Dr Mungherera has been suffering the agony of the poverty of the medical fraternity that is in Uganda: 

February 8, 2017


Dr Margaret Mungherera, the former president of the World Medical Association, died of cancer last week. As a tribute to one of the world's most respected and outspoken health rights activists, we republish this feature about Mungherera by BAMUTURAKI MUSINGUZI first published by The Observer in January 2014.

When Ugandan psychiatrist Margaret Mungherera was voted unopposed as president-elect of the prestigious World Medical Association (WMA) – the event conjured up bitter memories when she was refused to practice medicine in Britain 28 years ago.

Mungherera had travelled to the UK to pursue a diploma in Tropical Medicine and Hygiene at the London School of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene in 1984, after completing her internship at Mulago hospital a year before.

In 1980 the General Medical Council in the UK had banned doctors from a number of countries, Uganda inclusive, from working in England for various reasons, including the insecurity in Uganda then, and an alleged decline in standards here. Hence while Mungherera’s classmates from India, Nigeria and Ghana were allowed to practice, Ugandans were rejected as unworthy.

“For us personally as doctors we felt sort of downgraded and humiliated. It meant that if you could not work in England, then you could not work in Germany, France or Europe,” Mungherera says.

She recalls that even when they were admitted, they were told they could not touch patients, meaning that it was going to be a theoretical course.

“It was OK that we were not allowed into courses that were clinical at the time. It must have been up until the 1990s when we struggled and we were recognized again.”

Mungherera’s highest personal recognition came in October 2012, when she was voted WMA president-elect for 2013-2014 at the association’s annual General Assembly in Bangkok, Thailand. A year later, in Fortaleza, Brazil, she was installed as president at the WMA general assembly.

WMA, acting on behalf of patients and physicians, endeavours to achieve the highest possible standards of medical care, ethics, education and health-related human rights for all people.

“When I was taking up this post, the people who actually looked for me were from the British Medical Association. I also had doctors from the American, German and South African Medical Associations who actually rallied and convinced me to take up this challenge. And so when I was declared unopposed at the meeting in Bangkok last year, the first thing that came into my mind was how I felt that afternoon when I was not allowed to register in the UK,” Mungherera says, remarking what a “wonderful thing” it is that the British now think a Ugandan can lead.

Mungherera is only the third woman to head the 66-year-old association, after Dr P. Kincaid-Smith from Australia (1994-5) and Dr Kati Myllymaki from Finland (2002-3). And she is the second African president, after South Africa’s Bernard Mandell (1996-7). She sees this as more evidence to a gender-imbalanced world – that women can ably lead.

“As president, I am going to be the ambassador of the association. I will be the mouthpiece and spokesperson. I will represent WMA at the United Nations and World Health Organisation meetings and other bodies that have a relationship with the association. I will also be visiting national member associations especially where health workers have challenges. If, for example, they have unfairly detained a health worker or where rights of health workers are being violated,” she says.

Mungherera has been a medical doctor for over 30 years and a psychiatrist for 20 years. She specializes in forensic psychiatry at Mulago teaching and referral hospital. She also has responsibilities as the clinical head, directorate of Medical Services (departments of Internal Medicine and Psychiatry). In addition, she is a senior consultant psychiatrist at Mulago hospital, in charge of psychiatry emergency services.

Mungherera is a founding member of the Association of Uganda Women Medical Doctors and was the first woman to be elected honorary president of the Uganda Medical Association (UMA) since its formation in 1963. She is also its longest-serving president – 1998-2005 and again from 2010 to-date. As WMA boss, she hopes to tackle the challenges of delivering quality healthcare to millions around the world. And she articulates the problem clearly.

“I think the main challenge is that there is a human resource crisis all over the world whether you are talking about high, middle or low-income countries. The most affected areas are the low and middle-income countries. In terms of migration there is a lot of internal and external migration. People are migrating from the South to the North. People are even migrating within their countries from rural to urban areas. So, there is a lot of inequality in terms of distribution of health workers,” she says.

“I also think that the profession has low numbers but also there is a shortage of skills. The skills that are necessary now are to do with the new diseases that have emerged. For example, we as doctors should no longer keep sitting in our clinics; we should be out there doing advocacy, public awareness and health promotions.

“The diseases have changed; we should be talking about lifestyle, more than infections. [Of] course infections are important but lifestyle is a very important issue now. The other challenge as new diseases and epidemics emerge, there is reduced resources for health care. In most countries health care resources are going down,” she added.

Dr Mungherera supervising work at Mulago hospital in 2014

To address these challenges, Mungherera suggests that governments should show more commitment and increase funding for the sector. And the private sector, too, should be more involved in providing solutions.

“For example, a lot of governments have signed the Abuja Declaration, which requires all countries to allocate at least 15 per cent of their national budgets to health. It is not happening in any of the low-income countries and even some middle income countries.”

Mungherera also stresses that research has to be the pillar of efficient healthcare systems.

“We need to be providing services that are based on evidence. So, in many of these countries there is very little money for research. And a lot of research is done by institutions elsewhere. A lot of research is not being translated into policy and action; so, there is a lot of wastage of resources for research. We need to get more money but also target the money to where it is needed to influence policy and action.”


According the former WMA president, Dr Cecil Wilson, there is no doubt Mungherera will make a great president.

“In talking with Dr Mungherera about her vision for the WMA, what comes through loud and clear is a dedication to bringing the disparate member organisations of the WMA together,” Wilson wrote in his blog posted on the WMA website.

The principal medical officer in charge of mental health at the Ugandan ministry of Health, Dr Sheila Ndyanabangi, describes Mungherera as a charismatic, driven, outspoken, and truly emancipated woman.

“She has fought for the medical profession and the rights for women, men, children and health workers. She was a pioneer in starting health services for after-rape victims,” Ndyanabangi told The Observer. “Therefore, I think she has a lot to offer in coming up with new approaches in empowering health workers in general but also the medical doctors to fulfill their potential in as far as they can contribute to the wellbeing of the population.”

A particular area of concern for Mungherera is the delivery of psychiatric services in Africa, which are hindered by challenges such as the stigma associated with mental illness.

“Stigma also leads to limited resources provided by families, communities and governments. And our services are still rudimentary if you compare them with those in the West. We need to do more work with traditional healers because we know they have a role to play. We need [to] train, educate, and reorient them on what our different roles should be.”

“We need to educate the masses about the common causes of mental illness and how they can recognize mental problems. We also need to integrate mental care into primary healthcare so that every health worker can recognize the form of condition and to give some sort of treatment and know when and where to refer.”

Mungherera notes that immunization is not the responsibility of the health sector only but a multi-sectoral issue that calls for adequate funds for social mobilization.

“If we do not put enough money and effort in social mobilization, we are not going to get the results we want as far as immunization is concerned.”

Mungherera observes that the medical sector in East Africa is developing with the input from the private sector but more resources are required to gain higher growth.

“Things would move faster if we had more resources and especially the human resource. However, in the last 20 years a lot has changed in the way we manage and prevent diseases, and the number of skilled professions has increased. With more resources we can actually get where we can say it is of good standard,” she adds.

Mungherera has expertise in training health professionals and community health workers (CHWs), mental health and forensic medicine research, human rights advocacy, non-profit organizational governance and development.

In 2000, Mungherera initiated discussions between national medical associations in Uganda, Kenya and Tanzania, a move that culminated in the formation of the Federation of East African Medical and Dental Associations.

A significant achievement of the federation has been to bring together for the first time national medical associations to work with their regulatory bodies in the Eastern African region (Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania and later Rwanda and Burundi) to strategise and plan for a joint effort to promote standards in training of doctors, regulation, continuing professional development, cross-border disease surveillance and emergency response.

President Yoweri Museveni appointed Mungherera a member of the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into the Global Fund for HIV/Aids, TB and Malaria (2004-2005) and member, Public Universities Visitation Committee (2005-2006).

Mungherera, who was born on October 25, 1957, has five siblings, including four medical doctors. She is married to Richard Mushanga, a retired banker, and she has an adult step-son and four grandaughters.


Of late these are the modern African medical professionals who seem to have suffered the fool concerning the self inflicted poverty of the country of Uganda. The country of Uganda cannot be struggling to own and use only one cancer treatment machine out of about 50 modern British style hospitals flourishing nationwide. It is a disgrace.


January 6, 2017

Written by MOSES KHISA

Mr Amama Mbabazzi

Dear Ndugu Amama,

Greetings! I had hoped to speak with you in Kampala just before Christmas day, but the vicissitudes of life and the messiness of our city made it a little difficult. Before long, I was back to base in Chicago.

One of your aides intimated that you had recently asked about me. And coincidentally, one of the ardent readers of this column, Samuel, not too long ago wanted to know if I knew what you are up to lately. I promised him I would put the question to you directly. Unfortunately, I didn’t get a chance to.

Meanwhile, I was meaning to write you a line on the email when news broke through with a bang: you are in talks with Uganda’s chief fighter, Ssabalwanyi General Museveni, through your daughter Rachel.

Rachel came very close to fully confirming this development, telling the Daily Monitor newspaper: “Yes, I have met the president on several occasions. However, it is bad manners to disclose what one discusses with one’s elders.”

This news has attracted indignation, at least on social media.

The two brothers running the affairs of the country of Uganda.

Ugandans who are sick and tired of Museveni’s decadent rule are resolutely hostile to any rationale for meeting with and talking to a man you so diligently served.

I have a different view, though. The issue shouldn’t be about meeting or not meeting, it’s about why you have to meet and talk. You sure should meet Mr Museveni and speak to him candidly.

I don’t wish to sound presumptuous, but if you may permit me, I should like to remind you something you know all too well. Museveni has a knack for humiliating those who oppose him, chiding anyone who disagrees with him, discrediting and assaulting whoever threatens his grip on power.

NRM swimming in cash money.

I suspect that you are a man who prides in his honour and integrity. The last thing you want to do is crawl back to the Ssabalwanyi begging for favours and access to state largesse. The late Eriya Kategaya went through that ignominy and must have died a depressed man.

At any rate, you should savour a meeting with Museveni and tell him more forcefully what you have told him in the past: that his time is up. Tell him it is in his best interest to work out an exit plan before it becomes inevitable to depart disgracefully. Impress upon him not to wait for 2021 because he should have already left, anyway.

Tell him that harkening back to the Constitution is hollow. The Constitution was long abrogated, otherwise, we wouldn’t have flagrant disregard of court decisions, abuse of court processes, and illegal use of force especially at the behest of a partisan head of the Uganda Police Force. So, there is no constitutional order to talk about.

As you know, with your explicit involvement and enthusiastic participation, the infant 1995 Constitution received a severe knockdown in 2005. It was damned beyond redemption. The country will need a new Constitution once the current system is set aside, one way or the other, in the near future.

That said, Ndugu, I should like to propose that you use the opportunity of meeting your old comrade to persuade him that he is out of touch with the real problems of Uganda. He needs to clear the way and create the space for a new leadership that can reimagine a new Uganda and forge a better future.

The illusion that it is him to save our country and the mass of our compatriots from intractable socioeconomic and political problems has driven the country to a cliffhanger. The insecurity borne of a dubious long stay in power has bred blatant nepotism and a bloated personal security apparatus, weighing heavily on the national budget.

Remind General Museveni that the longer he has clung on, the more he has set up the country for a dangerous end to his rule, something that seems to have attracted disquiet from right inside his family environs, if the ramblings of one of his sons-in-law is to be taken at face value.

The writing is right on the wall. Remind him that there are many historical lessons to look to if at all he is in doubt as to how the course of history can sometimes unfold following its own laws and in total disregard of human ingenuity and logic.

Uganda is not at all inoculated against the kinds of tragic events we have seen in other countries where rulers cling onto power, effectively undermining and undoing whatever progress in place and leaving behind ruins when finally forced out.

I understand that General Museveni is not particularly keen on taking advice, never mind the over 100 advisors. But if you can impress upon him the urgency of his exit from power, you will have done a great service to the nation, arguably more important than what you did as a government official for three decades.

The next time I am in town, I will be sure to seek you out about receipt of, and reaction to, this letter. I hope you will still be holding your own in opposing life presidency and family rule in Uganda.

I thank you!



The author teaches  political science at Northwestern University/Evanston, Chicago-USA.


The message this writer is making has already been made through  the recent expansive General Election of 2016. Mr Mbabazi has a very sick wife and with the advice of his strong daughters, there is not enough money in the family to treat their mother of cancer all over the world's medical hospitals.

Embeera y’eddwaaliro ly’e Kawolo y’eraga Banna

yuganda bwe batafa ku byabwe

May 31, 2014

Eddwaaliro ly’e Kawolo bwe lifaanana.

