In Uganda, President Museveni infiltrates Opposition political parties to be able to survive in power:

There is at present a one man democratic leadership governance, in this African country for 35 years.



Written by the Observer, Uganda


FDC president Patrick Amuriat and chairman Waswa Birigwa


Publicly, without mentioning names or dropping pointers, President Museveni subtly admits he is talking and working with some opposition people but privately, insider sources say, he has built nothing less than an empire of followers within the opposition.

On May 24, the ruling NRM muscled through parliament their choices for Speaker Jacob Oulanyah and his deputy Anita Annet Among with jubilant celebration after beating off stiff challenge from the opposition-backed former speaker Rebecca Kadaga.

Speaking in the immediate aftermath of that victory, at Kololo Ceremonial Grounds, President Yoweri Museveni revealed that
he was on good talking terms with two grand old opposition political parties; the Democratic Party and Uganda People’s Congress.

He said that he has also started talking to some people within the Forum for Democratic Change, FDC, which before the January 14, 2021 general election, was the biggest opposition party in parliament. Museveni added that the only party, which is still elusive, was the Robert Kyagulanyi-led National Unity Platform-NUP, now the biggest opposition party in parliament.

Museveni’s revelation jolted some FDC members who wondered how deep the NRM chairman had infiltrated their party. However, to some insiders, Museveni’s announcement didn’t come as a surprise. According to highly placed sources at the Najjanankumbi-based party, tensions within the party hierarchy have been bubbling for months, triggered largely by allegations that some top-tier officials are clandestinely dealing with President Museveni.

Dr Kizza Besigye, the founding president and four-time presidential candidate, is said to be very unhappy with the way the party is being run. Our sources said that towards this year’s general election, two high-level party officials separately met with President Museveni to discuss the election.

One party official reportedly asked the president to bankroll the party’s participation in the general election.

“The president agreed to give him money but he said he will send it through someone [name withheld]. Actually the money came and it’s from it that you saw the party buying those big brand new cars that were used in the campaign,” the source said.

Eventually, other top-tier officials including Besigye got to know that money had changed hands. Besigye is said to be very disappointed with the current party leadership. The source said Besigye’s initial angry reaction was to publicly denounce the dealings.

“He felt betrayed; he said it was important to rescue the party from what he called businessmen,” the source said.

However, the timing was bad for such a public denunciation, according to our source. The party was still recovering from months of negative publicity triggered by the defection of a number of MPs and the emergence of Kyagulanyi aka Bobi Wine as the most formidable political challenger to Museveni.

The last thing the party needed, according to our source, was another self-inflicted crisis. With the intervention of trusted allies, the source said, Besigye was soothed out of speaking publicly against the implicated party leadership. However, he vowed never to play any active role in the campaigns.

“It’s true Besigye is very cautious about Covid-19 but it’s not the reason he stayed away from Amuriat’s campaigns. He just simply couldn’t take part in a campaign sponsored by Museveni,” the source said.

Besigye joined Amuriat twice; during the FDC manifesto launch in Hoima district and when he campaigned in Rukungiri district.

Even at last month’s induction of members of parliament who were elected on the FDC ticket, Besigye was a noticeable absentee yet he was in the country.

“Do you think there was nothing Besigye could tell those MPs... he has just chosen to stay away because his relationship with some of the leaders in the party has really deteriorated. Don’t be surprised if he supports another person other than Amuriat in the coming party election,” the source said.

Besigye supported Patrick Amuriat in the 2017 party election that ousted the then president Maj. Gen Mugisha Muntu. Elections for new leaders were supposed to be held last year but were shelved for another three years because of Covid-19 pandemic. It was impossible to interview Amuriat for this story. He neither picked nor returned our calls.

Interviewed for this story, Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda, the party spokesperson, said there has never been a party resolution to work with Museveni.

“I sit on all party organs and not once has a decision been taken to work with Museveni. If anyone is dealing with him, he/
she is doing so in his or her personal capacity,” Ssemujju, the MP for Kira municipality, said.


