.
“Many of these groups claim the banner of religion, but hundreds of millions of African Muslims know that Islam means peace. We must call groups like Al-Qaeda, ISIL (Islamic State), al-Shabaab and Boko Haram, we must call them what they are — murderers.”
But he also said that progress was being made.
“Because of the AU force in Somalia, al-Shabaab controls less territory, and the Somali government is growing stronger. In central Africa, the AU-led mission continues to degrade the Lord’s Resistance Army,” he said.
Mr Obama at the same time called on Africa to end “the cancer of corruption” and embrace democracy to ensure continued progress.
“Nothing will unlock Africa’s economic potential more than ending the cancer of corruption,” Mr Obama said, warning that it drained “billions of dollars” from economies that could be used for health systems or creating employment.
“Africa’s progress will also depend on democracy, because Africans, like people everywhere, deserve the dignity of being in control of their own lives,” he said, in a speech that closes his two-nation tour of Kenya and Ethiopia.
“Yet at this very moment, these same freedoms are denied to many Africans. I have to proclaim, democracy is not just formal elections,” he added, to cheers from the packed hall, with all its 2,500 seats taken by AU officials as well as civil society representatives.
“When journalists are put behind bars for doing their jobs, or activists are threatened as governments crack down on civil society, then you may have democracy in name, but not in substance.
“I am convinced that nations cannot realise the full promise of independence until they fully protect the rights of their people.”

African leaders Condemned

The US leader also condemned African leaders who refuse to give up power. “Africa’s democratic progress is also at risk when leaders refuse to step aside when their terms end,” Mr Obama said in a speech at the AU’s headquarters in the Ethiopian capital.
“No one should be president for life,” he said, adding that he himself was looking forward to handing over to his successor.
“I have to be honest with you: I just do not understand this. Under our Constitution, I cannot run again. There is still so much I want to get done to keep America moving forward. But the law is the law and no one is above it, not even presidents,” he said.
“And, frankly, I am looking forward to life after being president. It will mean more time with my family, new ways to serve, and more visits to Africa.” President Obama singled out Burundi’s President Pierre Nkurunziza, whose re-election to a third term provoked weeks of unrest in the small central African nation, as an example of the dangers of trying to stay put.
“When a leader tries to change the rules in the middle of the game just to stay in office, it risks instability and strife, as we have seen in Burundi.”
He said clinging to power was “often just a first step down a perilous path.” “If a leader thinks they’re the only person who can hold their nation together, then that leader has failed to truly build their country,” Mr Obama said, hailing Nelson Mandela as an example for the continent.



President Museveni of Uganda at the recently concluded US-Africa summit in Washington DC


By Eric Kashambuzi


When Museveni became president of Uganda in 1986 riding on the crest of a guerrilla victory, he was showered with praise as an intellectual that had picked up the gun to save Uganda and her people. He soon became the blue-eyed boy and darling of the West, especially of the United States of America.

He was showered with money and invitation to attend the annual G8 Summits of industrialized countries for boldly launching “shock therapy” stabilization and a structural adjustment programme (SAP) that was shunned or amended by governments including Chile, Ghana and Tanzania. Against this backdrop, Museveni began to speak and write with confidence without realizing that a spoken or written word never dies; to make and break promises without worrying about the repercussions and to behave as though he had won permanent glory no matter what he subsequently committed or omitted.

Sadly, while recently attending the historic U.S. – Africa Leaders’ Summit, Museveni got a rude shock of his life. He was marginalized and even attacked for his reckless remarks and broken promises that did not sit down well with many people in the United States. People who had followed Museveni develop a special relationship with the United States of America especially the anti-terrorism collaboration, expected a warm welcome notwithstanding signing the anti-gay bill. Museveni’s actions had gone against American values in some respects.

Early in his administration, Museveni was interviewed by an American reporter. During that interview Museveni made a statement to the effect that he did not blame whites for enslaving Africans, adding that if you are stupid you should be taken a slave, implying that Africans were taken slaves because they were stupid. As expected this statement did not go down well with African Americans. In preparation for Museveni visit, the statement was dag up and published. An African-American Congressman in the United States House of Representatives picked it up and used it to discredit Museveni. The same representative had written to stop Sam Kutesa from becoming president of the United Nations General Assembly. That was the first blow.
On April 4, 1997, Museveni made a statement about bringing states in the Great Lakes Region and in the Horn of Africa into a federation. He said that he was following in the footsteps of Hitler who had tried to bring together the German people. He described Hitler as a smart man. This statement like the one on slave trade did not go down well with American people especially those who lost their loved ones during the Second World War including six million Jews. This statement was dag up and published before Museveni arrived in the United States, adding an injury to a wound.

Shortly after becoming president, Museveni made a solemn promise, underscoring that he had accepted leadership of Uganda to clean up the mess, restore security and democracy and then retire. He emphasized that he was one of those fellows not very keen to remain in public life for a long time. When his term was up in 1990, he appealed for an extension because more work remained to be done under his leadership. The public and parliament objected. He was saved by Cardinal Emmanuel Nsubuga who pleaded to Ugandans to give Museveni an extra five years to stabilize the country and arrange an orderly succession. That was 1990: it is now 2014 and Museveni has not been able to arrange a succession. He broke his promise.

When President Obama became president, he advised that leaders that had stayed in power too long needed to retire. Museveni did not accept this advice. Accordingly the United States was not able to extend a warm welcome to a leader that has been in power continuously since 1986 and still counting. The US-Africa Leaders’ Summit was primarily about strengthening trade and investment between America and Africa. Therefore for panel discussions, the organizers picked African leaders that had created conditions for stimulating investments including in the manufacturing sectors. The record from Uganda was one of broken promises.

In an interview he gave in 1991, Museveni stressed that Uganda would be industrialized within 15 years, insisting that he had no doubt about that because nothing could stop him. This promise has been broken. Not only has industrialization not taken place, but the country is de-industrializing. Some manufacturing enterprises have been closed including an AGOA factory, the Tri-Star Apparel plant, Uganda Bata factory, Steel Rolling Mills. Other factories have relocated outside Uganda and yet others are operating below installed capacity. Some Americans that have tried to invest in Uganda are complaining about lack of infrastructure, institutions, skilled human power and rampant corruption. Accordingly, Museveni could not be selected as one of the African panellists because there are no good lessons to offer.

Not least, although the anti-gay bill which Museveni signed into law against objections of many at home and abroad was annulled a few days before Museveni arrived in the United States, damage had already been done to his reputation. Thus, singly or in concert Museveni’s reckless statements, broken promises, corruption, sectarianism and cronyism undermined his credibility and visibility during his visit to the United States. Whatever corrective measures he undertakes, it will likely be difficult to restore the glory he enjoyed before the start of the 21st century. To save the little credibility he still enjoys, it is advisable that Museveni steps down without further delay so that a transitional government is formed to rebuild the country.