Broken Down Ambulance

Dodgy mud and wattle

Latrine in Jinja City

Broken down bathroom

Mu 2012, abayimbi

ba Ganda Boys okuli Dennis Mugagga ne Daniel Ssewagudde baatonera eddwaaliro ly’e Kawolo ebikozesebwa ebibalirirwamu doola 15,000. Bazzeemu okukola ekintu kye kimu bwe bawadde eddaaliro lino ekyuma ekibikka abaana, kompyuta n’okulirongoosa, wamu n’okutonera essomero lya Lugazi Community Primary kompyuta. John Weeraga yasisinkanye Dennis Mugagga n’ayogera ku bukulu bwa Bannayuganda okwagala ebyabwe.

Mmwe musobodde mutya okusigalawo wadde mweyubula okuva ku Da Twinz okudda ku Ganda Boys?

Twatendekebwa bulungi. E Namasagali twalina Fr. Grimes eyatuwa entandikwa, n’atulaga vizoni ennyimba zaffe kwe zisobola okuvuganyiza e Bulaaya naddala mu by’okuzina n’okukuba ebivuga.

Twatuuka ekiseera ne tumanya nti tusaanye okweyubula, singa twakomawo nga Da Twinz, wano wanditumize.

Naye twamanya kye tuli, myuziki wa Uganda ky’ali ne kye tuyinza okuguza Abazungu. Jjuuzi twabadde ku siteegi ne bakafulu mu kuyimba nga 65 ku siteegi y’emu, nga bo batukubira ebivuga (orchestrar) ng’eno bwe tuyimba. Bo Bazungu ffe tuli Bannayuganda!

Bonna baabadde n’obuyigirize obusinga ku bwadokita. Naye ggwe bw’oba n’obukkakkamu, n’okkiriza ky’oli. N’omanya nti bo balina kye bamanyi, naye naawe by’oyimba tebabimanyi olwo ojja kumalako.

Ffe ne tuyimba ‘Agawalaggana mu nkoola’, nabo ne bakuba ebivuga byabwe okusinziira ku bwe tuyimba, ne tuzina, abawagizi ne banyumirwa oluyimba! Kino abayimbi ba Uganda kye batannayiga, baagala kufaanana nga Bazungu sso ng’ebyabwe tebabisobola.

Naye ebibiina ebimu nga Eagles bisasika?

ABO baali basobola okukwatagana ne beeyubula, ne bafuna abawagizi abaggya ebweru ne mu Uganda.

Eno ye ambyulensi y’eddwaaliro.

Bandizuddewo engeri y’okumanya muyimbi ki mu bo akaddiye, bayinza kumuggyawo oba kumuyubula batya ne bayingizaawo n’abaana abato? Abazungu bakikola nnyo, oyo akaddiye talwana na mwana muto ng’ayiiya ennyimba ezijja okubaswaza wabula asigala ayimba ennyimba ze n’abato ne bayimba ezaabwe.

Singa aba Eagles baatuukirira Moses Matovu owa Afrigo oba abantu abalala abaludde mu nsiike eno bandibadde babawabula.

Kiki kye mufunye mu kweyubula kwe mukoze?

Kye nsinze okusanyukira kwe kuba nti bwe tuyimba, oli n’asituka n’agamba nti nze eddwaaliro ly’e Kawolo ndiwadde ekyuma kino, ndiwadde kompyuta abasawo basobole okuwuliziganya ne bannaabwe e Bulaaya. Kino nze kimmala, kubanga n’ebintu bye tuyimba ebisinga si byaffe.

Mwasinziira ku ki okulonda eddwaaliro ly’e Kawolo okuliwa obuyambi?

Eddwaaliro bbi nnyo, liri ku luguudo lunene okubeera obubenje buli kiseera naye tebalina bitanda, amazzi tebalina, lirina ebizibu bingi.

Naye mwanamugimu ava ku ngozi, kitange Dr. Charles L. Mugagga yakulirako eddwaaliro lino okumala ebbanga mu myaka gya 1980, ate maama Sr. Alice Mugagga naye yakulirako ekitongole ky’abakazi abazaala mu ddwaaliro lino ate nga nange nnalirabako nga likola.

Condoms block Masaka munici
pality sewerage plant

Publish Date: Feb 21, 2015

By Francis Emorut
Sewerage pipes that are always blocked by condoms at the Masaka sewerage plant.  


Condoms flushed from the toilets of lodges in Masaka town and also dumped in the sewerage plant threaten the municipality's sewerage system functioning.

The National Water Sewerage Corporation (NWSC) sewerage plant that was built in 1952 has been intruded by town dwellers who dump condoms and polythene bags into it.

"The condoms and dead animals like dogs and cats and are being dumped into the sewerage plant and they cause blockage, making workers to constantly unblock the manholes," Joseph Mugenyi the area manager NWSC Masaka told MPs of Parliamentary Forum on Water, Sanitation and Hygiene and officials from Uganda Water Network (UWASNET) on Friday.

The group of legislators was on a field tour to assess the implementation of WASH programme in the district.

Mugenyi said his workers have a mighty task to prevent the municipality from being enveloped in filth if the sewerage overflows.

"The workers keep monitoring and unblocking the manhole whenever they have been blocked by condoms to prevent the sewerage from overflowing. Otherwise, the whole town would be full of stench," he said.

The water area manager said plans are underway to fence the sewerage plant to prevent residents of the town from dumping waste into it.

A team of MPs inspected the plant on Friday. 

Workers always unblock the sewerage pipes. 

The sewerage plant was built 63 years ago. 

Condoms and dead animals are usually dumped in the sewerage plant. (Photo credit: Francis Emorut)

The vice chairperson of the Parliamentary Forum on WASH Ephraim Biraaro emphasized the need to sensitize the municipal dwellers on the dangers of flushing condoms into their toilet systems or dumping them in the sewerage plant.

He appealed to the district leaders to sensitize the masses on the proper way of condom disposal.

Biraaro also called for the implementation of the polythene bag law which banned its manufacture.

Ngora Woman MP Jacline Amongin, who is also the chairperson of Parliamentary Forum on WASH, called for more funding for water, sanitation and hygiene.

She asked the district authorities to prioritise sanitation and hygiene.

The MPs were also shown new technologies of water source and harvesting in Kalungu.

Lawmaker Hatwib Katoto warned that if the district authorities don't take action the municipality would experience an outbreak of cholera.

The Oil rich African country of Nigeria has started to borrow money to pay salaries as Interna

tional price of oil tumbles

By Agencies

Posted  Thursday, May 7  2015


NIGERIA, Lagos A cash shortage caused by low oil prices has forced Nigeria to borrow heavily through the early part of 2015, with the government struggling to pay public workers, officials said yesterday.

“We have serious challenges. Things have been tough since the beginning of the year and they are likely to remain so till the end of the year,” said Finance Minister Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala.

Nigeria, Africa’s top economy and largest oil producer, has been hammered by the 50 per cent fall in oil prices, with crude sales accounting for more than 70 per cent of government revenue.

“As it stands today, most states of the federation have not been able to pay salaries and even the federal government has not paid (April) salary and that is very worrisome,” said Imo state governor Rochas Okorocha.


It seems that Third World countries have a long way to learn how to handle their economies with a bit of caution. It is bad indeed to put ones  eggs in one basket.



Government ya Uganda etambuza abalwanyisa obuzigu mukulonda okugenda mumaaso(Crime preventers)


Lwaki Banna

Uganda ate be basaba ssente z’obuyambi okusalwako?

May 03, 2014


Abbey Walusimbi ( ku ddyo), Titus Kirabo ne Edriss Kironde abatalaaga ensi z’Abazungu okubamatiza ku buyambi.


Bya Abbey Walusimbi

AKALULU ka 2016 nga kabindabinda, mwe tusuubira abantu obukadde 10 okulonda Pulezidenti n’ababaka ba Palamenti, buli ludda lugezaako okwessa ku mwanjo.

Ffe abawagizi ba NRM mu nsi z’ebweru, tugezaako okumatiza amawanga n’amakampuni agagaba obuyambi wamu ne bayinvesita abaagala okuleeta ssente mu Uganda baleme kukwataganya bulungi bwakuleeta nsimbi mu Uganda ku kikula kya muntu na ndowooza ya byakwegatta.

Etteeka erikugira ebisiyaga bwe lyayisiddwa amawanga g’Abazungu agamu gagenda olukongoolo kulussa ku bakungu ba Gavumenti ng’okubamma viza era waliwo abamu abaaluguddemu edda!

Okugeza omuduumizi omu owa Poliisi mu Kampala abadde asuubirwa mu Amerika okusoma baamummye viza, omubaka wa Palamenti omu omukazi yabadde alina omukiolo gw’okumuweerako ekirabo naye viza yamummiddwa sso nga teyakuba kalulu ku tteeka lino. Bannaffe abali ku ludda oluvuganya nabo engabo bagirumizza mannyo, tukitegedde nti abamu bagenda bayitaayita mu mawanga gano, nga bagasaba okusalako obuyambi obumu olw’etteeka lino. Babagamba nti kino kye kiyinza okusuula Gavumenti ya NRM.

Enjawukana zibizadde

Ekibuuzo kiri nti kiki ekiyinza okulemesa NRM okuwangula akalulu ka 2016? Nze aba NRM abali ebweru tukola butaweera okulaba nga bammemba b’ekibiina si be bavaako okufiirwa akalulu.

Okwerumaaluma okw’omunda kitono nnyo okusinga ku buzibu bwe tuyinza okufuna okuva ebweru w’eggwanga. N’olwekyo enjawukana munda mu kibiina tuzikendeeze lwe tunaasobola okwang’anga ekizibu ekinene ekitujjidde.

Bammemba ba NRM ebweru w’eggwanga be nkulembera, naddala mu Amerika, Bungereza n’amawanga nga Norway, Sweden, Budaaki n’amalala tukoze pulaani eyinza okuyitibwamu okulwanyisa obukyayi bwe tuyinza okufuna mu mawanga g’Abazungu era agayinza okweyambisibwa okutugatta nga bammemba ng’okulonda tekunnatuuka.

Omwogezi w’ekibiina kyaffe, Edriss Kironde abeera e Colorado yalabudde nti yadde tuteekwa okumanya buli maanyi agaagala okusuula NRM, ekizibu ekisinga kiyinza kuva mu kulwanagana okw’omunda.

“Wadde NRM eyaniriza buli omu naye tusaanye okwegendereza abeeyita bakkaada mu mawanga g’ebweru sso nga bagiriira munda nga kigenge,” Kironde bwe yagambye. Ekibiina ekigatta aba NRM mu mawanga gano kibadde kitalaaga ebibuga n’ensi era bino bye baafunye mu bammemba:

1. Bonna bakkaanyizza n’akabindo ka NRM mu Palamenti, okuwagira Pulezidenti Museveni akwate omumuli gw’ekibiina nga tavuganyiziddwa mu kalulu ka 2016.

Endowooza eri nti kino kye kiyinza okuggyawo enjawukana mu kibiina, twang’ange abatuvuganya nga tewali kwetemamu.

Ekirungi nti ne Ssaabawandiisi Patrick Amama Mbabazi naye yassa omukono ku kiteeso kye kimu ate ng’akakiiko akafuzi ke kajja okusala eky’enkomeredde.

2. Okuwa bammemba amagezi ku ngeri y’okuwooyawooyamu amawanga g’Abazungu ku nsonga z’ebisiyaga, nga tubalaga engeri Abazungu gye balina okuwa ekitiibwa obuwangwa bw’abantu abalala.

3. Okutumbula enkolagana mu byobusuubuzi wakati wa Uganda n’amawanga bammemba gye bali. Tujja kusindika ebibiina by’abasuubuzi babalage obulungi bw’okussa ssente mu Uganda.

Ekiwayi kya NRM e Stockholm, Sweden kye twakyalidde omwezi oguwedde kyatwanjulidde pulojekiti y’okulima n’okusunsula katunguluccumu alina akatale ak’obuliwo mu Sweden n’awalala.

4. Okussaawo emirimu ne pulojekiti ezivaamu ssente eziyamba ekibiina kya NRM n’emirimu gyakyo sinakindi n’ebibiina ebirala.

5. Bammemba baasazeewo ttabamiruka wa bammemba ba NRM abali ebweru okumussa mu kibuga London ekya Bungereza, gye tujja okusisinkanira ssentebe Pulezidenti Museveni.

Ebibiina bisseewo pulojekiti z’ensimbi

Ekibiina kya NRM Diaspora League kirina abawagizi empagi luwaga babiri, Ssentebe wa NRM Pulezidenti Museveni ne Ssaabawandiisi Amama Mbabazi, era tubeebaza olw’obuwagizi bwabwe.