In response to our questions put to him through WhatsApp, Dr Besigye said he was sure Museveni never funded the FDC presidential candidate. In fact, Besigye said, Amuriat ran the most poorly funded presidential race that FDC has ever had.

“For the most part, he had no public address system and was using the hand-held loudspeaker - mukalakasa. He had to do with a very thin support team that hardly had any basic facilitation,” Besigye said.

The retired colonel said if indeed Amuriat was a friendly presidential candidate, he would not have exposed Museveni’s use of crude violence and harassment of opponents as he did.

“You should revisit his campaign trail and see what he went through,” Besigye said.

Asked why he stayed away from Amuriat’s campaign, Besigye said he didn’t want to draw attention away from Amuriat and in the process intensify conflict with the NUP campaign.

“This, in turn, would cause or increase demoralization of our activists and supporters. You may have realized that even with my non-participation, my name was still being dragged into the contest with a view of inflaming conflict among “pro-change” activists and supporters,” Besigye said.

The other reason the four-time presidential candidate stayed away from the campaign trail was his strong conviction that the election outcome was predetermined by the state and the campaigns and electoral process was just intended to legitimize that fraud.

“I preferred to engage differently and quietly,” Besigye said.

He, however, conceded that President Museveni has infiltrated FDC just like he has done with all other parties. This, Besigye said, has been ongoing since the party was formed and only escalates towards elections.

“That’s how we lost senior leaders like Alex Onzima, John Butime, Beatrice Anywar, Christopher Kibanzanga, Anita Among, Michael Ocula, Jackson Kafuuzi, Agnes Akiror Eginyu, Francis Atugonza, Bernard Atiku, etc. These leaders are attracted by short-term personal gains and most of them regret in the end,’ Besigye said.

He, however, added that despite buying off some leaders, the opposition against President Museveni countrywide is growing with more reliable and determined leaders emerging as others defect.

“I am personally, not discouraged; in fact, my optimism about the impending success of a people’s revolution intensifies. Now that the phase of “office seekers” is over, the real struggle of our people is going to get more focused and intensified,’ Besigye said.

After the 2016 general elections that Besigye and the FDC dismissed as rigged, there were attempts at mediation between
FDC and the NRM. The talks were midwifed by the Women Situation Room with support from the Swedish government.

However, after the tension that had been created by the arrest and detention of Dr Besigye ebbed, the talks suffered a stillbirth.


One can just wonder which democratic country is it there in this modern world, where one finds a democratically elected leader that stays put for re-election for 35 years?

Most probably Iraq where there was even a parliament and regular national democratic elections during the rule of Saddam Hussein. This democratic rule unfortunately lasted 24 years. From 1979 to 2003!






The NRM government in Uganda, is using COVID19 money to buy NRM motorcycles and bicycles for political campaigning:
And yet this President only donated 1.4 m to covid funds. but has found money to buy motorcycles!


Written by PM Rehema

11 September, 2020

Following the breakout of the COVID-19 pandemic, Museveni went on a financial rampage not only emptying the national Treasury but external borrowing and internal fundraising. Since he declared his COVID-19 lockdown in March 2020, his financial rampage has acquired the following amounts of funds all aimed at responding to the pandemic:

1. When the first COVID-19 positive case was recorded in Uganda, the regime committed UGX 119b shillings to the Ministry of Health to cater for a response. 

2. On April 7th, Parliament approved UGX 304b shillings supplementary budget for the so-called COVID-19 response. Out of this, the health sector had been allocated only UGX 82b but parliament defiantly increased it to UGX 102b. The rest of the money went to other government sectors with Security taking the lion's share just because Museveni treated the pandemic as more of a security problem than a health issue. 

3. Alongside the COVID-19 budget, another UGX 638.9b supplementary budget was approved for State House and the Ministry of Defence for the so-called classified expenditure. 

