Dr Mungherera has been suffering the agony of the poverty of the medical fraternity that is in Uganda: 

February 8, 2017

Written by BAMUTURAKI MUSINGUZI

Dr Margaret Mungherera, the former president of the World Medical Association, died of cancer last week. As a tribute to one of the world's most respected and outspoken health rights activists, we republish this feature about Mungherera by BAMUTURAKI MUSINGUZI first published by The Observer in January 2014.


When Ugandan psychiatrist Margaret Mungherera was voted unopposed as president-elect of the prestigious World Medical Association (WMA) – the event conjured up bitter memories when she was refused to practice medicine in Britain 28 years ago.

Mungherera had travelled to the UK to pursue a diploma in Tropical Medicine and Hygiene at the London School of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene in 1984, after completing her internship at Mulago hospital a year before.

In 1980 the General Medical Council in the UK had banned doctors from a number of countries, Uganda inclusive, from working in England for various reasons, including the insecurity in Uganda then, and an alleged decline in standards here. Hence while Mungherera’s classmates from India, Nigeria and Ghana were allowed to practice, Ugandans were rejected as unworthy.

“For us personally as doctors we felt sort of downgraded and humiliated. It meant that if you could not work in England, then you could not work in Germany, France or Europe,” Mungherera says.

She recalls that even when they were admitted, they were told they could not touch patients, meaning that it was going to be a theoretical course.

“It was OK that we were not allowed into courses that were clinical at the time. It must have been up until the 1990s when we struggled and we were recognized again.”


Mungherera’s highest personal recognition came in October 2012, when she was voted WMA president-elect for 2013-2014 at the association’s annual General Assembly in Bangkok, Thailand. A year later, in Fortaleza, Brazil, she was installed as president at the WMA general assembly.

WMA, acting on behalf of patients and physicians, endeavours to achieve the highest possible standards of medical care, ethics, education and health-related human rights for all people.

“When I was taking up this post, the people who actually looked for me were from the British Medical Association. I also had doctors from the American, German and South African Medical Associations who actually rallied and convinced me to take up this challenge. And so when I was declared unopposed at the meeting in Bangkok last year, the first thing that came into my mind was how I felt that afternoon when I was not allowed to register in the UK,” Mungherera says, remarking what a “wonderful thing” it is that the British now think a Ugandan can lead.

Mungherera is only the third woman to head the 66-year-old association, after Dr P. Kincaid-Smith from Australia (1994-5) and Dr Kati Myllymaki from Finland (2002-3). And she is the second African president, after South Africa’s Bernard Mandell (1996-7). She sees this as more evidence to a gender-imbalanced world – that women can ably lead.

“As president, I am going to be the ambassador of the association. I will be the mouthpiece and spokesperson. I will represent WMA at the United Nations and World Health Organisation meetings and other bodies that have a relationship with the association. I will also be visiting national member associations especially where health workers have challenges. If, for example, they have unfairly detained a health worker or where rights of health workers are being violated,” she says.

Mungherera has been a medical doctor for over 30 years and a psychiatrist for 20 years. She specializes in forensic psychiatry at Mulago teaching and referral hospital. She also has responsibilities as the clinical head, directorate of Medical Services (departments of Internal Medicine and Psychiatry). In addition, she is a senior consultant psychiatrist at Mulago hospital, in charge of psychiatry emergency services.

Mungherera is a founding member of the Association of Uganda Women Medical Doctors and was the first woman to be elected honorary president of the Uganda Medical Association (UMA) since its formation in 1963. She is also its longest-serving president – 1998-2005 and again from 2010 to-date. As WMA boss, she hopes to tackle the challenges of delivering quality healthcare to millions around the world. And she articulates the problem clearly.

“I think the main challenge is that there is a human resource crisis all over the world whether you are talking about high, middle or low-income countries. The most affected areas are the low and middle-income countries. In terms of migration there is a lot of internal and external migration. People are migrating from the South to the North. People are even migrating within their countries from rural to urban areas. So, there is a lot of inequality in terms of distribution of health workers,” she says.

“I also think that the profession has low numbers but also there is a shortage of skills. The skills that are necessary now are to do with the new diseases that have emerged. For example, we as doctors should no longer keep sitting in our clinics; we should be out there doing advocacy, public awareness and health promotions.

“The diseases have changed; we should be talking about lifestyle, more than infections. [Of] course infections are important but lifestyle is a very important issue now. The other challenge as new diseases and epidemics emerge, there is reduced resources for health care. In most countries health care resources are going down,” she added.



Dr Mungherera supervising work at Mulago hospital in 2014

To address these challenges, Mungherera suggests that governments should show more commitment and increase funding for the sector. And the private sector, too, should be more involved in providing solutions.

“For example, a lot of governments have signed the Abuja Declaration, which requires all countries to allocate at least 15 per cent of their national budgets to health. It is not happening in any of the low-income countries and even some middle income countries.”

Mungherera also stresses that research has to be the pillar of efficient healthcare systems.

“We need to be providing services that are based on evidence. So, in many of these countries there is very little money for research. And a lot of research is done by institutions elsewhere. A lot of research is not being translated into policy and action; so, there is a lot of wastage of resources for research. We need to get more money but also target the money to where it is needed to influence policy and action.”


UP TO THE TASK

According the former WMA president, Dr Cecil Wilson, there is no doubt Mungherera will make a great president.

“In talking with Dr Mungherera about her vision for the WMA, what comes through loud and clear is a dedication to bringing the disparate member organisations of the WMA together,” Wilson wrote in his blog posted on the WMA website.

The principal medical officer in charge of mental health at the Ugandan ministry of Health, Dr Sheila Ndyanabangi, describes Mungherera as a charismatic, driven, outspoken, and truly emancipated woman.

“She has fought for the medical profession and the rights for women, men, children and health workers. She was a pioneer in starting health services for after-rape victims,” Ndyanabangi told The Observer. “Therefore, I think she has a lot to offer in coming up with new approaches in empowering health workers in general but also the medical doctors to fulfill their potential in as far as they can contribute to the wellbeing of the population.”