N’olwekyo ebyasalibwawo e Kyankwanzi tebirina kutwawula, wabula okutugatta. Tekirina nsonga disitulikiti ki ewagira ani, anaakwata omumuli gwa NRM ajja kwetaaga obuwagizi bwa buli omu.


Abakulira NRM mu nsi z’ebweru babadde batalaaga amawanga okuva nga March 23 2014 e Boston ne bagenda e United Kingdom, Sweden, Denmark, Norway, ne batalaaga n’ebibuga California, Colorado, Illinois ne Washington DC.

Yonna gye babadde, ne boogerera ne ku leediyo ne ttivvi, babadde bagezaako okusaba Abazungui bayige okussa ekitiibwa mu buwangwa bwa Bannayuganda. Babategeezezza nti obuyambi bwe baagala okusalako buyamba muntu wabulijjo, sso si bali abali mu Palamenti.

Bammemba baayanirizza obubaka bwa Hon Richard Todwong obulaga nti tewali kukubagana mpawa wakati wa Mw. Mbabazi ne Pulezidenti Museveni, era nti babadde bakola bonna okumala emyaka 30.

Ekibiina kitegese okukyala e Canada, Girimaani, Bufalansa, Japan, China, Malaysia, Buyindi, Botswana, South Afrika ne Nigeria.

Amaanyi gaffe tegali mu kuba nti Pulezidenti Museveni aludde mu buyinza, wabula olw’ebyo Uganda by’etuuseeko mu bukulembeze bwa NRM.

Bammemba abalala abali mu kibiina kuliko Edriss Kironde USA, Male Kamya-USA, Kennedy Burashe, USA, Godius Ayesigye -USA, Med Kasujja -Sweden, Diana Atim- Canada, Adam Kasambula -Sweden, Charles Inyoin -Sweden, Peter Mashate-UK, Dr. Keefa Kiwanuka -UK, Patrick Asiimwe -UK, Barbara Ankunda-UK, Dr. Yusuf Kyeyune-Girimaani, Moses Bukenya-USA, Charity Baira, Jacob Bamwenda-USA.

Abbey Kigozi Walusimbi ye ssentebe wa NRM Diaspora League.

Email: awalusimbi@hotmail.com



In Uganda, the NRM ruling political party has won Sheema North by-election with all the government machinery at its disposal:

October 9, 2018

Written by URN

Naome Kibaaju with President Yoweri Museveni

Naome Kibaaju with President Yoweri Museveni


Naome Kibaaju, the National Resistance Movement (NRM) party candidate has won the Sheema North parliamentary by-election.
The Sheema district Electoral Commission returning officer, Deborah Asiimwe declared Kibaaju winner at about 9:10pm on Monday night.


Kibaaju garnered 11,326 votes representing 60.3 per cent while Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) candidate Guma Nuwagaba garnered 7,322 representing 39.0 per cent. The invalid votes were 123 accounting for 0.7%.
The Electoral Commission chairperson justice Simon Byabakama commended the candidates and their electorate for being peaceful during campaigns and voting day. He said both voters and candidates exhibited a high degree of maturity during and after the exercise.

Shortly after being declared winner, Kibaaju said she will focus on reuniting people who could have been divided by elections and before she embarks on developmental projects.
Kibaaju noted that Sheema North is struggling with lack of clean water and electricity, which she says will be top on her agenda. Her rival Nuwagaba couldn't be reached for comment on the poll results.

Marshal Tumusiime, the Greater Bushenyi region police spokesperson, said they didn't register any serious incident during the polls. He commended residents for being peaceful and cooperating with security.
The Sheema North parliament seat fell vacant mid this year after the former legislator Dr Elioda Tumwesigye opted to contest for the newly created Sheema municipality parliamentary seat.


One reckons this is the African Democratic constituency that loved the UPC and its dictatorial chairman Mr Obote 1967/85. It is everybody's  surprise that the NRM is now the winner over there and the UPC is nowhere to be seen 30 years on.






Ab'eddwaaliro ly'e Kamuli batubidde n'omulambo gw'omukazi owoolubuto olukulu. Era Police ye Uganda egenda kuguziika nga bwegubuzeeko abantu baagwo:

By Musasi wa Bukedde, Tom Gwebayanga


Added 21st September 2018


Poliisi y’e Kamuli n’abakulira eddwaliro ly’e Kamuli batubidde n’omulambo ogw’omukazi eyabadde olubuto olukulu mu ggwanika ly’eddwaaliro, nga kati ennaku taano bukya guleetebwa mu ddwaaliro abooluganda bakyabuze!


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Abantu nga bakung'aanidde ku ggwanika ly'eddwaaliro Mulago


Omulambo gw’omukazi ono ateeberezebwa okuba wakati w’emyaka 25 ne 30, nga guli lubuto lwa myezi nga munaana, gukyalemedde mu ddwaaliro wadde ng'abantu beesomba buli lunaku okulaba oba omuntu eyafa bamumanyi kyokka buli avaayo awoza kimu 'tetumumanyi'

Omulambo gw'omukyala ono gwasangibwa gugang'alamye ku mabbali g’oluguudo oluva e Kisozi okudda e Kamuli, ku kyalo Kiyunga-Bulamuka naye nga teguliiko kiwandiiko kyonna kuba n'akasawo ke baasangaawo temwali ssimu yadde ekintu kyonna!


Poliisi  omulambo yagutwaala mu ggwanika  ly’e Kamuli, n'eyisa n'ebirango nga ziweze ennaku ttaano abooluganda tebannamanyika.

Omwogezi wa Poliisi mu kitundu kya Busoga North, Michael Kasadha agamba bagenda kuwalirizibwa okuguziika mu limbo y’eddwaliro, abantu be bwe balirabika bamuziikuulayo nga bamubawa.

Kasadha yakubirizza nti okw’ewala nga bino, abantu batambulenga n’endagamuntu kuba buli ssaawa tutambulira mu kufa.


Nammwe Police mulimba. Muleete ba artists bayambe okukuba ebifananyi byomufu nga bwayinza okufaanana nga mulamu. Era singa mwakikoledewo dda ku data base yammwe singa public esobola okuyamba. Kibi nyo nti mwe Polisi ye Uganda mulabika mwe mumanyi ebisooka nebikomererayo omuntu byalina okukola munsi muno. Mwe magezi gonna ate gokka agali munsi eno!

Wano wetwebuliza ddala ddala waliwo munsi ya Uganda ekibiina ekirwanira eddembe lyomuntu mubulamu bwe ate ne mukufa kwe? Nsi ki eno?


Kakati omuntu we ggwanga mumuziika mutya nomwaana we nga Bwoziika embwa?


Kino kyetubagamba nti abantu ba Uganda bonna balina okuba ne smartphone ate nga ne data wa sente ntono okuteekako. Singa omufu oyo munsi ezomulembe gwennaku zino abantu be bamuzudde dda. Muwoza bitaliimu mbu omuntu okubeera ne smartphone ne data kwejjalabya, kukola lugambo.






Mu Uganda, Member wa Parliamenti, M/s Nabilah acoomedde Besigye: 'Takyalina mugaso mu democraciya wa Uganda, ekintu akiteere Bobi Wine:'



Ekibiina kyebyobufuzi ekya FDC nga kyelwanako okubeerawo kulwokufugibwa kwabantu ba Uganda.


By Muwanga Kakooza


Added 30th August 2018


OMUBAKA wa Kampala, Nabilah Nagayi Ssempala, (FDC) acoomedde Col. Dr. Kiiza Besigye nti takyalina kinene ky’ayongera ku ludda luvuganya n’amusaba ‘’ekintu’’ akiteere omubaka Robert Kyagulanyi amanyiddwa nga ‘Bobi Wine.’ ‘’Kye kiseera Besigye ekintu akirekere abalala. Besigye yazimbibwa Haji Nasser Ssebaggala mu 2001 ng’oluyimba oluliwo lwa ‘Haji alagidde’. Lwaki Besigye ye talowooza ku kuzimba abalala?. Kye kiseera atandike okuzimba Bobi Wine,’’ bwe yagambye.


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Nabilah ng'awanda omuliro


OMUBAKA wa Kampala, Nabilah Nagayi Ssempala, (FDC) acoomedde Col. Dr. Kiiza Besigye nti takyalina kinene ky’ayongera  ku ludda luvuganya n’amusaba ‘’ekintu’’   akiteere omubaka Robert Kyagulanyi amanyiddwa nga ‘Bobi Wine.’

Nabilah agamba nti Col. Besigye kati omupiira azannya gwa kifiriza kuba yeesimbawo tayitamu ate ng’ekintu takita. N’ayongera  nti singa tabadde mu byabufuzi ng’azannya mupiira gwa bigere  yandiwereddwa ‘yelo kaadi’ olw’okwonoona obudde (bwa Bannayuganda) ng’avuganya (ku bwa Pulezidenti ) nga  bwagwa okuva mu 2001.

‘’Kye kiseera Besigye ekintu akirekere abalala. Besigye yazimbibwa Haji Nasser Ssebaggala mu 2001 ng’oluyimba oluliwo lwa ‘Haji alagidde’. Lwaki Besigye ye talowooza ku kuzimba abalala?  Kye kiseera atandike okuzimba Bobi Wine,’’ bwe yagambye.

Yabadde mu mboozi eyakafubo n’omusasi ono mu Kampala. N’agamba nti ye akyali wa FDC era talina mpalana yonna ku Besigye naye ekimumunyisizza butayagala kuva ku lujjuliro nga kati enjawulo ntono ne munne Pulezidenti Museveni gw’acoomera obutava mu ntebe.

‘’ Tetwagala kifo kya kuvuganya ku bwa Pulezidenti kufuuka kya lubeerera . Mu Amerika bwe bakuwa tikiti okwesimba ku bwa Pulezidenti n’ogwa omulundi gumu gwokka tebakukiriza kuddamu’’ Nabilah bwe yayongedde.

Yagambye Besigye alabire ku Dr. Kawanga Ssemogerere eyava ku bwa Pulezidenti bwa DP nga takyayogera kintu kyonn. Ne yebuuza lwaki Besigye eyava ku bwa Pulezidenti bwa FDC ate akyagenda mumaaso n’okuyita enkung’ana z’amawulire n’okwogera ku lw’ekibiina kino.

Yagambye nti akimanyi Besigye talina nsonyi ne bwe bamuwabula ayinza okulemerako n’akomawo mu 2021 n’agamba nti ky’ekiseera Bannayuganda okusitukiramu basibire ‘bannansiko bonna (abaggya ne gavumenti mu 1986) ekikokookolo babamme obululu.

Yagambye nti Besigye FDC agifudde nga kkampuni ye nga taganya bantu balala kuvaayo okuggyako nga bali mu nkwawa ze. Kwe kumujjukiza abantu abanene abazze bamuvaako ng’omubaka Beatrice Anywar (Kitgum) amanyiddwa nga ‘Maama Mabira, Beti Kamya kati minisita n’abantu abalala olw’enkola ye etali nnung’amu.

Yagambye nti wadde wa FDC naye yerowooleza kuba tewali muntu yamuyita kuva waka kujja kwesimbawo. N’ayongera nti enfunda z’azze yesimbawo Col. Besigye abadde akiriza abantu okumwesimbako.

Gye buvuddeko omumyuka wa Ssabawandiisi wa FDC Harold Kaija yasuubizza ng’akakiiko k’ekibiina akakwasisa empisa bwe kagenda okutuula katunule mu nsonga za bammemba abatandise okuwaguka ku ndowooza z’ekibiina ne bakola ebyabwe nga ne Nabilah yamukonyeeko. Kyokka Nabilah yagambye Bukedde nti byayogera tebikontana na Konsityusoni ya FDC era tewali tteeka ly’aba amenye  bw’anenya ku Besigye.


M7 agya kukozesa omusolo gwaffe agule abamagye ne Police bamweyimirire mukuwangula kwa Bobi Wine nga bwabadde akola mukuwangula akalulu keyali omusawo we Col Besigye! Namwe abakazi ba Uganda muli bangi nyo ddala M7 ne Janeti Museveni bebaguze okukulembere bakazi banammwe bangi okunywerera mu kibiina kya NRM.


Mukyala Ssempala obade ki? Ekibiina kyammwe kiyitibwa mu lulimi oluganda Ekibanjirize oba Olujja awabeera democraciya-- abangi bebasinga amanyi. Era Besigye nebwanateera Bobi Wine abangi ba Bobi ne bamuyiire obululu M7 alwanira okufuga nobululu nokububba tagya kukiriza Bobi Wine kumusinga bululu afuge eggwanga lino.