4. In April, Museveni launched an internal fundraising drive that targeted blackmailing rich individuals and companies that anticipated favours from the regime. The so-called COVID-19 Response Fund had set its goal at rising UGX 170b but as of end of June 2020,  it report to have raised UGX 50b (17b in cash and 33b in kind). Its efforts to extort from the salaried workers was halted by parliament when parliament revoked the May 12, 2020 directive that required each worker to contribute UGX 10,000 shillings. The regime had hoped to fleece the already distressed worker of a total of UGX 15b. 

5. Around late March 2020, THE World Bank gave Uganda USD 15m (57b shillings) under the Emergency Response Component of the Uganda Reproductive Maternal and Child Health Services for supporting efforts for early detection, prevention, procurement of PPEs, testing kits, transport, thermal scanners, screening equipment, media and consumables.

6. In April 2020, the EU gave Uganda UGX 120b shillings to help contain the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic. 

8. In May 2020, the World Bank Executive Board approved USD 491.5m disbursement to Uganda to address COVID-19 pandemic. The funding was under the Rapid Credit Facility to finance health, social protection and macroeconomic stabilisation measures. 

9. In May 2020, the USA government announced a USD162m global response. The US mission in Uganda disbursed USD 15m (57b shillings) to the government of Uganda to meet urgent needs of COVID-19 response. 

10. In July 2020, the European Union provided Uganda with a €24m to assist COVID-19 vulnerable people in Uganda with special focus on refugees and their host communities. Another €1m was given to aid organisations in Uganda that were supporting the COVID-19 preparedness and control measures. 

11. In June 2020, the World Bank Board of Directors donated $300m meant to close the COVID-19 financing gap and support to economic recovery. It was also to boost government's capacity to detect, prevent and treat the Corona virus, protect the poor and vulnerable population and support economic recovery.

12. In July 2020, the World Bank approved a $15.2m support to government efforts to prevent, detect and respond to COVID-19 and strengthen national systems for public health emergency preparedness under a new Operation - the Uganda COVID-19 Response and Emergency Preparedness Project.

13.In June 2020, the EU announced a €178m in credit and grants to Uganda to fund Uganda's Corona virus response, including extending credit to small businesses hit by the economic crisis induced by COVID-19 outbreak. 

14. In July 2020, the Board of Directors of African Development Fund approved a $31.6m (117b Ug shillings) COVID-19 Crisis Response Support Program to Uganda. The money was for budget support within the framework of the Bank group's COVID-19 Crisis Response Facility to support government efforts to contain the immediate cost of the pandemic, mitigate its social and economic impact and support economic recovery. 

15. In May 2020, Denmark signed a grant of $2m for supporting COVID-19 response in Uganda. The said money was to be channelled through the WHO and UNFPA for the procurement of masks and Personal Protective Equipment. 

16. In May 2020, the EU granted Uganda €250,000 Emergency Assistance for victims of floods in the affected areas. 

17. In July 2020, Gen (Rtd) Wesley Clark) from the USA donated $100,000 to help with the COVID-19 pandemic. 

18. In April 2020, IGAAD donated to Uganda $100,000 to help with handling of  COVID-19.

19. In June 2020, AMREF Health Africa in Uganda donated an assortment of medical items and equipment worth UGX 447m to help handle the COVID-19 pandemic. 

20. In July 2020, Museveni's parliament approved a shillings One Trillion supplementary budget for COVID-19 four days to the end of the financial year. Out of this, it's only ugx 89b that was given to the MOH with 33b allocated for procurement of face masks. 

Despite the vast amount of money mobilised for the COVID-19 response, there is nothing to show on the ground. Hospitals and other health facilities are in a sorry state. Health workers lack the basic Personal Protective Equipment. The general public lacks face masks, testing kits and sanitisers. Small businesses are collapsing. Relief food distribution failed miserably. Those in the quarantine centres are made to personally meet their expenses.