A particular area of concern for Mungherera is the delivery of psychiatric services in Africa, which are hindered by challenges such as the stigma associated with mental illness.

“Stigma also leads to limited resources provided by families, communities and governments. And our services are still rudimentary if you compare them with those in the West. We need to do more work with traditional healers because we know they have a role to play. We need [to] train, educate, and reorient them on what our different roles should be.”

“We need to educate the masses about the common causes of mental illness and how they can recognize mental problems. We also need to integrate mental care into primary healthcare so that every health worker can recognize the form of condition and to give some sort of treatment and know when and where to refer.”

Mungherera notes that immunization is not the responsibility of the health sector only but a multi-sectoral issue that calls for adequate funds for social mobilization.

“If we do not put enough money and effort in social mobilization, we are not going to get the results we want as far as immunization is concerned.”

Mungherera observes that the medical sector in East Africa is developing with the input from the private sector but more resources are required to gain higher growth.

“Things would move faster if we had more resources and especially the human resource. However, in the last 20 years a lot has changed in the way we manage and prevent diseases, and the number of skilled professions has increased. With more resources we can actually get where we can say it is of good standard,” she adds.

Mungherera has expertise in training health professionals and community health workers (CHWs), mental health and forensic medicine research, human rights advocacy, non-profit organizational governance and development.

In 2000, Mungherera initiated discussions between national medical associations in Uganda, Kenya and Tanzania, a move that culminated in the formation of the Federation of East African Medical and Dental Associations.

A significant achievement of the federation has been to bring together for the first time national medical associations to work with their regulatory bodies in the Eastern African region (Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania and later Rwanda and Burundi) to strategise and plan for a joint effort to promote standards in training of doctors, regulation, continuing professional development, cross-border disease surveillance and emergency response.

President Yoweri Museveni appointed Mungherera a member of the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into the Global Fund for HIV/Aids, TB and Malaria (2004-2005) and member, Public Universities Visitation Committee (2005-2006).

Mungherera, who was born on October 25, 1957, has five siblings, including four medical doctors. She is married to Richard Mushanga, a retired banker, and she has an adult step-son and four grandaughters.


Nb


Of late these are the modern African medical professionals who seem to have suffered the fool concerning the self inflicted poverty of the country of Uganda. The country of Uganda cannot be struggling to own and use only one cancer treatment machine out of about 50 modern British style hospitals flourishing nationwide. It is a disgrace.


A MEDICAL LETTER FOR AMAMA MBABAZI

January 6, 2017

Written by MOSES KHISA

Mr Amama Mbabazzi


Dear Ndugu Amama,

Greetings! I had hoped to speak with you in Kampala just before Christmas day, but the vicissitudes of life and the messiness of our city made it a little difficult. Before long, I was back to base in Chicago.

One of your aides intimated that you had recently asked about me. And coincidentally, one of the ardent readers of this column, Samuel, not too long ago wanted to know if I knew what you are up to lately. I promised him I would put the question to you directly. Unfortunately, I didn’t get a chance to.

Meanwhile, I was meaning to write you a line on the email when news broke through with a bang: you are in talks with Uganda’s chief fighter, Ssabalwanyi General Museveni, through your daughter Rachel.

Rachel came very close to fully confirming this development, telling the Daily Monitor newspaper: “Yes, I have met the president on several occasions. However, it is bad manners to disclose what one discusses with one’s elders.”

This news has attracted indignation, at least on social media.







The two brothers running the affairs of the country of Uganda.


Ugandans who are sick and tired of Museveni’s decadent rule are resolutely hostile to any rationale for meeting with and talking to a man you so diligently served.

I have a different view, though. The issue shouldn’t be about meeting or not meeting, it’s about why you have to meet and talk. You sure should meet Mr Museveni and speak to him candidly.

I don’t wish to sound presumptuous, but if you may permit me, I should like to remind you something you know all too well. Museveni has a knack for humiliating those who oppose him, chiding anyone who disagrees with him, discrediting and assaulting whoever threatens his grip on power.










NRM swimming in cash money.


I suspect that you are a man who prides in his honour and integrity. The last thing you want to do is crawl back to the Ssabalwanyi begging for favours and access to state largesse. The late Eriya Kategaya went through that ignominy and must have died a depressed man.

At any rate, you should savour a meeting with Museveni and tell him more forcefully what you have told him in the past: that his time is up. Tell him it is in his best interest to work out an exit plan before it becomes inevitable to depart disgracefully. Impress upon him not to wait for 2021 because he should have already left, anyway.

Tell him that harkening back to the Constitution is hollow. The Constitution was long abrogated, otherwise, we wouldn’t have flagrant disregard of court decisions, abuse of court processes, and illegal use of force especially at the behest of a partisan head of the Uganda Police Force. So, there is no constitutional order to talk about.

As you know, with your explicit involvement and enthusiastic participation, the infant 1995 Constitution received a severe knockdown in 2005. It was damned beyond redemption. The country will need a new Constitution once the current system is set aside, one way or the other, in the near future.

That said, Ndugu, I should like to propose that you use the opportunity of meeting your old comrade to persuade him that he is out of touch with the real problems of Uganda. He needs to clear the way and create the space for a new leadership that can reimagine a new Uganda and forge a better future.

The illusion that it is him to save our country and the mass of our compatriots from intractable socioeconomic and political problems has driven the country to a cliffhanger. The insecurity borne of a dubious long stay in power has bred blatant nepotism and a bloated personal security apparatus, weighing heavily on the national budget.

Remind General Museveni that the longer he has clung on, the more he has set up the country for a dangerous end to his rule, something that seems to have attracted disquiet from right inside his family environs, if the ramblings of one of his sons-in-law is to be taken at face value.

The writing is right on the wall. Remind him that there are many historical lessons to look to if at all he is in doubt as to how the course of history can sometimes unfold following its own laws and in total disregard of human ingenuity and logic.

Uganda is not at all inoculated against the kinds of tragic events we have seen in other countries where rulers cling onto power, effectively undermining and undoing whatever progress in place and leaving behind ruins when finally forced out.