In Uganda, ‘Incitement to violence’ charge frustrates personal liberties:

August 22, 2018

Written by Ophelia Kemigisha

M/s O.Kemigisha



It has become commonplace for the Uganda Police Force to charge activists, journalists and members of Parliament with the offence of incitement to violence.

The most recent case features two NTV Uganda journalists, Herbert Zziwa and Ronald Muwanga, who were arrested while broadcasting a live transmission of developments in Arua town during the Arua municipality by-election.

Dr Kiiza Besigye, a prominent opposition leader, has also been charged with the offence on several occasions, often as a result of his attendance and expression at political rallies and when he led or took part in assemblies like the infamous Walk-to-work protests.

In 2016, Samson Tusiime was charged with the offence for possession of T-shirts that bore a portrait of the likeness of Dr. Besigye. Comments on Twitter under the hashtag #FreeSamwyiri expressed dismay as to what T-shirts have to do with violence.

Fred Nyanzi Sentamu, former Kamwokya LC1 chairman Fred Nyanzi Sentamu was also charged alongside two others with the same offence after they took part in a protest against the new mobile money and social media taxes.

In almost all these cases, it is hard to make the connection between the actions of the suspect and the idea of incitement of violence. In fact, many times there is no violence to speak of at all.

The oft-cited section of the Penal Code Act which provides for the offence includes an element that is usually left out of the discussion.

The offence is only committed if the inciter causes another person to commit an act of violence by reason of race, place of origin, political opinions, colour, creed or sex or office. Put simply, merely exciting a crowd or leading a protest is not inciting violence.

The police would be right to prefer such a charge against a person if they made, by way of example, racially charged comments and caused members of their audience to harm people who belong to the race spoken against.

In jurisdictions like India whose Penal Code Act is similar to Uganda’s, the offence is linked to sedition and hate speech. In Britain, from which Uganda received the law, the offence has evolved into specific offences including incitement to racial hatred and incitement to religious hatred, among others.

Unfortunately, Uganda’s 1950 Penal Code Act has not been subject to scrutiny in contemporary times, but I daresay the section would reflect a bar from inciting violence on the basis of tribe, political party, and the like.

The conversation that follows is whether we need such a section in the law, anyway. Courts in the United States of America have consistently chosen to protect free speech, even when the words spoken denigrate people on the basis of their race, gender or sexual orientation.

The only exception made is if the speech calls for imminent lawless action, and such words must be very specific to be deemed to incite violence.

In Uganda, the tension would be between freedom of expression as guaranteed by the Constitution and its restriction in the public interest.

The state must take responsibility to prevent people from making disparaging remarks against others on the basis of their race, tribe, creed, sex, among others. This has not been the case, especially for marginalized groups like LGBT/I. The law must be used to protect all persons, even the ones at the fringes of society.

In practice, the offence appears to be used only as a trumped-up charge placed on those who dare to speak out against injustices in our society or express dissent.

The law is being used as a stick, to beat everybody into submission and to severely restrict the constitutionally guaranteed freedom of assembly.

In fact, the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) has routinely dropped the charge for activists including Dr. Kizza Besigye and Lord Mayor Erias Lukwago, proof that the case was unsustainable in the first place. In several other cases, the activists are charged then released on police bond and never prosecuted.

The new Police leadership has an opportunity to correct this by ensuring that the Force enables citizens to enjoy their rights regardless of which side of the political divide they belong to.

The DPP’s office should work with Police to discourage charging people with no intent to prosecute as it is wastage of resources of the criminal justice system and a flagrant violation of personal liberty.

Ms. Kemigisha is a lawyer currently working with Chapter Four Uganda.






The Uganda Court has awarded handsomely Shs 700m to Maj Iduuli over erroneous retirement from the Uganda army:

15 July, 2018

Written by URN

Maj Ronald Iduuli has been awarded Shs 700 million in compensation for lost income after he was forcefully retired from the army two years ago.

The award is Shs 300 million short of what Maj Iduuli had sought for after he dragged the attorney general, the chief of personnel and administration, and the deputy chief of legal services in the Uganda People's Defence Forces (UPDF) to court challenging his forced retirement from the armed forces.

Iduuli, 43, joined the army in 1998 as a cadet officer, before becoming a lawyer attached to the General Court Martial. He served as a tank commander during the UPDF offensive against the rebel ADF in Congo and as a tank company commander in Operation Iron Fist against the LRA rebel group in northern Uganda.

He served as a defence lawyer at the General Court Martial from 2014 to July 25, 2016. He submitted to court that he was retired from the army without referring to either an instrument from either the Commander-in-Chief or a message from the Chief of Defence Forces (CDF).

Ronald Iduuli (L) earlier speaking to a suspect at the General Court Martial

Iduuli says that he was unfairly retired from service on a misrepresentation that he had voluntarily applied for retirement whereas not, yet he had also not attained the mandatory retirement age. In his application to court, Iduuli demanded for pension, payment of untaken leave since 1998, unpaid housing allowances for the years spent in military service and unpaid transport allowances.


He also sought for general and punitive damages for lost income from the time of retirement until when he would have attained retirement age, with an interest of 24 per cent per annum from the date of retirement till payment in full and costs of the suit.


According to affidavits sworn in by Brig George Igumba, the chief of personnel and administration of the UPDF, Iduuli disobeyed lawful orders when he refused to attend the junior staff and command course and instead opted to retire voluntarily from the army.


Igumba said that Iduuli was not directed to vacate the office of the defence counsel at the General Court Martial but another lawyer was appointed by the CDF to beef up manpower and enhance efficiency in the said office.


State prosecutor Genevieve Kampiire had asked the court to dismiss the application arguing that Maj Iduuli filed it in bad faith.

But in a judgment delivered on Friday, Justice Margaret Oumo Oguli stated that Maj Iduuli's dismissal from the army was illegal, unconstitutional and malicious. She said that a letter dated August 17, 2016, nominating Maj Iduuli for a junior command and staff course was fake.


Court ruled that Maj Iduuli will now receive a sum of Shs 28 million to cover his unremitted gratuity, Shs 6 million as unpaid pension and Shs 538 million as lost income. He will also take a payment of Shs 90 million to compensate for stress inconvenience, humiliation, embarrassment and psychological torture he has gone through since his wrongful retirement.


Court further awarded him aggravated damages of Shs 50 million which will attract an interest of 20 percent per annum from the date of judgment until payment is paid in full.


However, Justice Oguli declined to offer him compensation for transport and housing allowances on grounds that Iduuli didn't provide with receipts of the money spent travelling and had no tenancy agreement to prove to the court how he has been sleeping and moving.

Iduuli was involved in the botched treason trial of Gen David Sejusa and the stalled treason trial of Nakawa municipality MP Michael Kabaziguruka.


Uganda Courts seem to live in a world of their own. This government with all its mistakes is piling up real debts for our children and grandchildren. One has read that there is a promise from this government that although it agrees with all these court awards, all those to receive these court awards will be paid promptly in 74 years time.






This is the likely reason why the former Inspector of Police in Uganda, General Kayihura was arrested:

June 27, 2018

Written by Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda

Kayihura and  Ssabiiti touring the International City of Kampala to command security.


In my faith of Islam, sins are broken down into categories. Associating Allah with partners is the greatest sin and therefore unforgivable.

All the others are forgivable with genuine repentance. It is, therefore, important for a Muslim to know which sin he or she has committed before seeking for forgiveness.

Likewise Mr. Yoweri Museveni Kaguta, who in 1997 said he was next to God, has sins he considers minor and grave. Even when the whole public is incensed to boiling point, he will take no action against a person, when he/she has committed what he thinks is a minor sin (offence).

It is the reason he never took action against Mr. John Patrick Amama Mbabazi, when he was twice accused of helping himself with public funds. I think the public considered Temangalo a grave sin, punishable by sacking.

Mbabazi was investigated and convicted of this crime by a parliamentary committee. Mbabazi and his business partner Amos Nzeyi reportedly influenced the National Social Security Fund (NSSF) to buy their land at Temangalo in Wakiso, for about Shs 11 billion.

Influence peddling was cited and Parliament moved to censure Mbabazi. Then came the CHOGM investigation in which, again, Mbabazi was accused of bungling up a Shs 11.5 billion security equipment transaction. Museveni defended Mbabazi.

Museveni and Mbabazi had until their fall out in 2015 worked together since around 1972. Mbabazi is in the categories of Lt. Gen. Saverino Kahinda Otafiire.

During an evening meeting with a few NRM young turks in Kyankwanzi in 2015, Museveni wore an angry face and spoke angrily about Mbabazi. He accused him of abusing “our contacts,” especially with China.

He had been told that Mbabazi had mobilized billions from China to finance his presidential bid. Within a few years, Mbabazi had shifted from being “the head of NRM” to the most dangerous snake. The rest, like they say, is history.

What saved Mbabazi from being thrown in jail was because he possessed no military rank. Although he recruited people into security, he was not a trained military man.

The moment you are a military man, moreover with influence in one of the armed forces, and you are suspected of having presidential ambitions, your sin before Museveni is grave. And the ambitions don’t have to be real, even imagined ones are punishable.

That is why Gen. Kalekezi Kayihura’s case is a complicated one. When he is eventually arraigned before court, he will be charged with some offence but the real one will be camouflaged.

And the real offence is that he is suspected of harbouring presidential ambitions. It is feared he wanted to deploy the network Mr. Museveni had facilitated him to build against him.

That network included the Police which Kayihura built from about 15,000 to more than 50,000, crime preventers (number is not known), boda boda cells, plus a number of criminal gangs such as kiboko squads and kifeesi.

Museveni, it appears, has now been convinced beyond reasonable doubt, that some of the murders such as that of former Assistant Inspector of Police, Andrew Felix Kaweesi and the most recent one of MP Ibrahim Abiriga were carried out to cause public discord against him.

Matters are even made worse for Kayihura Kalekezi that his alleged ambition comes at a time of heightened cold war with Rwanda. Without doubt, Kayihura has relatives in Rwanda and he comes from Kisoro, a district at the border with Rwanda.

This whole nonsense of repatriating refugees back into Rwanda is not because Museveni feels for them; in fact if the refugees were to be sacrificed for good relations with Rwanda, the big man would even promote those doing it.

People fleeing Rwanda are especially welcome to Uganda because our relations are at their worst. I think state actors these days celebrate everything that angers Rwanda. Museveni and Paul Kagame spoke about these issues in Ethiopia recently, but I think they are deeply rooted.

The feeling here is that Kigali might be or has already linked up with security elements in Uganda, who are Rwandese to try and undermine the regime. Kayihura’s name is cited.

I am told the recent request for Parliament to pass a third supplementary request of nearly Shs 300 billion is meant to strengthen our security capacity, in case we are disturbed by any neighbor.

And I think Kayihura was naïve not to know all this. Maybe people have forgotten that Museveni removed his own son from active military service just recently. I am told his offence relates to neglecting the welfare of presidential guards, yet he knows they are the reason “we are in power.”

Gen. Salim Saleh, of course, continues to receive promotions even in retirement, but was stripped of the post of army commander in the late 80s because he had started touring barracks.

There was fear he was appropriating the military to himself. Both Saleh and Museveni made the public believe that he was removed over drinking and smoking.

Kayihura’s arrest, therefore, offers practical lessons to praise singers. The person called Museveni will spare no one when it comes to power.


The author is Kira Municipality MP and opposition chief whip in parliament.


It is unfortunate that this leader dreams of a strong military coup to remove him from the power he has in Uganda. The State of Buganda seems to have loved to take such an option many times. One reckons it does not want it anymore. In this age of advanced civilization and law and order, leaders of this country, of Uganda, should understand their limitations and give up power with all the peace that is unfolding on the continent of Africa. If not then M7 holds on to power in Uganda at his own peril.






Amasaza g'Ensi Buganda agabula (lost counties Buyaga ne Bugangayizi) abafunayo ettaka baliyombera nga bwebabbangana okukamala:


Omukazi alaajanidde akakiiko k'ettaka: Looya amufeze ssente ezisoba mu kawumbi:

By Musasi wa Bukedde


Added 21st May 2018


OMUKAZI alaajanidde akakiiko akabuuliriza ku mivuyo gy’ettaka kamuyambe kawalirize munnamateeka w’omu Kampala Richard Buzibira amuddize ssente ezisoba mu kawumbi ze yamufera nga gavumenti eriyirira bannanyini ttaka e Buyaga.


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Nansubuga ne looya Buzubira gw'alumiriza okumufera ettaka erikunukkiriza mu buwumbi bwa ssente


Teddy Nansubuga 57, ow’e Kibaale, yategeezezza Omulamuzi Catherine Bamugemereire nti ye yazaalibwa bw’omu ne bazadde be baafa, ekikubagizo ky’alina be baana 10 be yazaala naye omu yafa.