The above COVID-19 pandemic cash bonanza came amidst the inflated Desert Locust threat whose cash Bonanza was also dominated by the army. 

1. The Uganda government gave out shillings 24b.
2. Russia donated $3m (11b shillings)
3. Germany donated €2.3m (9.6b shillings) for relief and cash assistance to victims in the affected areas of Teso and Karamoja. 

4. The African Solidarity Trust Fund gave UGX 37b. 

5. USAID gave shillings 490m 

6. World Bank gave shillings 180b loan

7. The EU gave 41b shillings.

8. FAO and China gave a huge consignment of assorted equipment.

9. In June 2020, the regime intended to make an external borrowing of another 14.8b shillings. 

10. FAO in Uganda mobilised $10m from its core resources.
11. It is not clear as to how much money Uganda received from the USD 1.5m that was approved by the ADB as an emergency grant to curb the Desert Locusts in East Africa. 

Therefore, the Museveni regime has accumulated vast financial resources for use in his forthcoming scientific elections. Already, the power of money has been demonstrated in the just concluded NRM primaries for CEC and the Parliamentary Youth Elections. The worst is yet to be witnessed during the general elections, and no doubt by using hard cash handouts, Museveni will win by close to 80%. 
Ugandans who have been asking where all the huge amounts of cash that was mobilised for the COVID-19 pandemic, you now know.
And this dodgy African democracy is likely to repeat itself during the 2021 National Election as Parliament and the Judiciary have legally allowed it to happen.

In Uganda, President Museveni is making it a must to win the coming next election at any cost:

The issue of Election Gerrymandering is not an election crime in democratic elections of Uganda:


28 June, 2020 








By Musaazi Namiti


Covid-19 has been a public health nightmare for many people around the world—and it still is—but for President Museveni, the pandemic seems like manna from heaven. He is taking advantage of the pandemic to reap political dividends, or so it seems.

Under the pretext of curbing the spread of Covid-19, his Electoral Commission announced recently that there will be no mass rallies in the run-up to the election, which is expected around January 10 and February 8, 2021. Politicians, including Mr Museveni, will not campaign in the traditional sense—they will use social and traditional media to reach out to voters.

The Opposition is already crying foul. They think they stand no chance of winning the election if they are not allowed to campaign freely. They argue that they need to go out and speak to the masses and sell their manifestos. Some political activists and pressure groups have decided to go to court to try to reverse this decision. Whether they will succeed is another matter.

Yet I think that if—as seems likely—Mr Museveni wins the election, it will not be because he prevented his opponents from campaigning. It will be because he has rigged the electoral process for decades. It should be recalled that the Opposition has lost all the elections since 1996, yet in each of those elections, Opposition candidates addressed rallies.

Mr Museveni’s real benefit will be denying popular figures, such as MP Robert Kyagulanyi and Dr Kizza Besigye, the limelight and media attention (local and international). Another is that he will have to deal with less stress considering that he does not have to traverse the entire country campaigning.

In my humble opinion, the Opposition needs to worry not about not being able to address voters at rallies but about having an election commission that owes allegiance to the President and is controlled by him. Another concern is the Presidential Elections Act, which allows courts to annul elections only when there is incontrovertible evidence that irregularities altered election results.

The current Electoral Commission (EC) is a puppet. It would be independent and impartial if it was appointed by Ugandans. But President Museveni, who has a vested interest in elections, is responsible for appointments. That is akin to the Uganda Cranes choosing its own referee in the Africa Cup of Nations.

True, the appointments are vetted by a parliamentary committee, but the committee is made up of Museveni’s henchwomen and henchmen.

In 2015, the governing NRM and political parties that are represented in Parliament agreed on a raft of electoral reforms that they said would ensure free and fair elections.

Some of the proposed reforms—the Supreme Court added more to that list following the disputed election of 2016—focused on operations of the EC and how it would be constituted. However, the reforms are not anywhere near materialising.