I understand that General Museveni is not particularly keen on taking advice, never mind the over 100 advisors. But if you can impress upon him the urgency of his exit from power, you will have done a great service to the nation, arguably more important than what you did as a government official for three decades.

The next time I am in town, I will be sure to seek you out about receipt of, and reaction to, this letter. I hope you will still be holding your own in opposing life presidency and family rule in Uganda.

I thank you!

moses.khisa@

gmail.com

The author teaches  political science at Northwestern University/Evanston, Chicago-USA.


Nb


The message this writer is making has already been made through  the recent expansive General Election of 2016. Mr Mbabazi has a very sick wife and with the advice of his strong daughters, there is not enough money in the family to treat their mother of cancer all over the world's medical hospitals.

Embeera y’eddwaaliro ly’e Kawolo y’eraga Banna

yuganda bwe batafa ku byabwe

May 31, 2014

Eddwaaliro ly’e Kawolo bwe lifaanana.


Broken Down Ambulance



Dodgy mud and wattle

Latrine in Jinja City

Broken down bathroom

Mu 2012, abayimbi

ba Ganda Boys okuli Dennis Mugagga ne Daniel Ssewagudde baatonera eddwaaliro ly’e Kawolo ebikozesebwa ebibalirirwamu doola 15,000. Bazzeemu okukola ekintu kye kimu bwe bawadde eddaaliro lino ekyuma ekibikka abaana, kompyuta n’okulirongoosa, wamu n’okutonera essomero lya Lugazi Community Primary kompyuta. John Weeraga yasisinkanye Dennis Mugagga n’ayogera ku bukulu bwa Bannayuganda okwagala ebyabwe.

Mmwe musobodde mutya okusigalawo wadde mweyubula okuva ku Da Twinz okudda ku Ganda Boys?

Twatendekebwa bulungi. E Namasagali twalina Fr. Grimes eyatuwa entandikwa, n’atulaga vizoni ennyimba zaffe kwe zisobola okuvuganyiza e Bulaaya naddala mu by’okuzina n’okukuba ebivuga.

Twatuuka ekiseera ne tumanya nti tusaanye okweyubula, singa twakomawo nga Da Twinz, wano wanditumize.

Naye twamanya kye tuli, myuziki wa Uganda ky’ali ne kye tuyinza okuguza Abazungu. Jjuuzi twabadde ku siteegi ne bakafulu mu kuyimba nga 65 ku siteegi y’emu, nga bo batukubira ebivuga (orchestrar) ng’eno bwe tuyimba. Bo Bazungu ffe tuli Bannayuganda!

Bonna baabadde n’obuyigirize obusinga ku bwadokita. Naye ggwe bw’oba n’obukkakkamu, n’okkiriza ky’oli. N’omanya nti bo balina kye bamanyi, naye naawe by’oyimba tebabimanyi olwo ojja kumalako.

Ffe ne tuyimba ‘Agawalaggana mu nkoola’, nabo ne bakuba ebivuga byabwe okusinziira ku bwe tuyimba, ne tuzina, abawagizi ne banyumirwa oluyimba! Kino abayimbi ba Uganda kye batannayiga, baagala kufaanana nga Bazungu sso ng’ebyabwe tebabisobola.

Naye ebibiina ebimu nga Eagles bisasika?

ABO baali basobola okukwatagana ne beeyubula, ne bafuna abawagizi abaggya ebweru ne mu Uganda.

Eno ye ambyulensi y’eddwaaliro.

Bandizuddewo engeri y’okumanya muyimbi ki mu bo akaddiye, bayinza kumuggyawo oba kumuyubula batya ne bayingizaawo n’abaana abato? Abazungu bakikola nnyo, oyo akaddiye talwana na mwana muto ng’ayiiya ennyimba ezijja okubaswaza wabula asigala ayimba ennyimba ze n’abato ne bayimba ezaabwe.

Singa aba Eagles baatuukirira Moses Matovu owa Afrigo oba abantu abalala abaludde mu nsiike eno bandibadde babawabula.

Kiki kye mufunye mu kweyubula kwe mukoze?

Kye nsinze okusanyukira kwe kuba nti bwe tuyimba, oli n’asituka n’agamba nti nze eddwaaliro ly’e Kawolo ndiwadde ekyuma kino, ndiwadde kompyuta abasawo basobole okuwuliziganya ne bannaabwe e Bulaaya. Kino nze kimmala, kubanga n’ebintu bye tuyimba ebisinga si byaffe.

Mwasinziira ku ki okulonda eddwaaliro ly’e Kawolo okuliwa obuyambi?

Eddwaaliro bbi nnyo, liri ku luguudo lunene okubeera obubenje buli kiseera naye tebalina bitanda, amazzi tebalina, lirina ebizibu bingi.

Naye mwanamugimu ava ku ngozi, kitange Dr. Charles L. Mugagga yakulirako eddwaaliro lino okumala ebbanga mu myaka gya 1980, ate maama Sr. Alice Mugagga naye yakulirako ekitongole ky’abakazi abazaala mu ddwaaliro lino ate nga nange nnalirabako nga likola.

Condoms block Masaka munici
pality sewerage plant

Publish Date: Feb 21, 2015

By Francis Emorut
 
Sewerage pipes that are always blocked by condoms at the Masaka sewerage plant.  


MASAKA,BUGANDA, UGANDA -

Condoms flushed from the toilets of lodges in Masaka town and also dumped in the sewerage plant threaten the municipality's sewerage system functioning.


The National Water Sewerage Corporation (NWSC) sewerage plant that was built in 1952 has been intruded by town dwellers who dump condoms and polythene bags into it.


"The condoms and dead animals like dogs and cats and are being dumped into the sewerage plant and they cause blockage, making workers to constantly unblock the manholes," Joseph Mugenyi the area manager NWSC Masaka told MPs of Parliamentary Forum on Water, Sanitation and Hygiene and officials from Uganda Water Network (UWASNET) on Friday.


The group of legislators was on a field tour to assess the implementation of WASH programme in the district.


Mugenyi said his workers have a mighty task to prevent the municipality from being enveloped in filth if the sewerage overflows.