Yagambye nti yalina ettaka lye yasikira ku jjajja we Peter Seviiri ku bbulooka 223 poloti 1 Buyaga nga liweza mayiro bbiri. Waliwo abaali balikaayanira bwe baamutwala mu kkooti n’abawangula yagenda okulaba ng’obwavu bumutta kwe kusalawo okulitunda.

Baamuwa amagezi atwale ekyapa mu gavumenti bamuliyirire okuva mu nsawo ya ‘Land Fund’ naye kwe kusitukiramu.

Nansubuga yatuukirira Munnamateeka Buzibira amukolere ku nsongaze ng’obwesige bwonna abutadde mu Buzibira kubanga ye tasobola kusoma Lungereza yakoma mu P5.

Ensonga bwe baazitambuza n’alaba nga baluddewo okumusasula, Buzibira kwe kumutegeeza nti ye asobola okumufunira omuntu amuwa ssente ze yeetaaga olwo oyo aguze n’asigala ng’abanja gavumenti.

Nansubuga bwe baamuwa empapula okuteekako omukono ne bamusasula obukadde 80, baamutegeeza nti awandiika ku ndagaano ya kutunda ttaka lye kyokka nga Buzibira akwataganye ne banne ne balagira Nansubuga okuteeka omukono ku mpapula eziwa Buzibira obuyinza (‘Powers of Attorney’) okubanja ssente ku lwa Nansubuga.

Mukazi wattu yawuniikiridde ng’amyuka munnamateeka w’akakiiko John Bosco Suuza amutegeeza nti Buzibira abadde akozesa empapula zino okubanja ssente era nga zijjira mu linnya lya Nansubuga era lino ettaka lyokka Buzibira baakamusasulako obukadde 821 akyabanjaayo obukadde 190 kubanga baalibaliriramu akawumbi kamu n’ob-ukadde 400.

Ettaka eddala eriri ku bbulooka 224 poloti 1 e Mubende nalyo ekyapa Nansubuga yakiwa Buzibira n’amu-sasula obukadde 190 kyokka bwe baagenda mu gavumenti okubasasula baalibaliriramu obukadde obusoba mu 800.

Baagenze okubalamu ze baakamusasulako ng’akyabanjaayo obukadde 250 naye nga zonna Buzibira azze aziggyayo ku lwa Nansubuga.

Buzibira bwe yalabiseeko mu Kakiiko nga April 18, 2018 yategeezezza nti akolera mu kkampuni ya Frank Tumusiime & Company Advocates. Oluvannyuma lw’okumukaza okumala ebbanga eddene annyonnyole engeri gye yakwataganamu ne bannannyini ttaka ne bamuwa obuyinza okubaggyirayo ssente, yayogera ebikontana.

Munnamateeka w’akakiiko yamusomedde amannya g’abantu b’agamba nti baamuwa obuyinza okubaggyirayo ssente z’ettaka lyabwe. Amannya ge yamusomedde kwabaddeko: Joackim Kateregga Balikyewuunya ettaka liri ku bbulooka 163 poloti 1 Buyaga baamusasula obukadde 550, bbulooka 282 poloti 2 Buyaga ekyapa kiri mu mannya ga Julius Busulwa.

Busubira baamusasula obukadde 250, bbulooka 272 poloti 3 Bugangaizi baamusasula obukadde 20 kiri mu mannya ga Matiya Muyomba, bbulooka 224 poloti 1 mu mannya ga Teddy Nansubuga baamuwa obukadde 200, poloti 28 baamuwa akawumbi kamu n’obukadde 800 liri mu mannya ga Joseph Sande.

Ssente endala baazisasula mu mannya ga kkampuni ya Frank Tumusiime & Co. Advocate. Kuliko: bbulooka 153, 164 poloti 2,1 ne 21 baalisasula 1,400,000,000/- liri mu mannya ga Daniel Kateregga, bbulooka 107 poloti 1 liri mu mannya ga Desire Wamala ne Alexandra Kasanvu baalisasula 1,300,000,000/-, bbulooka 272 poloti 3 mu mannya ga Matiya Muyomba baalisasula 1,500,000,000/-

Baagenze okumubuuza omuwendo gwa ssente zonna n’ategeeza nti baakamusasulako 13,354,439,000/- akyabanja 5,310,000,000/-. Omulamuzi yamulabudde nti teyeesunga okuddamu okufuna wadde 100/- kubanga buno bubbi bwe batayinza kukkirza kuddamu kugenda mu maaso.

Wano Omulamuzi we yasinzidde okumulagira atwale empapula z’abantu bano zonna mu kakiiko ye yennyini (Buzibira) nga tatumye muntu mulala.







Bazzukulu b’Abakulu b’Obusolya bw'Ebika bya Buganda


The Council of the Grandchildren of Buganda


P.O. Box 5946, Kampala, Uganda

Mob: 0712-845736, 0712-810415




Re-Produced 22 April, 2018


Katikkiro we Buganda,

Ow’ek. C.P. Mayiga

Bulange- Mengo




Ssebo  Ow’ekitiibwa Mayiga,



Sebo Katikkiro, tusaba otukkirize tuyite mu ggwe okunnyonnyola obuganda kalonda akwata ku Federo emaze emyaka nga etawaanya ebirowoozo by’Obuganda.


Twagala tulage Endowooza ya feredo engeri gye tateekebwa mu birowoozo by’Abaganda n’ekyagiteekesaamu. Tulage ekiseera w’eyogererwako, tulage engeri gyeteekebwawo, Esabibwa busabibwa oba Egabibwa bugabibwa?, tulage by’eteekawo  n’Enkizo z’erina ku nfuga Endala.


Ebyafaayo:  Obuganda bwe bwamala okulaba ng’Omuzungu yalina Ekigendererwa eky’okugattika Buganda mu Mawanga amalala  olw’okutondawo Omugattiko gwa Uganda eyo mu myaka gy’ana (40), Obuganda  ekyo bwakigaanira dala nga bulengedde Ag’azibu agaali gajja okuva mu mugattiko guno.


Agazibu kati ge tutubiddemu bajjajjaffe baagalengera nga sigannateekebwawo era ne bagezaako bwezizingirire okugagema n’okugaziyiza!!


Olutalo lw’okugagema lwazuzumba nnyo nyo ng’Obuganda bugamba Omungereza Endagaano Buganda ze yakola naye zikomezebwe, Buganda yeefuge ereme okulinda okuteekebwawo kwa Uganda n’okugattikibwa mu Uganda.


Ekya Buganda okukomya Endagaano Omungereza kyamuwunyira ziizi kubanga kyali kisaabulula Ekigendererwa kye eky’okutondawo Uganda asigale ng’atufugiramu Obuddu ng’asinziira ewaabwe, nga kati bwe kiri!!! Obuganda  bwalaba Omuzungu abutwaliriza mpola abutuuse ku saawa eyokutondawo Uganda ku ntandikwa y’emyaka gy’enkaaga (60), mu October wa 1959, Obuganda bwalangirira Okukomezebwa kw’Endagaano z’Omungereza wamu n’okwefuga kwa Buganda.


Okulangirira kwa Buganda Omugereza kwamutuuza obufoofoto nga talaba ngeri gy’ayinza kukumenyawo oba okukumenyesaawo Buganda. Ekyo kyekyamutumisa wano Lord Munster, wabula naye natafuna kigendererwa kyamutumya kubanga Obuganda bwagaana okwogera naye okuva  lwe  bwali bumaze okulangirira  okwefuga kwa Buganda.


Olw’okubanga mu kiseera ekyo Obuganda bwali butandise okuteeka obwesige bwabwo obusinga obungi mu Buyigirize ne mu Bayigirize. Omuzungu mu Bayigirize mwe yayita Obuganda okubusuuzaawo Okwefuga kwa Buganda!!!


Enfuga ya FEDERO Omuzungu yagiwa Abayigirize ba Buganda abaalimba Obuganda, mu bugenderevu oba mu butamanya, nti Enfuga ya Federo yali efaanana era nga yenkanira ddala okwefuga Buganda kwe yali erangiridde !!! Okwo Abayigirize baagattako nti naye Federo “Enkizo” gye yalina kwe kuba nti yali esobozesa Buganda okwefugira mu Uganda mbu ekyali kijja okufuula Kabaka wa Buganda owa Uganda yonna!!!

Obuganda kino bwe bwakitunuulira nga kyali kijja kubuyamba okuggyawo Okutiisatiisa kwa Bungereza ku Buganda olw’okulangirira Okwefuga ate Kabaka wa Buganda kimufuule owa Uganda yonna, mangu ago, bwefukulula ne begenda ewa Gavana  bumugambe nti “ bwali buyinza okukkiriza okwefugira mu Uganda singa Gavana akkiriza Buganda okufuna Federo, ng’Obuganda  sibumanyi nti Gavana yennyini ye yali awadde Abayigirize Abaganda ekya Federo bagende bakisimbe mu birwowoozo  by’Abaganda!!!


Bw’etyo Federo bwe yaleetebwa mu Buganda era eky’okusuuzaawo Abaganda  okwefuga kwe baali balangiridde kye kyagireesa!!! Kinakuwaza nyo  okulaba n’okuwulira ng’Abaganda, na buli kati, bakyalowooza n’okukkiriza nti bwe bafuna Federo baba bafunye ekyenkana  Okwefuga, kubanga Federo eba ejja kubawa Obuyinza obwefuga n’okweramula, ebawe Eddembe ery’okwesalirawo ku bintu byabwe n’obuwangwa bwabwe!!!


Twogera di ku Federo:  Embeera eri emu yokka gye twogereramu ku Federo. Amawanga amatuufu nga buli limu lirina Obuyinza bwalyo obufuga n’obulamula, nga buli limu lirina ebyalyo, ng’ettaka(territory) , eby’obugagga byalyo era nga buli limu lirina Eddembe lyalyo erijjuvu ery’okwesalirawo,Amawanga ago bwe gasalawo okutondawo Ensi eyawamu, nga bwe gwali ku Uganda mu 1962, amawanga ago Ensi ey’awamu Gagisondera eby’okugiteekawo n’okugiyimirizaawo, nga gatoola ku byago. Eggwanga erisalawo okwesigaliza obuyinza obufuga n’obulamula obusinga obungi ne lyesigalaiza ebyalyo n’eddembe lyalyo ery’okwesalirawo n’obuwangwa ebisinga obungi, eryo Eggwanga liba lyewadde Fedro mu nsi ey’awamu etondeddwawo Eggwanga lino olw’eddembe lyalyo eryu’okwesalirawo, bwe liba lisondera Ensi ey’awamu teriba na gwe liteesa naye alikkirize okuleeta kye lireese. Bwe wabeerawo agezaako okuligaana kye lisazeewo okusonda, awo Ensonga ligivaamu buvi ne liddayo ewaalyo .


Bino bye tuyiga mu kitundu kino:


  1. Federo ssi basabansabe era ssi bagabangabe, wabula beewa neewe.


  1. Federo Obuyinza obufuga n’obulamula, obwannannyini ku bintu n’Eddembe ly’okwesalirawo bye bizaala era bye biteekawo Federo.


  1. Federo tesobola n’akatono kuzaala oba kuteekawo Buyinza bufuga, bulamula, tezaala bintu bya gwanga wamu n’Eddembe lyokwesalirawo, nga’abaganda abangi bwe basuubira ebyo bye bigizaala era bye bigiteekawo, omwana tasobola kuzaala amuzaala.
  2. Atalina Buyinza bufuga na bulamula, atalina bibye ng’ettaka n’ebirala atalina Dembe lya kwesalirawo oyo aba talina bisaanizo bya kwogera na kusuubira Federo.


  1. Bwolaba nga buli lwoyogera ku Federo owalirizibwa okugisaba obusabi, kimanye nti Ebisanizo oba tobirina. Bw’oba nga muli owulira wettanira nnyo okubeera ne federo, sooka olowooze ku ngeri gyoyinza okufunamu Ebisaanizo nga bw’onoomala okubifuna olyoke olowooze ku federo.



Wano twagala okukikkaatiriza nti Federo atalina Buyinza bufuga na bulamula era atalina bibye na Dembe lijjuvu lya kwesalirawo  yo federo tesobola n’akatono, kubimuwa kubanga byo bye bizaala Federo era bye bigimuwa. N’olwekyo, Federo terina w’efaananira na kwenkana Kwefuga, nga Gavana bwe yalimba Abaganda mu 1961. Kye kyava kiba nti 9thOctober 1962 bwe lwatuuka,  twagenda e Kololo tubeerewo Kabaka Muteesa II ngafuuka Kabaka wa Uganda yonna!!! Kyatubuukako bwe twalaba nga Muteesa yeesimbyewo butengerere, ng’omujulizi, nga Milton Obote akwasibwa “Obuyinza” bwa Uganda !!! E Kololo twavaayo tutolotooma!!!