The last time they were in the news was in July/August 2019. Then five Bills—the Presidential Elections Amendment Bill 2019, the Parliamentary Elections Amendment Bill 2019, the Electoral Commission Amendment Bill 2019, the Political Parties and Organisations Bill 2019 and the Local Governments Amendment Bill 2019—were tabled before Parliament. It is highly unlikely that these Bills will be passed before the next election.

Consequently, we are going to have another election when no electoral reforms have been carried out. The laws will still favour the President. Some candidates will likely launch a petition if they lose the pre-rigged election, but with the Presidential Elections Act still intact, that will be a complete waste of time.

The writer is a journalist and former Al Jazeera digital editor in charge of the Africa desk @kazbuk.






Mubiru Njuki omuwandiisi wa bazzukulubabuganda international anenya Katikkiro wa Buganda okukola emirimu nga simwesimbu:


By World Media


22 May, 2020

Mr Mubiru Njuki, the Secretary to bazzukulubabuganda international.

The Seven years of Mayiga's leadership as the Katikkiro of Buganda.





The Katikkiro Mr Mayiga together with the King of Buganda 




The President of Uganda has agreed that the national elections in his country are not free and fair:

Voter bribery leads to bad leaders which seems is the order of the day in the history of this country, the President noted:

Written by Uganda Observer reporter

20 December, 2019

President Museveni

President Museveni of Uganda


President Museveni has cautioned the Ugandan electorate to reject voter bribery because leaders who bribe their way to office have little or no attachment to the voters. According to Museveni, voters with no attachment with the voters are selfish and are in leadership for their own personal rather than working for the country.

Below is Museveni's full statement

Greetings to all of you Ugandans. On New Year's Day, I will make a broadcast where I will give a detailed report of whatever is happening. However, for today I wanted to salute the Electoral Commission for registering voters and also for extending the registration time because a number of them had not registered.


As you know very well, part of the problem of Uganda was the mismanagement of democracy. We had elections in 1961 and 1962 but they were badly organised. There were so many mistakes, many of them deliberate. I have had occasion to enumerate those, I do not want to repeat them here.

When we had those elections in 1962, there was one structural problem, that of people who were elected on the ticket of the Democratic Party (DP) or Kabaka Yekka (KY) or the Uganda Peoples Congress (UPC), getting to Parliament and changing sides. They called it "okusala eddiro" (crossing the floor) and they just went to where people did not elect them.

That was part of the problem because many of the DP MPs, including the leader of the Opposition, Bazilio Bataringaya, crossed over to UPC and many of the KY MPs. That was sabotage of democracy because if elected people do not "okweguya" (feel obliged) to explain to the voters or to be held responsible by the voters for whatever they are doing then you get a disconnection. It means that the elected people do not care what the voters think.

That was caused by that structural problem. Kenya had handled it well because in 1966 some of the KANU members changed sides and formed KPU but they agreed that if you change sides, you go back to the people who elected you and seek their endorsement. It ensured a continuous linkage between the elector and the elected during the term of Parliament.

But in Uganda the idea was that once one was elected, they did not care about what the voter thought. The elected leader could do their own things. In our own Parliament we have had that problem of the "Rebel MPs", elected as NRM but conduct themselves like they are not NRM.

The Constitutional court made a mistake because when we asked them to interpret Article 83 that we deliberately put in the Constitution to solve the problem of the 1960s, they interpreted it in such a manner that the MP can do what they want. That the MPs do not have to get permission from those who elected them to do what they are supposed to do. It is a very dangerous disconnection, that of non-accountability.

The second disconnection is cheating. People who manipulate the electoral register to cheat. They place voters where they should not be. They ballot stuff. Sometimes they even alter results after they have been announced.

All that is aimed at rendering the voters meaningless because if I can be elected by cheating then I do not have to "okweguya" the voters. I don't have to go back and provide services to them or go back and make sure what is supposed to be done is done because I will be elected anyway by cheating. So why should "okweguya" (to feel indebted or obliged or fear my electorate). The cheating interferes with "okweguya".