"The workers keep monitoring and unblocking the manhole whenever they have been blocked by condoms to prevent the sewerage from overflowing. Otherwise, the whole town would be full of stench," he said.


The water area manager said plans are underway to fence the sewerage plant to prevent residents of the town from dumping waste into it.



A team of MPs inspected the plant on Friday. 

Workers always unblock the sewerage pipes. 


The sewerage plant was built 63 years ago. 

Condoms and dead animals are usually dumped in the sewerage plant. (Photo credit: Francis Emorut)

The vice chairperson of the Parliamentary Forum on WASH Ephraim Biraaro emphasized the need to sensitize the municipal dwellers on the dangers of flushing condoms into their toilet systems or dumping them in the sewerage plant.


He appealed to the district leaders to sensitize the masses on the proper way of condom disposal.


Biraaro also called for the implementation of the polythene bag law which banned its manufacture.


Ngora Woman MP Jacline Amongin, who is also the chairperson of Parliamentary Forum on WASH, called for more funding for water, sanitation and hygiene.


She asked the district authorities to prioritise sanitation and hygiene.


The MPs were also shown new technologies of water source and harvesting in Kalungu.


Lawmaker Hatwib Katoto warned that if the district authorities don't take action the municipality would experience an outbreak of cholera.


The Oil rich African country of Nigeria has started to borrow money to pay salaries as Interna

tional price of oil tumbles

By Agencies

Posted  Thursday, May 7  2015

 

NIGERIA, Lagos A cash shortage caused by low oil prices has forced Nigeria to borrow heavily through the early part of 2015, with the government struggling to pay public workers, officials said yesterday.

“We have serious challenges. Things have been tough since the beginning of the year and they are likely to remain so till the end of the year,” said Finance Minister Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala.

Nigeria, Africa’s top economy and largest oil producer, has been hammered by the 50 per cent fall in oil prices, with crude sales accounting for more than 70 per cent of government revenue.

“As it stands today, most states of the federation have not been able to pay salaries and even the federal government has not paid (April) salary and that is very worrisome,” said Imo state governor Rochas Okorocha.

Nb

It seems that Third World countries have a long way to learn how to handle their economies with a bit of caution. It is bad indeed to put ones  eggs in one basket.

CRIME PREVENTERS

AS A MILITARY POLICE FORCE




Government ya Uganda etambuza abalwanyisa obuzigu mukulonda okugenda mumaaso(Crime preventers)

19/12/2015


Lwaki Banna

Uganda ate be basaba ssente z’obuyambi okusalwako?

May 03, 2014



 

Abbey Walusimbi ( ku ddyo), Titus Kirabo ne Edriss Kironde abatalaaga ensi z’Abazungu okubamatiza ku buyambi.

 

Bya Abbey Walusimbi

AKALULU ka 2016 nga kabindabinda, mwe tusuubira abantu obukadde 10 okulonda Pulezidenti n’ababaka ba Palamenti, buli ludda lugezaako okwessa ku mwanjo.

Ffe abawagizi ba NRM mu nsi z’ebweru, tugezaako okumatiza amawanga n’amakampuni agagaba obuyambi wamu ne bayinvesita abaagala okuleeta ssente mu Uganda baleme kukwataganya bulungi bwakuleeta nsimbi mu Uganda ku kikula kya muntu na ndowooza ya byakwegatta.

Etteeka erikugira ebisiyaga bwe lyayisiddwa amawanga g’Abazungu agamu gagenda olukongoolo kulussa ku bakungu ba Gavumenti ng’okubamma viza era waliwo abamu abaaluguddemu edda!

Okugeza omuduumizi omu owa Poliisi mu Kampala abadde asuubirwa mu Amerika okusoma baamummye viza, omubaka wa Palamenti omu omukazi yabadde alina omukiolo gw’okumuweerako ekirabo naye viza yamummiddwa sso nga teyakuba kalulu ku tteeka lino. Bannaffe abali ku ludda oluvuganya nabo engabo bagirumizza mannyo, tukitegedde nti abamu bagenda bayitaayita mu mawanga gano, nga bagasaba okusalako obuyambi obumu olw’etteeka lino. Babagamba nti kino kye kiyinza okusuula Gavumenti ya NRM.

Enjawukana zibizadde

Ekibuuzo kiri nti kiki ekiyinza okulemesa NRM okuwangula akalulu ka 2016? Nze aba NRM abali ebweru tukola butaweera okulaba nga bammemba b’ekibiina si be bavaako okufiirwa akalulu.

Okwerumaaluma okw’omunda kitono nnyo okusinga ku buzibu bwe tuyinza okufuna okuva ebweru w’eggwanga. N’olwekyo enjawukana munda mu kibiina tuzikendeeze lwe tunaasobola okwang’anga ekizibu ekinene ekitujjidde.

Bammemba ba NRM ebweru w’eggwanga be nkulembera, naddala mu Amerika, Bungereza n’amawanga nga Norway, Sweden, Budaaki n’amalala tukoze pulaani eyinza okuyitibwamu okulwanyisa obukyayi bwe tuyinza okufuna mu mawanga g’Abazungu era agayinza okweyambisibwa okutugatta nga bammemba ng’okulonda tekunnatuuka.

Omwogezi w’ekibiina kyaffe, Edriss Kironde abeera e Colorado yalabudde nti yadde tuteekwa okumanya buli maanyi agaagala okusuula NRM, ekizibu ekisinga kiyinza kuva mu kulwanagana okw’omunda.

“Wadde NRM eyaniriza buli omu naye tusaanye okwegendereza abeeyita bakkaada mu mawanga g’ebweru sso nga bagiriira munda nga kigenge,” Kironde bwe yagambye. Ekibiina ekigatta aba NRM mu mawanga gano kibadde kitalaaga ebibuga n’ensi era bino bye baafunye mu bammemba:

1. Bonna bakkaanyizza n’akabindo ka NRM mu Palamenti, okuwagira Pulezidenti Museveni akwate omumuli gw’ekibiina nga tavuganyiziddwa mu kalulu ka 2016.

Endowooza eri nti kino kye kiyinza okuggyawo enjawukana mu kibiina, twang’ange abatuvuganya nga tewali kwetemamu.