Tusanidde okukitegeera nga bwe tulabye wagguli, nti Federo tekuba kwefuga wabula kika kya Bufuge, kati obutukaabya  akagiigiiri. Buganda bw’erya e kibanja mu Uganda ekiyitibwa federo, kino kitegeeza nti waggulu wa Buganda wabeerayo Uganda. Ate waggulu wa kabaka wabeerayo  pulezidenti . Buno buba bufuge bwennyini!!!


Federo  Buganda gye yafuna mu 1962 yali ewa Buganda  Ekitongole kya poliisi n’Ekiramuzi ebijjuvu. Mu 1963 Buganda yatandika okuzimba police posts zaayo e Nateete, e Kalungu n’e Kayunga. Wakati mu kuzimba police posts zaayo, gavumenti ya Uganda yalagira Buganda eleker’awo okuzizimba era, wakati mu kuba nti Bwino yali awa Buganda  ebbeetu okuzizimba, Buganda ssi yaddayo kuzizimbako wadde etoffaali erimu (1) n’okutuusa kati, anti “Akunsinga akukubisa gw’okutte. “ Kino tukiggyeyo okulaga Obufuge obuli mu Federo!!


Ebyo byonna nga bikyali awo, wakati mu kuba nga gavumenti ya Uganda n’amateeka gaayo ssi bamanyi era ssi bakkiriza nti Eggwanga Buganda n’Obwakabaka bwalyo weebiri era n’ENDAGAANO Buganda mwe yayingirira mu BUDDU bwa Uganda  nga yamenyebwawo mu 1966, kati oluyimba lwa federo lwe tukooloobya lulina mugasoki, lulina makuluki     era luyinza kutuwaaki???!!!


Kyetaagisa nyo nyo Abaganda TULEKER’AWO okusambagalanga obusambagazi mu nsonga za Nyaffe Buganda. Tuteekwa okusooka okumira, tuve ku nyimba era tusengeke ensonga za Buganda tumanye ebisooka n’ebikomererayo.


Sebo Katikkiro Mayiga tukwebaza nnyo okutukkiriza tuyite mu ggwe okulungamya Ensonga  ya Federo.



Jjunju- Kamulali







Mmengo yeetonze ku ky'abaserikale abakuuma Kabaka abaakubye bannamawulire

By Dickson Kulumba


Added 9th April 2018


MMENGO evuddeyo ne yeetonda ku ngeri abaserikale abakuuma Kabaka gye baakuttemu bannamawulire mu Lubiri Obuganda bwe bwabadde bwetabye mu misinde gy’amazaalibwa ge ku lw'e Ssande mwe baabakubidde n’okubasikaasikanya nga bakola emirimu gyabwe.


Ebifananyi ebyafulumidde mu mawulire nga abamawulire bayazibwa amagye agakuuma Kabaka wa Buganda


Kino kiddiridde ebifaananyi ebyafulumye ku mitimbagano gya yintanenti nga biraga engeri munnamawulire Denis Kabugo akolera ttivvi emu bwe yabadde agezaako okukwata Kabaka eyabadde ayambuka waggulu mu weema ye oluvannyuma lw’okusimbula abaddusi.

Minisita w’amawulire era omwogezi w’Obwakabaka, Noah Kiyimba mu kiwandiiko kye yafulumizza ku Ssande olw’eggulo yategeezezza nti enkola eno ey'okutulugunya bannamawulire si nkola ya Bwakabaka era evumirirwa, n'asuubiza nti waliwo ekigenda okukolebwawo okugonjoola embeera eno.

“Tufunye amawulire agatali malungi n’akamu nti abamu ku bannamawulire omuli n’abo abakolera ebitongole by’Obwakabaka eby’enjawulo baakubiddwa oba ne basindikibwasindikibwa abakuumi abamu nga basaka amawulire mu misinde gino.

Enkola ey’okubonyabonya bannamawulire nga bamalibwako eddebe lyabwe si nkola ntongole ya Bwakabaka era tugivumirira ne ssekuvumirira yenna. Abakuumi bano abakoze empisa eyo etali yaabugunjufu baagikoze nga bbo so si ku lwa Bwakabaka, Ssaabasajja Kabaka oba Katikkiro,” Ekiwandiiko kya Minisita Kiyimba bwe kyasomye.

Kiyimba yayongedde n'asaba bannamawulire okubategeezaanga mu bwangu kyonna ekibeera kibatuuseeko nga baakafuna obuzibu okusobola okubusalira amagezi kubanga Obwakabaka bussa ekitiibwa mu mirimu egikolebwa bannamawulire mu kutwala Obwakabaka ku ntikko.

“Tugenda kukola okunoonyereza ku nsonga eno era twongere okulambika abakuumi engeri gye basobola okukola omulimo gwabe ng’ate tebalinnyiridde ddembe lya bannamawulire. Twetondera abo bonna abaakoseddwa leero era tugenda kukola ekyo kyonna ekisoboka okulaba nti tumalawo obuzibu buno. Tukubirizza bannamawulire bonna baatutegeezenga mu bwangu bwe wabaawo ensonga yonna etateredde oba ebalemesa okola emirimu gyaabwe obulungi,” Kiyimba bweyagaseeko ng’ayogera ku kikolwa kino ekyalabiza Obwakabaka obubi.

Ku lwa June 17,2017 Kabaka Ronald Mutebi II bweyali ku Beatrice SS e Kyankwanzi yalagira abakuumi be bano bakomye eky’okutulugunya abantu be ababeera bazze ku mikolo okumulaba nga bwebabeera tebasobola kukyebeera, babakwate mpola.

Kino kyaddirira abakuumi bano okukasukka Ssentebe wa Disitulikiti y’e Kiboga saako n’abaami ba Kabaka mu mbeera eyatyoboola ekitiibwa kyaabwe era bano bwebafuna omukisa ogusisinkana Kabaka bakimunyonyola.


Kirabika abamawulire tebabadde na bisanyizo ebibasembeza (PRESS) ku Kabaka wa Buganda. Sibuli alina smartphone oba cine camera alina okusemberera Kabaka akwate ebifananyi kubanga kisoboka okuteka obulamu bwa Ssabasajja mukabi nga akola omulimu gwe. Obuzibu buno bwongera okulaga nga abakungu be Mengo bwebakyali mukusaaga kunsonga nyingi eza wano e Buganda.





Ex Katikkiro Muliika reckons that the Ganda leadership at Mengo fear very much the Military dictatorship of President Museveni of Uganda:

23 March, 2018

Written by Baker Batte Lule

In his typical take-no-prisoners fashion, Dan Muliika, the former prime minister of Buganda kingdom, who was relieved of his duties only two years into the job, tells The Observer’s Baker Batte Lule that he isn’t surprised at the turn of events in Uganda. 

Muliika was allegedly sacrificed for being belligerent towards the central government – an untenable position given the political delicateness of the times. Today, Muliika declares that those communities which formed Uganda at independence must regroup and write a new Constitution which mirrors their aspirations…

Dan Muliika

As a member of the Buganda Lukiiko (Parliament) you rejected the 1995 Uganda Constitution. Why?


First; we used a language that we were not supposed to use: English, which is [spoken] by about 20 per cent of Ugandans.

Second, we were deceived that there was a Constituent Assembly. That meant that we were constituents, but we ended up having a ‘Constituency Assembly’ with representatives like you see these parliamentarians. That was ridiculous because it was the indigenous people who formed Uganda in 1962 who should have come together and written their constitution.

Before 1962, what the colonialists were calling Uganda was actually Buganda. Therefore, the Constituent Assembly (CA) wasn’t properly constituted. Because of our poor English, instead of sending delegates, we sent representatives. Here in Bukoto, I sent Jaberi Bidandi Ssali; now the constitution has gone wrong, I don’t even know where to find Bidandi.

What should have happened was for the 15 regions that made up Uganda; Buganda, Kigezi, Ankole, Bukedi, Busoga, among others, to send delegates and resolve a new constitution.

Each one would have had to ratify what the CA had passed. Before my delegate commits me to a constitution, he should come back and say this is what you told me and this is what we resolved; do you agree or not? So, that 1995 constitution is in the same category as the 1966, and 1967 constitutions; they are all regime constitutions.

When you say we should have sent delegates; how would these have been elected or selected?

Why would you say that? How did we select ourselves to go to Mengo Lukiiko?  That is immaterial. I don’t think there is any area in Uganda that can fail to elect its representatives. I agree, these days there have been divisions and it’s hard for you young people to know the boundaries of, say; Kigezi, or Ankole.

These divisions were brought intentionally for you young people not to know where we are coming from. You find something floating; you don’t know where you are, where you are going… You only think of today; that’s why these days all of you are becoming thieves.

Everything that comes up, you want to first be paid because you don’t own what you have. You are not part of the inner part of it. But for us, we own it; we feel it.

Therefore, you cannot tell me that I can fail to elect my delegates. These people who are exploiting us are saying no, no, you can’t do this… you have no constitution.

But Buganda has got a constitution older than any other constitution in this country. The written history of Buganda goes back as a far as AD 400. Just like Buganda, other regions can also do it.

But how would those delegates be selected?

It depends on the number of people in those areas. Like for Buganda, if you say we are going to send 30 delegates, we demarcate our constituencies. That is why you see Buganda was the first region to carry out direct elections. We know our constituencies. We can use the ssaza (county), gombolola (sub-county), miluka (parishes) which are part of the subdivisions.

I don’t see the difficulty in electing. There is no theory about it. When we had direct elections in Buganda, we said each county had to bring three representatives; wasn’t that carried out? Isn’t that democracy thicker than what you are advocating?

It is difficult for Ugandans to see it because they have grown up with this cheating attitude. You can’t think of any other alternative. People are jittery about giving powers to these traditional institutions. They say they are not representative enough…

We are here because of people like [President] Museveni…We were directly electing our people. It is a forced situation. How do you even compare it? In fact, if we remove Museveni and his dirty politics, we are capable of showing you how a country can develop fast.

Buganda as we knew it then had ceased to exist and so did other regions; who then should have organised the people?

It would be a question of announcing that we have formed a CA, send delegates. We would do it. If you announce it today, I will lead it. If the president [gives] way, I will mobilise the entire Uganda and they will send their delegates. But it’s wrong to have non-indigenous people determining the fate of your country and this is why we are suffering today.

Looking at the 1995 constitution, what would you point at and say, this was good?

When Museveni came, it was thought that he had come to remove the disorder created by [former presidents] Apollo Milton Obote and Idi Amin. One thing was that power should be shifted to the people through a constitution where they accept to work together.

The [Justice Benjamin] Odoki commission report was very good; compiled after real scientific research where he would come and explain to people what a constitution means before soliciting their views.

Now, look at the recent debate on K’ogikwatako. I felt embarrassed when I heard some people say people were sensitized! One, the constitution has never been translated into our local language; so, majority of the people don’t know even what [Article 102(b) on presidential age limits] meant. When the MPs went to the villages, they didn’t explain what the clause meant, not even why it was put there in the first place.

Odoki’s was real research but when the report was out, technical mistakes were made. The first was instead of being given to parliament, it was sent to the president who stayed with it for six months and altered it.

His minister, the late Sam Njuba, told the public that some clauses had been tampered with. But because in Uganda we are so ignorant about these things, we went ahead and passed it; we didn’t think that was a very big mistake.

Notwithstanding your misgivings about how the CA members were chosen and the said alteration of articles, is there anything worth fighting for in the 1995 constitution?

Some of us were part of pressure groups that pushed members of CA to see that land belongs to the people, not the central government. It can only get land from the people to render a service to those people, and there must be a very clear procedure on how government acquires land.

The regime thinks they lost on that one, that’s why immediately after the constitution was passed, Museveni complained that everything had gone well apart from land.

For us, land has never been an issue. We didn’t conflict with Obote or Amin because of land. Our conflict was about making a constitution allowing us to form a country called Uganda with each one knowing what his/her rights are. We hated the 1966 and 1967 constitutions because they were for individuals and it’s the same constitution we are having now.

How do we extricate ourselves out of this?


That is a good question but because of this English and lack of a common language, we might not understand each other. That’s why they have used this to exploit all of us. You find someone in the centre saying Buganda is an enemy of Bunyoro and Bunyoro thinks it’s also an enemy of Buganda.