The third disconnection is the use of money. This one is a mistake where the voters are also involved. You are given some little personal money and then you vote for the one who gave you that little money.

Then you forget that the task of the MP is to "okusakila" (to get services and development for your area); to struggle for the roads, the water, schools, wealth creation (OWC), to bring those government programmes to you.

That is why you elect an MP. And the one who can do it better is the one you should elect. Now if you abandon that and instead vote for the one who gave you Shs 500 or Shs 1,000, that means you are like Esau in the Bible who sold his birthright to Jacob.

Therefore, first you should know that the vote is a cleanser, a means of cleansing the political system, to make sure that the people have power. It captures the sovereignty of the people, that they have the ultimate power.

However, you cannot exercise that power if you do not register. But also, you should register in the right place. What is the right place? The are are two places. The first is where you originate. Like me, I have been registering in Rwakitura, in a nearby voting centre called Nshwere, because that's where I originate.

The second area where I could register is Nakasero, because it is where I reside now. I cannot register in Jinja and say I have a state lodge in Jinja, so I should go and register there. That's obukumpanya (cheating). I sometimes come to Jinja but I don't live here. It must be where you originate or where you reside.

In the past, we would also register at our workplaces but we found it was very dangerous because some of the areas are difficult to know who is working there, like the markets. The population keeps changing. Its why we removed workplaces as voting registration points.

Anybody who does anything different is committing a crime and can be arrested. In Jinja when we had a by-election, people had imported voters from Buikwe to come and vote here and there were 4,000 imported voters in one of the parishes. The case is still in court. We also had the same problem in Arua, people imported to vote in Arua Municipality during the by-election. This is something that should not happen again.

I, therefore, call upon all of you to register, those who are Ugandan citizens and above 18, if you have not registered, go and do so but in the right place; where you originate or live currently.

If you go anywhere else, those registers will be audited. We shall send people who know the locals and if we find you did anything wrong, we shall charge you because it is an attempt to cheat and interfere with the power of the people. Why are you interfering with the power of the people?

The logic of the registration areas is that if I reside in an area and the services are poor, I will suffer. Therefore if I elect a bad leader who does not address my problems, I will suffer. I will be hurting myself. It is therefore in my interest that I elect a good leader.

But if you do not live here and you register here, when we get a bad leader, you don't suffer. So, you are interfering with our choice of a leader who needs to help our area. You have no right absolutely to come and hire somebody to work on another's farm. It's the owner of the farm who must hire who works on their farm. The stick which is in the neighbour's house can't chase the leopard in your house (omugo oguli ku mu lilwano tegugoba engo).

The locals must be the ones to elect their leaders. If they elect badly, that is their problem but if they elect badly because their area was invaded by people with no stake (tebalina kyebafirwa) this is not fair. It is why we say only the people who live there or originate from there should vote.

Similarly, if I originate from Rwakitura even if I don't live there, the logic is that Museveni still has relatives in Rwakitura, so if I vote badly, my people, will suffer and it means I also suffer. That's the logic of why you vote where you live so that your suffer directly or where you originate, so that you suffer indirectly through the suffering of your relatives, if your choices are bad.

Therefore, this voters register is "edaggala" (medicine) which the country takes every five years to treat itself from whatever it has been suffering from. When you mismanage it, it is like bringing water and diluting the medicine, it will not work. It will defeat the purpose.

So, I appeal to you, register in the remaining days and register in the right place. Thank you.


It is now clearly written on the wall as observed by Nebuchadrezzar II, king of Babylon that ruled long for a period of 605 BC – 562 BC.
He was the longest-reigning and most powerful monarch of the Neo-Babylonian Empire.
His body guards had to get the enslaved Jews to come out and translate in simple terms what those writings on the wall meant for him and his country.
If this African man is a real gentleman, he has no one else to blame for the failure of democracy in this country not even his own political party.