Ekirungi nti ne Ssaabawandiisi Patrick Amama Mbabazi naye yassa omukono ku kiteeso kye kimu ate ng’akakiiko akafuzi ke kajja okusala eky’enkomeredde.

2. Okuwa bammemba amagezi ku ngeri y’okuwooyawooyamu amawanga g’Abazungu ku nsonga z’ebisiyaga, nga tubalaga engeri Abazungu gye balina okuwa ekitiibwa obuwangwa bw’abantu abalala.

3. Okutumbula enkolagana mu byobusuubuzi wakati wa Uganda n’amawanga bammemba gye bali. Tujja kusindika ebibiina by’abasuubuzi babalage obulungi bw’okussa ssente mu Uganda.

Ekiwayi kya NRM e Stockholm, Sweden kye twakyalidde omwezi oguwedde kyatwanjulidde pulojekiti y’okulima n’okusunsula katunguluccumu alina akatale ak’obuliwo mu Sweden n’awalala.

4. Okussaawo emirimu ne pulojekiti ezivaamu ssente eziyamba ekibiina kya NRM n’emirimu gyakyo sinakindi n’ebibiina ebirala.

5. Bammemba baasazeewo ttabamiruka wa bammemba ba NRM abali ebweru okumussa mu kibuga London ekya Bungereza, gye tujja okusisinkanira ssentebe Pulezidenti Museveni.

Ebibiina bisseewo pulojekiti z’ensimbi

Ekibiina kya NRM Diaspora League kirina abawagizi empagi luwaga babiri, Ssentebe wa NRM Pulezidenti Museveni ne Ssaabawandiisi Amama Mbabazi, era tubeebaza olw’obuwagizi bwabwe.

N’olwekyo ebyasalibwawo e Kyankwanzi tebirina kutwawula, wabula okutugatta. Tekirina nsonga disitulikiti ki ewagira ani, anaakwata omumuli gwa NRM ajja kwetaaga obuwagizi bwa buli omu.

Amagezi

Abakulira NRM mu nsi z’ebweru babadde batalaaga amawanga okuva nga March 23 2014 e Boston ne bagenda e United Kingdom, Sweden, Denmark, Norway, ne batalaaga n’ebibuga California, Colorado, Illinois ne Washington DC.

Yonna gye babadde, ne boogerera ne ku leediyo ne ttivvi, babadde bagezaako okusaba Abazungui bayige okussa ekitiibwa mu buwangwa bwa Bannayuganda. Babategeezezza nti obuyambi bwe baagala okusalako buyamba muntu wabulijjo, sso si bali abali mu Palamenti.

Bammemba baayanirizza obubaka bwa Hon Richard Todwong obulaga nti tewali kukubagana mpawa wakati wa Mw. Mbabazi ne Pulezidenti Museveni, era nti babadde bakola bonna okumala emyaka 30.

Ekibiina kitegese okukyala e Canada, Girimaani, Bufalansa, Japan, China, Malaysia, Buyindi, Botswana, South Afrika ne Nigeria.

Amaanyi gaffe tegali mu kuba nti Pulezidenti Museveni aludde mu buyinza, wabula olw’ebyo Uganda by’etuuseeko mu bukulembeze bwa NRM.

Bammemba abalala abali mu kibiina kuliko Edriss Kironde USA, Male Kamya-USA, Kennedy Burashe, USA, Godius Ayesigye -USA, Med Kasujja -Sweden, Diana Atim- Canada, Adam Kasambula -Sweden, Charles Inyoin -Sweden, Peter Mashate-UK, Dr. Keefa Kiwanuka -UK, Patrick Asiimwe -UK, Barbara Ankunda-UK, Dr. Yusuf Kyeyune-Girimaani, Moses Bukenya-USA, Charity Baira, Jacob Bamwenda-USA.

Abbey Kigozi Walusimbi ye ssentebe wa NRM Diaspora League.

Email: awalusimbi@hotmail.com

 

 

An doubters about the economic situation of Uganda need to visit some up country villages and see how desperate the leadership is:

August 23, 2017

Written by Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda

After the successful August 14 nomination of Maj Gen Gregory Mugisha Muntu, the candidate I support in the FDC presidential elections, I went to Arua and Gulu.

The trip to these two regional towns was to continue consulting and sensitizing the public about government’s proposal to change Article 26 of the Constitution. Through this proposal, government wants to do away with a constitutional requirement for prior and prompt compensation before taking over of people’s land.

If you disagree on value, government will just throw any amount of money at court where you can find it if you like, as they immediately displace you and start using your land.

The public rally in Arua, which was unceremoniously dispersed by an afternoon downpour, was the 16th opposition MPs under the leadership of Kasese Woman MP Winnie Kiiza have held.

The subsequent rallies in Gulu, Soroti and Mbale made them 19. We had planned for 22 sub-regional public rallies but there are more invitations.

We arrived in Arua at around 8pm and spent the next two hours hunting for hotel accommodation. Because of the war in South Sudan, non-governmental organizations have set camps in the town to receive refugees. These NGO fellows have booked all the available decent hotel rooms in Arua.

The hotel business is booming in that area. Checking on education institutions and health facilities forms part of our visits. We, therefore, visited Inde Junior Vocational School, about 62 kilometres from Arua town.

It is in a county called Madi-Okollo. This school admits primary seven graduates who are trained in carpentry, mechanics, brick aying, etc.

We reached at a time when about 160 remaining students had been sent away officially because the institute didn’t have food to feed them.

I have said officially because one of the instructors said the staff and community are uncomfortable with a Langi director.

This instructor accused his boss of recruiting more Langi staff than the locals (Acholi). They had also gone without pay for two months.

As a result of all these, some staff members had carried away the institute’s property in protest. As a result, students were sent home.

Nearly all the buildings at the school had cracks. It is as if the contractor never used cement at all. Constructing substandard structures is a feature of this government, but I had never seen something like this. Not surprising that students’ enrolment had reduced by more than half.

In Gulu, we visited the regional referral hospital which was constructed in 1933. The medical director showed us a building built in 1934 and it is still in good condition. There was another 1937 building and he said, with some painting, it will look like a new one.