The same with other regions; this divide and rule has helped them to perpetuate injustices against all of us. When I talk about it, they say, Muliika is a tribalist. But what is a tribe?

Nobody bothers to find out that it’s a group of people with the same culture, with the same language in a certain location. Then what’s wrong with that? Why don’t you allow Muliika to be a proud Muganda and work with a proud Acholi?

In Buganda, we have over 50 clans, each with its own constitution but we are brought together by the Kabaka. Therefore, even in Uganda we can be as many tribes as we are, but still work together.

But the top man wants us to fight each other so that he can exploit us. Recently I asked some Banyoro that ‘do you now own land in Buliisa?’ They said ‘no no, they brought Bafuruki. They say they are Bakiga but when you keenly follow them, you realise that they come from a particular area’.

The Banyoro don’t own the land, neither the natural resources. Today in Buganda our land has been taken and the other day, the president confirmed that our gold in Mubende; one of the best – the president told you that it is him who stopped people from mining it. The gold is in Buganda.

I cannot go and claim oil in Bunyoro. It should be us to work our resources. Karamoja is a very rich region. Two and a half feet below ground you get a sheet of marble, four feet you have gold but they are the poorest on the streets in Kampala.

That’s why you have kifeesi (thugs). They have no respect for life. There is no rule of law because we don’t have anyone in charge. These are all the hazards of this constitution.

The constitution was recently amended to allow the president contest as many times as he wants. What do you make of it?

That constitution is not yours; it’s someone’s. You are being hoodwinked that there is a constitution. Someone told me that we are like a wild animal picked from the bush by force but when you confine it in a place and give it food, eventually it yields, thinking that it’s the best thing and it will never think of going back to the bush.

These regimes are not very clever but are cunning; from [Milton] Obote they abolished civics from schools. They knew that if you come out without civics, you are easily converted into what they want. That’s why you see things like [the so-called National Leadership Institute] Kyankwanzi; you go there to be indoctrinated, never to think using your brains.

That’s why their own constitution says in the preamble that it was made to avoid changing power by force like in the past. But somebody in parliament, doesn’t need to go to school to know that, that clause on term or age limits was a contribution to curtail anyone who wants to impose himself on Ugandans.

Then you say there is a clause that says majority can change [amend the clause]. Then you are like somebody who has no brains at all. The first thing in any constitution is its spirit and if you do anything against the spirit of that constitution, then you don’t respect it.

These 317 MPs who have no brains forgot that even Article 1 of their constitution told them that power is with the people. So, who told them that Ugandans wanted a change of those clauses? Anybody who tells me that this is our constitution, I wonder whether he/she was born with common sense.

They are clever, yes. They went to school, others even have PhDs, but they don’t have wisdom. You hear them say, my party, DP, NRM, etc has told me to do so.

In Uganda today an MP doesn’t understand the role of a party and the role of being a representative. If it’s the party that is important why then do we waste so many billions on elections? The party should just send representatives and we keep quiet.

The president the other day was applauding these 317 MPs for a job well-done, that they know the destiny of Africa…

I cry for my country… I don’t know where we are going. That’s why [US president] Donald Trump will call us whatever he called us because we don’t know what we want.

A member of parliament went there to represent me instead of asking what I want. He went to his political party and did its bidding well knowing it’s me who votes for him. I wonder why they even bother us with voting for them. They should just come and say, I’m your MP or whatever they want. But they hide behind good things yet their motives are dangerous. These are satans who deceive people.

What we need is an intensive education to alert people about their rights. We should tell these voters that when they accept money from a candidate, it’s them who have sold the country. They will never find medicine in the hospital, their children will go to UPE schools.

Some people just want to be polite but Uganda is now a totally failed state. To understand a failed state, you look at three things. You don’t have an executive, you have ‘above’. You don’t have a parliament, but a caucus that sits where the legislature should sit and does what it’s told.

The judiciary you know very well it’s full of cadres. That’s why when electoral petitions are taken there, the judges will say there were some malpractices but all the same he has won.

Once those three issues are present, it means there won’t be anything constitutional working under that arrangement. When you hear of corruption, embezzlement, infighting in security organs, among others, just know we lost direction; no one is in charge.

Your thoughts on the Justice Catherine Bamugemeire commission on land?

That is playing on people’s intelligence because people had started thinking that there was a problem. If they did realise that there was a problem, then they would wake up and nobody would stop them. When they know it’s Muliika making noise, it’s easy to silence him but when everybody wakes up, nobody can stop them.

That’s why they continue deceiving us that it is us who vote for them but in Uganda we have no elections. Anything that is short of being free and fair, is no election.

Even the courts, bad as they are, have said that indeed there are always problems with our elections. That’s why in 2015 I was against moves to push for electoral reforms in a parliament where the majority are NRM robots that are told to do what their boss wants.

My position was to push Museveni to finish his term and hand over power to an interim government, which we would give two responsibilities; work with the civil servants and run the day-to-day activities of the state, and; convene a grand national convention of all stakeholders.

But for as long as we are using someone else’s constitution, who uses people who only think of money and not the country, you will never get out of these problems, because we don’t have proper leadership.

Have you seen us fighting over kabakaship? No, because we know what the Kabaka does and what other leaders do. It is acceptable to us. Somebody was telling me that ‘but why do you people kneel for the Kabaka,’ I told him we do it by choice.

How would you put in place an interim government?

We are 40 million people in Uganda; you think he will kill all of us? He might kill 10,000. Do you think people like Trump who have nuclear and sophisticated weapons would still be talking to people?

They know that however powerful they are, they need people. In fact the president should have liked people like me because I tell him what’s wrong.

He doesn’t like you?

His spies are doing the job that is supposed to be done by intelligent people. They do it unintelligently. All they were telling him is that Muliika is opposing you. Yes, I have got that right.

But they think that you are an enemy because you’re saying things that do not rhyme with his; I’m not a robot. I would appreciate when he is doing a good job. When he was in the bush, I loved him because I thought we were going to end this nonsense, only to find that people surrounding him were making him make more mistakes.

You come here and do away with cooperatives and tomorrow you turn around and reinstate them. Why do they mislead him like that? Look at how they chased people from their homes in Naguru and Nakawa, saying they had got an investor. Investor?! I would rather be poor than have that kind of investor who deprives me.

What does it say of a person who is always misled?

He can’t even realise it. That’s why the Bazungu say too much power corrupts. The constitution concentrated a lot of power in the hands of the president and he lost focus. Personally, I told him that what will make Ugandans happy is a constitution that reflected their views. This should have turned him into the father of the nation.

There are suggestions of abolishing mailo land as one of the land tenure systems in Uganda…

We need to educate them of the dangers of this proposal.

What is Buganda’s role in the greater scheme of things moving forward?

Do you think Buganda still exists? Somebody takes your land; you have no power to decide what even to eat tonight. You have no control over the economy, your minerals are being sold by somebody else and you are not allowed to say anything.

Are you satisfied with the way the Katikkiro Charles Peter Mayiga is running things at Mengo?

I’m not going to say this or that because Mengo is in captivity. There is some invisible power ordering Mengo on what they should and shouldn’t say or do.

Go and ask Museveni, I told him I cannot ask him for federalism because he has no power to give it to us, neither to deny it. I told him I will first sensitise Baganda about federalism and then talk to other states that made Uganda and agree to come to a round table and then tell him what we want.

For me, I was lucky I would tell him what was on my mind.

There are those who say confrontational politics that you played can’t help advance Buganda’s cause…

Those are lies. In fact I practiced dialogue more than any other katikkiro but I didn’t want under-the-table dialogue. Go and ask Gilbert Bukenya [former vice president].

I told him if they wanted dialogue, I should leave Mengo and meet the vice president with a known agenda. Whether we agree or not, we should be able to tell the media what we discussed. That is genuine dialogue, not this underground dialogue.

I don’t need to go to State House. If there is anything official, it should be in the presidential office…These are matters of state and we should treat them as such. Anything done in secret is funny.



1) In the country of Buganda, one gets fed up of speaking for others who all the time seem to be deaf and dump. These days it is a tough world where every Tom and Harry must fight hard for their human rights. It cannot be  any different for the individuals in the country of Buganda! The King of Buganda himself has called out his subjects to come out and join up with Him to fight it out in the Uganda Political Arena.


2) As Buganda and well wishers celebrate Kabaka's 20th Coronation, there is much concern with Mengos underhand approach to matters of national importance. The request from Mengo for the Ugandan gov't to return, to the Kingdom its confiscated/appropriated properties by the Obote1 Gov't should be handled by the parliament. It was through the parliament of the day that these properties were seized. Mayiga and hangers on, are clearly intended in widening the pool of the Kingdom's resources not with intent to make King and Kingdom powerful, but for more sacks of money. 
Mengo must take note of the historical faberge, associated with this particular episode in the history of Uganda and the wider perception of the national population, on the matter. There has never been anytime in the History of Mengo that the need to reach out to the rest of the country, through its counterparts, is greatest. Some historians may argue that the only time when Mengo was this desperate, was when it sought the help of the British colonialist to wade off the looming Bunyoro Kingdom. But most of us think otherwise! 
Much as Mengo's survival in the 19TH Century was threatened by invasion from a powerful neighbour, this time around its survival is dependant on social, economic and political demographic changes within Buganda itself. Without going through the individual aspects, these categories put together, have the potential of a much bigger impact than that of a powerful marauding neighbour. Buganda in Mengo, and Uganda in Kampala, share a common foothold. This common anchorage was the very reason for the historical wrong and subsequent shenanigans, and failure, hitherto, to redress the subsequent loses. It's therefore necessary. that Mengo should assure the rest of the country, that the pursuit for the return of its properties is being done in good faith and lawfully. And in so doing, seek the consent of parliament, rather than of a passing president; or else, the return of this properties will forever be associated with president Museveni, as its confiscation is apportioned to Obote1. The right to one's property, therefore, is better sought in an open court. 
In a country characterised by suspicion of governments, failed promises and tribalism, there are minorities but powerful voices, who will claim that president Museveni is rewarding Mengo for the support given by the defacto Buganda MPs, in his quest for life presidency. Others would go as far as suggesting that the next properties that Mengo would be asking Museveni to return, lost as a result of the 1964 referendum, are the lost counties. But there is a third element to this schools of thought, extended by the proponents of federal system of governance. They feel a sense of betrayal that Mengo would rather settle for silver and gold rather than save its soul. What price is gold and silver if one cannot defend its institutions, culture, tradition, wealth and people with a better system of governance, yet the very cause of the appropriation in the first instance, was as a result of bad system of governance and hastiness, for a better lack of word. The bigger fish to fry. in our opinion, is for Mengo to demand for an open conversation, for a federal system of governance. That was a bigger loss than pieces of land.
In the words of the very man Mengo seeks redress for its pieces of land, bricks and mortar; "when a mortal hunter has got his kill, he must hold it in one hand, while the other must bare the spear to protect the kill". Mengo's, other hand is bare to the bone!   
Any amount of wealth, can only be protected by a government, practising a good system of governance, disparate to the unitary system that promotes dictatorship and rubber stamp parliament!
Akim Odong (Fedby20/20 Campaign).  






The Inspector of Police and the Minister of Security have been dismissed, but the Government of Uganda has great hopes of Gerrymandering in the National Electoral systems to stay put in power:

7 March, 2018

Written by Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda

At least 400 vehicles, mainly trucks carrying merchandise, cross from Uganda into Rwanda through the Katuna border in Kabale district every day.

These include 40 buses carrying passengers, 70 small vehicles and the rest are heavy trucks. This means at least 8,700 trucks cross into Rwanda using the Katuna/Gatuna border every month.

Knowing our level of industrialization, the biggest percentage of merchandize these trucks are carrying is from outside Africa, just transiting through Kenya and Uganda. A small percentage is what Uganda and Kenya are producing and selling to neighbouring Rwanda.

Small as it is, the goods Uganda is selling to Rwanda generate $160 million (about Shs 570 billion) annually, according to Uganda Revenue Authority (URA) customs officials at the border post.

Despite this volume of trade and passengers, our revolutionary government has stubbornly failed to raise Shs 25 billion to complete construction of an office block meant to process this traffic.

We are also supposed to tarmack the half-kilometer stretch between our side of the border and Rwanda’s. The rest of the road from Kabale to Katuna town council was recently paved using money borrowed from the European Union.

The office block (freight house) Uganda is constructing at the border has been abandoned for a year now because of lack of funds. URA and other border officials are operating in makeshift structures and containers.

Trucks waiting to be cleared to cross into Rwanda are parked along the road because money to construct a parking yard is part of the Shs 25 billion that we don’t have.