I have a feeling the revolutionary will go away with all his makeshift structures. Maybe that is why he is in love with China.

They have taught him how to make disposable structures. Gulu regional referral hospital is supposed to be served with four senior consultants but, at the moment, it has zero. It is supposed to employ 14 consultants, but it has zero. And out of the required 14 medical officers (special grade), it has only four.

One other noticeable feature of both these towns was the many children walking to school barefoot. And these are schools within municipalities. I didn’t need any report to gauge the poverty levels in these areas.

For me, these are the things that motivate me to continue fighting this regime. Can you imagine, as a country, on average we spend Shs 200 billion annually on treatment of VIPs who seek medical attention abroad. Just imagine if all that money was invested in regional referral hospitals annually!

This regime’s agenda is to increase the population’s vulnerability so it can exploit people with ease. And this vulnerability is written all over people’s faces in rural Uganda.

Those of us doing politics must be very careful. We may collectively be swept aside by a desperate population. 
 
semugs@yahoo.com

The author is Kira Municipality MP and spokesperson of the FDC.

NB

It is difficult to visit a home that is badly looked after and blame only the husband for all the mess. The opposition are partly to blame in the whole of Africa where they participate in elections they well know will be rigged.

 

The World Bank is not happy with the economic development in the country of Uganda, as the favourable tropical environment in the country continues to get damaged ever more:

4 April, 2017

 

By Moses Mulondo

The Finance minister Matia Kasaija

 

Talking about the negotiations he had with the World Bank, finance minister Matia Kasaija said that the development partners are greatly concerned about the delayed utilization of money borrowed.

 

“Their biggest concern is low absorption for loans," he said when asked.

 

About a month ago, the Word Bank suspended support to Uganda and this has put the implementation of the country’s 2016/17 budget at stake since World Bank is one of the major sources of funds for the country’s budget.

 

In a recent cabinet meeting, Prime Minister Dr. Ruhakana Rugunda said Uganda has in the last seven years lost about sh92b due to delayed utilization of borrowed money.

 

The other key concern of the World Bank, according to Kasaija, is the need for the Ugandan government to put in place safeguards on social and environmental concerns.

 

On the measures the finance ministry intends to implement to convince the World Bank to suspend the suspension, Kasaija said: “I have already warned managers of various government entities to ensure there is timely absorption for the funds.”

 

He said low absorption of loans is very common in agencies where there are incompetent managers.

 

“I have to tell you that there are non-performing managers who need to be replaced. Something has to be done about them."

 

On what his ministry plans to do regarding delayed implementation of loans arising from failure of government to provide counterpart funding, the minister said: “No sector will be allowed to seek a loan unless counterpart funding is secured. In fact, I will not sign any more loans until I am assured that money for counterpart funding is available.”

 

Kasaija and the secretary to the Treasury Keith Muhakanizi spent the whole of last week in Washington DC, USA negotiating with the World Bank to lift the ban on Uganda.

 

The talks however ended without the bank accepting to lift the suspension as the delegation from Uganda had requested.

 

“We were well received but suspension is yet to be lifted. The discussions are still going on. Soon they will also send a team to come to Uganda,” Kasaija told New Vision.

 

Muhakanizi recently admitted before parliament's  public accounts committee (PAC) that Uganda is the worst performer in the utilization of borrowed funds in the East African region.

 

Uganda’s public debt has been sporadically rising in the recent past and has now reached about US$10b.

 

After making research on contradictory reports about Uganda’s indebtedness, Uganda Debt Network (UDN) carried out research and established that the country’s total public has now reached US $11b.

 

If the Standard Gauge Railway loan of US$12.5b materializes, it means Uganda will have exceeded the 50% ceiling of the ratio of public debt to its GDP of about US$27b.

 

EKIBIINA KYOBUFUZI EKYA KABAKA YEKKA

 

How the political party of Kabaka Yekka and the political party of the UPC made a political coalition for the sake of attaining National Independence of Uganda during 1961:

Kabaka Mutesa (L) and former prime minister Milton Obote at a public function in the 1960s. Obote’s UPC formed an alliance with Kabaka Yekka, the political party of Buganda, to gain a majority in the 1962 general election.

FILE PHOTO

 

By Barbara Kimenye

 

Posted Wednesday, 1st March, 2017

Immediately before full independence, on March 1, 1962, there was self-government, and the Democratic Party (DP), led by Ben Kiwanuka, had the majority after the parliamentary elections.

Kiwanuka, who automatically became prime minister, was a shrewd lawyer possessing a dry sense of humour as well as a beautiful wife, Maxi, and numerous children.

The Democratic Party had the backing of the Roman Catholic Church: indeed, Kiwanuka and Maxi had special prie dieus [a piece of furniture for use during prayer] at the front of Rubaga Cathedral, and priests did not hesitate to tell congregations to vote DP. In some cases they made it sound like a mortal sin not to.

One particular monsignor, a Muganda, up at Rubaga Cathedral, an absolutely beautiful man whose black, red buttoned and sashed cassock seemed to be designed for him alone, went a bit too far in exhorting his flock to forget traditional ties with the Kabakaship and henceforth concentrate on the Democratic Party.

Before he realised what was happening, he was escorted by Kabaka’s askaris to the palace to explain himself.

The Kabaka was sufficiently annoyed that his subjects were more or less being advised to ignore him, but when the monsignor grandly announced that nobody had jurisdiction over him because he was a prince of Rome, Mutesa lost all sense of diplomacy and had the man carted off to the Omukula we Kibuga’s office.

As soon as word passed of the arrest, Catholics converged on the cathedral, weeping and wailing and tearing their hair.

Meanwhile, the monsignor was receiving tea and courtesy from the Omukula we Kibuga who frankly did not know what to do with him. Nobody was more relieved than the Omukula when a message arrived from the palace to the effect that that tiresome priest was to be released immediately.

I went up to Rubaga that evening out of curiosity. The monsignor was walking up and down the upper terrace, smiling in a saintly fashion and pausing every other step for yet another sympathiser from the milling crowd to kiss his hand.

From the way he and his supporters behaved, anyone might have thought he had just evaded the lions in the Coliseum.

I relate this little story for very good reason: last time I was home in Uganda, I walked along Kampala Road and there on the opposite pavement was this smarmy monsignor with a group of people, the same saintly smile pinned to his face.

My companion and neighbour, Chris Mulumba, a man about the same age as my sons and therefore only able to go on hearsay and legend, reverently pointed out the priest as that someone who had defied Mutesa II and been imprisoned under torture.

For this reason alone, everybody had been surprised when he did not succeed Archbishop Joseph Kiwanuka as Cardinal of Uganda.

My only comment is that despite its many faults, the church is never slow in spotting a fraud. Cardinal Emmanuel Nsubuga, who succeeded the well-loved Kiwanuka, was never prominent in the popularity stakes.

While he was an ordinary White Father, he once threw me out of the cathedral because my two dogs followed me inside during mass - but he did more for the poor and disabled than was thought possible during the turbulent and destructive eras of Obote and Amin.

No sooner were the DP in power, however, than up sprang Kabaka Yekka, a movement intent upon retaining the Kabaka’s superior position over any and everybody on Buganda soil: which since the Parliament buildings and government offices were in Buganda, made difficulties for someone heading the State of Uganda as a whole.

Translated, Kabaka Yekka means Kabaka Alone or Only, and it became a common greeting: e.g. one person called out ‘Kabaka!’, and the other responded with ‘Yekka!’, and both stuck a forefinger in the air.

This greeting became so common that once when His Highness had been to play squash with an Asian family on Kololo Hill, and he and I were sitting in George Malo’s car waiting for lights to change on a main road, a couple of people shouted ‘Kabaka’ through the car window, and the Kabaka absently replied ‘Yekka ‘, casually raising the obligatory finger.

Kabaka Yekka developed into the political party of Buganda with the blessing of the government and great Lukiiko.

As general election for the national government which would be in power at the time of independence approached, Mengo was in the mood to do anything to remove the Democratic Party and Ben Kiwanuka.

Ben had been guilty of a flippant remark, “I’ll go up to Mengo and see what’s bothering him,’ in reply to a reporter asking how he intended to deal with the Kabaka’s insistence on special status for Buganda in an independent Uganda.

From then on, his name was mud at the palace. So when Milton Obote, leader of the Uganda Peoples Congress, made overtures towards a liaison between his party and Kabaka Yekka to gain a majority in the coming elections, the Kabaka Yekka top shots thought they had made it.

I had met Obote casually over the years, the first time when he and his wife of the time went with Abu Mayanja and me to see the South African musical ‘Golden City Dixies’ and later when Abu, purporting to be a nationalist, was trying to whip up support all over the country for the various political parties they started before the UPC took off, and Obote asserting that Abu would be Uganda’s first prime minister. He never entered anybody’s head that he already saw himself as Uganda’s president.

The machination of Mengo broke up this political partnership with a breath-taking degree of cunning.

Abu was a known firebrand long before he returned from Cambridge and being called to the bar in Britain. He had led a rebellion against something or other at King’s College Budo, the Kabaka’s alma mater, and had thrown a spanner in the works at Makerere University. Everybody seemed to have been thoroughly relieved when governor Cohen somehow got him away to Cambridge.

He came home with none of his energy diminished, however. He sprang into my life while I was still working in the ministry of Education. I can see him now, small, wiry, large eyes behind thick glasses which he had a habit jerking upwards as he talked, and a way of clenching his teeth and grimacing while he talked.

Clever and articulate, but ruining the effect by sometimes trying to sound audacious and only succeeding in being embarrassing: e.g. in his maiden speech as a Kabaka Yekka Member of Parliament, he couldn’t resist a reference to a maidenhead which disgusted some members and grossly offended others.

His political activities before independence and before the disastrous speech were nevertheless productive, and they worried Mengo.

After all, he was a Muganda, and because what he had to say and what he wrote about Uganda as a united country was logical and persuasive, there was every danger, in the minds of the traditionalists, of his carrying along a vast section of Baganda society.

Many plots were hatched as to how to silence the heretic, but the chief plotters saw their big chance when Abu was invited to the United States of America to talk about the pre-independence situation in Uganda.

While he was gone, Kassim Male, the Kabaka’s government minister of education, died. His appointment had been motivated by the notion that it was time for a senior cabinet post to be the preserve of the Muslim community, in the same way that the Katikkiro was traditionally an Anglican, and the Omulamuzi (Chief Justice) a Roman Catholic.

To those at Mengo to whom Abu Mayanja was an irritating prodigal son, Kassim Male’s death was seen as the answer to their prayers: what better way of silencing the rebel than to offer him the ministry of Education and bring him back into the fold?

I don’t think that anybody who knew Abu believed he would accept. Apart from the Mengo plot to silence him being immediately recognisable for what it was to all and sundry, he was a dedicated nationalist and hardly likely to change his stand at the onset of independence: or so it was imagined.

What very few understood was the ease with which someone, anyone, can revert to type, given the right pressures.

Abu did not spring from a Baganda aristocracy, and beneath the intellectualism which gave him a high profile on the political scene was a traditional Muganda gratified to be recognised by the court at Mengo.

And it was surely the height of flattery to be summoned home from across the seas to play a leading role in his own king’s government, and that the summons should be backed by a personal message from Prince Badru Kakungulu, the Kabaka’s uncle and leader of the Sunni Muslims in Uganda.

When Abu returned from the United States, he had not yet replied to the offer of the ministry but the old guard at Mengo were not short on psychology.

A huge crowd was organised to give him a rousing welcome at the airport, and Prince Badru was there in person to embrace him and lead him ceremoniously to the open car which was all set to drive him to the palace.

Obote and several of his henchmen were also waiting to receive their political colleague, but Abu was barely given time to shake their hands before he was swept along to the cheers and ululating of the crowd.

Even from a distance, it was obvious that he was moving in a delighted daze. He had never before in his life had such a fuss made of him, and it was heady stuff. The private audience with the Kabaka and the cabinet of ministers must have sent him soaring with the clouds. From then on, the chances of his refusing the ministerial post were nil.

The next time I saw him was at his okwyanza in the new Bulange, wearing, rather awkwardly, a kanzu and busuti; and the excitement of the occasion caused his movements to be more nervously jerkier than ever.

It seemed at first that he was in the Kabaka’s government with the cautious blessing of Obote and the rest of the UPC hierarchy.

They, with equal caution, accepted Abu’s reasoning that he was in a position to further their cause and shape political opinion from within the Kabaka’s government.

They showed no surprise, however. When it was learnt how he was deliberately excluded from every important cabinet meeting and deprived of any political clout whatsoever. He was, in fact nearly driven mad with frustration, and everybody in his ministry was aware of it.

He might have been well advised to swallow his pride, drop the lot and go back to the UPC. Instead, he took to a pattern of behaviour more fitting to barbaric chief of the 19th Century than a minister in a government trying to present itself as moving with the times.

His sexual exploits were notorious. On one occasion, he attended a function, picked up a girl and took her in the car he was sharing with his brother and a driver.

He was getting down to business on the back seat when the girl’s boyfriend gave chase, drove Abu’s car off the road and, with the aid of friends, gave him and brother a good hiding. The most startling aspect of all is that afterwards Abu actually went to the nearest police station and tried to lay a charge of assault.

It wasn’t long before he was bragging about the number of children he had sired here, there and everywhere. It was almost as though his political frustration was vented in the contempt he showed for women, treating women as sex machines put on earth for man’s use. The only one he respected was his mother.

I remember him joining us one day when I was asked to show some British journalists over Lubiri. The journalists were keen to have his political opinions: Abu, with a sort of bitter relish, insisted upon describing the effect of worms on his many offsprings.

His bitterness in everything was understandable. As a member of the Kabaka’s cabinet of ministers, he had little option to becoming a member of Kabaka Yekka, which gained him the reputation of a turncoat, and when pre-independence conferences of districts and kingdoms were held up and down the country, he received a barrage of insults to this effect every time he stood up to speak.

I left out these embarrassing exchanges from the notes I was there to take for the Kabaka, but I know that they were gleefully reported to him by members of the Baganda delegation.

The same attitude greeted Abu later in the national assembly where he sat as a Kabaka Yekka member after the Kabaka Yekka/UPC alliance won the elections in the run up to full independence.

Abu remained in a political wilderness for years. Like so many others, he felt the brunt of Obote’s spite during the terrible years of the Obote presidency, and eventually taught in an up-country primary school.

He returned to active politics with President Museveni’s and the National Resistance Army’s takeover in 1986, and immediately became minister for Information.

His former friend and guru, Milton Obote oiled his way into Mengo as an unassuming chap more than willing to accommodate Baganda aspirations.

The Kabaka was pleasantly surprised to find him so agreeable. He made the big mistake of believing he was dealing with a gentleman, while the old guard flattered themselves that they had brought yet another politician to heel.

The trouble was that their form of politics was grossly out of date. The ancient art of palace intrigue was no match for a wily politician who had sprung from the soil.

By promising the Kabaka Yekka party that if they formed an alliance with the UPC and won the crucial elections, as they were almost certain to do, considering that Buganda comprised about one-third of the whole country, the Kabaka would be made President of Uganda, Obote was home and dry.

That such an arrangement was bound to increase the general animosity already directed at the Baganda’s presumption of superiority and claim for special treatment was regarded at Mengo as of no special regard.

William Wilberforce Nadiope, the then Kyabazinga of Busoga and a number of UPC hierarchy, indignantly let it be known that he too had been led to expect the presidency.

Nor was he shy about threatening dire reprisals against Obote if he, Nadiope was not installed in Government House, (to be called the State House after Independence) Entebbe, on the day of Independence.

The other hereditary kings were also annoyed, to put it mildly, when news of Obote’s machinations was leaked, but all was sweetness and light in the new love affair between Mengo and Obote.

The Elites of Mengo at that time did not know that they were dealing with the world’s greatest living liar.

 

Nb

Interesting that up to now political coalition is the order of the day for successful governance in an independent Uganda now 56 years

Tonda kwagala. Abeera mukwagala abeera mu Tonda. Isa Masiya kwagalana. Ate yagala mugandawo nga bweweyagala weka. Yagala Tonda wo nomutima gwo gwona, namagezigo gona kubanga yeyakutonda.
Okutambula kulaba kudda kunyumya
Ensi ya bajjajja abazzukulu mulina kujagala
Banja lya muzadde e Buganda wano okusomesa omwaana
Ensi Buganda yeyakola ensi Uganda wakati mu Ndagaano
Ensi ya Buganda okolagana nensi ezijiriranye nandagaano eza African democraciya bwekiba nga kisobose.
Akaalo ka Buganda kalina bananyini ko okuva edda lyonna
Obuzibu obunene obuli mu byokulonda wano e Buganda ate nga bugatamu ne banaffe abamawanga amalala agatulinanye.
Entalo za Buganda nyingi nyo. Naye olutabaalo luno lukulu nyo mubyafaayo bya Buganda
Olutabaalo luno lwongera okulaga okufirizibwa okuva mukuyikirizibwa okuyitiridde munsi Buganda
Twejjukanye kubujjanjabi obuli mu nsi ya Buganda nemunsi eziriranye Obuganda
Entambula nga bweri kakano ate era nokugigerageranya ne ntambula eziri munsi nyingi
Ensi Buganda yalina amaggye okutuusa Abazungu bwebajja bo nebewayo okukuuma ensi Buganda. Ebyaddirira buli Muganda yalina okubyesomera abitegeere
MUKIBIINA KINO TWOGERA LUGANDA NGA LWELULIMI LWA NYAFFE. AWO TEWALI KUMENYA TTEEKA LYONNA. OLABA NENKIMA MUKIBIRA ERINA OLULIMI OLWAYO. NEBWOYIGIRIZA OTYA BWEZIDDA WALI MUKIBIRA NGA ZEYOGERERA LULIMI LWAZO. TEWALI TTEEKA LYEZIBA LIMENYE