That is the chaotic scene we (members of the public accounts committee of parliament), met on Monday during a field inspection trip to our Rwanda border crossings.

This state of affairs generated anger even from NRM MPs who are beneficiaries of Uganda’s mismanagement. One of them kept blaming his government for getting priorities wrong. And he is right.

Before travelling to Kiboga last week to celebrate the removal of presidential age limits from our Constitution, each of the 317 NRM MPs who voted yes was given Shs 60 million, totaling to Shs 19 billion.

The newly-acquired Police Training Institute at Bwebajja was the distribution centre. Because of the nature of the operation (distribution of money), the gate was manned by Special Forces Command (SFC).

Each MP was advised to carry a bag in which their loot was stuffed. The NRM chief whip, Ruth Nankabirwa, was at this place up to past midnight overseeing distribution of this money.

She eventually got tired and assigned her deputy, Bukooli Central MP Solomon Silwany, to take over. Controversial Busia Municipality MP Geoffrey Macho who voted ‘No’ to the ‘age limit’ bill during the first stage and voted ‘Yes’ in the final stage was chased from Bwebajja by Silwany. He was not entitled.

I hope you remember that NRM MPs, and some of our colleagues in the opposition, were given Shs 40 million each in December to pass this bill. Opposition MPs were given money not to walk out.

So, the Museveni government has spent over Shs 50 billion bribing MPs but we don’t have money to complete construction of a border post that processes goods worth $160 million a year!

For me, it is these issues that we must discuss, and not the sacking of General Kale Kayihura or Security minister Henry Tumukunde.

In fact, the duo’s biggest crime is not the much publicized wrangling. It is the violation of rights each of them has orchestrated during their tenures. More than 200 people have been murdered by police in concert with the military during the 13-year reign of Kayihura. You remember the Kayunga riots and walk-to-work massacres?

That, for me, is the debt that we must ask Kayihura to repay. Concentrating on his quarrels with Tumukunde is to accept to be diverted. Tumukunde is also yet to account for the torture and some deaths that occurred when he was the Chief of Military Intelligence.

I have a strong feeling that the centre can no longer hold. I don’t think ordinary soldiers and policemen providing security to NRM MPs as they shared billions of money go home happy after witnessing this robbery.

Yes, the 317 MPs are now historicals, according to Museveni, because they removed age limits from the Constitution so he can die in office; but what about the young men and women who beat up opposition MPs and intimidate the population every day to keep the big man in power?

How do these soldiers and policemen feel when they hear that each NRM MP has so far officially received Shs 129 million and will be given another Shs 100 million in the last quarter of the current budget?

Yes, they will each receive Shs 100 million when Keith Muhakanizi releases money for the last quarter (April-June) of 2017/18 financial year.

For me, the sharing of this stolen money is what is fuelling this wave of insecurity. Certainly the Tumukundes were not happy that Kayihura was controlling big sums of money. But ordinary policemen and soldiers are also not happy with their selfish bosses who are only serving themselves. Things can only get worse!


The author is Kira Municipality MP and opposition chief whip in parliament.





Olutalo lwa banamaggye ga Uganda, abesarilawo nabo okwenyigira  mu byobufuzi bya Uganda, Colonel Besigye ne General Muntu, lusituse buto:

By Musasi wa Bukedde


Added 15th January 2018


EKIBIINA kya FDC kyongedde okwetemamu olw’ekiragiro Ssaabawandisi w’ekibiina, Nathan Nandala Mafabi ky’awadde nga kigaana abadde Pulezidenti Maj. Gen Mugisha Muntu okukuba enkungaana okuggyako ng’asoose okufuna olukusa okuva ku kitebe e Najjanankumbi.


Besigye 703x422

Besigye ne Muntu nga bakyalima akambugu.


Akakuubagano wakati wa Dr. Kizza Besigye ne Maj. Gen. Mugisha Muntu kasituse buto ng’abawagizi ba Muntu bagamba nti Besigye y’ali emabega w’ebbaluwa eno egambibwa nti egenderera kulemesa nteekateeka za Muntu.

Nandala Mafabi yawandiikidde bsssentebe ba FDC bonna mu disitulikiti mu ggwanga ng’abalagira obutakkiriza nkuhhaana zikubwa mu linnya ly’ekibiina okuggyako nga basoose okufuna obukakafu nti enkugaana ezo zakkiriziddwa ekitebe kya FDC e Najjanankumbi.

Mu bbaluwa ya Mafabi gye yawandiikidde bassentebe ba FDC ku disitulikiti nga January 10, 2018, yabategeezezza nti enkungana zonna ezitegekebwa ku disitulikiti mu linnya ly’ekibiina, zirina okukakasibwa ekitebe kya FDC mu Kampala era buli ateekateeka olukungana alina okusooka okulaga olukusa.

Nandala Mafabi w’awandiikidde ebbaluwa eno, nga Maj. Gen Mugisha Muntu eyaakawangulwa Ying. Patrick Oboi Amuria ku Bwapulezidenti bwa FDC, amaliriza enteekateeka ez’okukuba meetings ku buli disitulikiti okubunyisa enjiri za FDC n’okukunga abawagizi b’ekibiina okuwakanya ebikyamu ebigenda mu maaso mu Gavumenti.

Dr. Besigye naye yalangiridde wiiki ewedde nti agenda kukulemberamu aba FDC okutalaaga eggwanga ng’akuba enkungaana ze yatuumye “ Tubalemese” nga bawakanya ebyasaliddwaawo Palamenti okukyusa mu Konsitityusoni okuggyamu ekkomo ku myaka gya Pulezidenti n’ababaka ba Palamenti okweyongeza emyaka 7.

Abakungu ku kitebe e Najjanankumbi baategeezezza nti enkungaana za Maj. Gen Muntu teziteesebwangako mu NEC era ekibiina tekizimanyiiko noolwekyo tezikkirizibwa.

Wabula zo meetings za Besigye, NEC yazikakasizza era Pulezidenti wa FDC Ying. Amuriat waakutambula ne Besigye nga bawakanya ebyasaliddwaawo Palamenti okukyusa Konsitityusoni.




Olwaleero ku Mmande, Maj. Gen. Muntu lw’asuubirwa okutandika meetings ze ez’okutalaaga Uganda yonna ng’asookera Masindi, agende e Fort Portal ku Lwokubiri era omwogezi wa FDC Semujju Nganda yagambye nti enkungaana za Muntu zaakugenda mu maaso.

Muntu asuubirwa okuwerekerwako ababaka ba Palamenti nga 20 nga bakulembeddwaamu akulira oludda oluvuganya, Winnie Kiiza n’abakungu ba FDC okuva ku kitebe e Najjanankumbi.

Muntu yategeezezza ng’awaayo ofiisi eri Ying. Amuriat, nti akyali mmemba wa FDC omujjuvu era agenda kukwatagana ne banne bwe bafaanaganya endowooza baddemu kaweefube w’okulwanyisa ebikyamu ebigenda mu maaso n’okukunga abantu okujjumbira okwesimbawo n’okulonda obukiiko bwa LC1.

Kyokka Mafabi yategeezezza nti meetings zonna ezikubwa mu linnya lya FDC zirina okusooka okuteesebwako n’okukkaanyizibwako mu lukiiko olufuzi olw’ekibiina NEC n’annyonnyola nti meetings ezitakkiriziddwa NEC si zaakukkirizibwa.

Omumyuka wa Pulezidenti wa FDC atwala ekintu eky’obugwanjuba, Alice Alaso yategeezezza nti meetings za Muntu zaateesebwako mu lukiiko lwa NEC era zaakugenda mu maaso kubanga zigendereddwaamu kuzimba FDC n’okugatta bammemba.

Alaso yategeezezza nti Muntu yawandiikira dda poliisi ku meetings ze n’awaayo ne pulogulaamu y’entambula. Kwe kuwunzika nti, ebbaluwa ya Mafabi terina w’eyingirira mu pulogulaamu zino.



Mukifo kyokugenda mu maggye ga Uganda agaabawa ebitiibwa, nobukulembeze, okunyonyola ensonga zaabwe ezibaluma bayombesa bantu mubyalo bya Buganda ne Uganda bwebali abakyamu, abatawulira, abatategeera! Nga Trump bwavuma ensi ya Africa abafuzi bangi Aba Uganda nabo bwebavumye abannaku ba Uganda bwetuli abanafu abataagala kukola, bwetuwunya obwavu, bwetulemesa banakyemalirira mubufuzi bwa Uganda, bwetuli abenkwe, bwetwagala Kabaka waffe, nebilala bingi.


Kirabika nga  nammwe banamaggye ga Uganda abagavaamu mwagala kwenyigira mubyabufuzi paka last nga mukama wammwe gwe musiiba mwesooza!


Mwagenda nemusoma, nemumala, mwagenda munsiko, nemulwana nemumala, mwewanira mumagye ga Uganda okukoleramu nemumala, mweyambula uniform ya magye nemwenyigira mubyobufuzi, kakati emyaka 20 oba 30 munamala ddi?


Gwe Colonel wa maggye ga Uganda, ate nawe General omulamba owa maggye ga Uganda muli ba professional. Muva mukitundu kya Uganda kyekimu ate nga kyekisomye enyo. Buganda ebalemede wa okugifuga nga bwemwagala nemuda mukuyombagana nokuyombesa buli abasala mumaaso?


Osanga banamawulire bensi ya America, Trump bamulaga nyo enkima namazike agali mu Africa agalya ebimera byaffe kubanga tutemye ebibira byago byonna netukola ennimmiro tuleme okufa enjala? Kwekutuvumira ensonga?


Musajja watu Trump buli lwatunulira TV kubigenda mumaaso kunfuga ya Africa, ddala kiki kyaba alabye abantu ba Africa kyebatalaba?


Omunaku we Buganda wano kyova webuza ddala ddala omufuzi w'America avuma nyo bani mu gu continent gwa Africa ogusinga nensi ye obunene? Banamaggye abali mu Africa oba ffe abannaku ba Africa abakozesebwa nga s.....hole?





Any doubters about the economic situation of Uganda need to visit some up country villages and see how desperate the leadership is:

August 23, 2017

Written by Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda

After the successful August 14 nomination of Maj Gen Gregory Mugisha Muntu, the candidate I support in the FDC presidential elections, I went to Arua and Gulu.

The trip to these two regional towns was to continue consulting and sensitizing the public about government’s proposal to change Article 26 of the Constitution. Through this proposal, government wants to do away with a constitutional requirement for prior and prompt compensation before taking over of people’s land.

If you disagree on value, government will just throw any amount of money at court where you can find it if you like, as they immediately displace you and start using your land.

The public rally in Arua, which was unceremoniously dispersed by an afternoon downpour, was the 16th opposition MPs under the leadership of Kasese Woman MP Winnie Kiiza have held.

The subsequent rallies in Gulu, Soroti and Mbale made them 19. We had planned for 22 sub-regional public rallies but there are more invitations.

We arrived in Arua at around 8pm and spent the next two hours hunting for hotel accommodation. Because of the war in South Sudan, non-governmental organizations have set camps in the town to receive refugees. These NGO fellows have booked all the available decent hotel rooms in Arua.

The hotel business is booming in that area. Checking on education institutions and health facilities forms part of our visits. We, therefore, visited Inde Junior Vocational School, about 62 kilometres from Arua town.

It is in a county called Madi-Okollo. This school admits primary seven graduates who are trained in carpentry, mechanics, brick aying, etc.

We reached at a time when about 160 remaining students had been sent away officially because the institute didn’t have food to feed them.

I have said officially because one of the instructors said the staff and community are uncomfortable with a Langi director.

This instructor accused his boss of recruiting more Langi staff than the locals (Acholi). They had also gone without pay for two months.

As a result of all these, some staff members had carried away the institute’s property in protest. As a result, students were sent home.

Nearly all the buildings at the school had cracks. It is as if the contractor never used cement at all. Constructing substandard structures is a feature of this government, but I had never seen something like this. Not surprising that students’ enrolment had reduced by more than half.

In Gulu, we visited the regional referral hospital which was constructed in 1933. The medical director showed us a building built in 1934 and it is still in good condition. There was another 1937 building and he said, with some painting, it will look like a new one.

I have a feeling the revolutionary will go away with all his makeshift structures. Maybe that is why he is in love with China.

They have taught him how to make disposable structures. Gulu regional referral hospital is supposed to be served with four senior consultants but, at the moment, it has zero. It is supposed to employ 14 consultants, but it has zero. And out of the required 14 medical officers (special grade), it has only four.

One other noticeable feature of both these towns was the many children walking to school barefoot. And these are schools within municipalities. I didn’t need any report to gauge the poverty levels in these areas.

For me, these are the things that motivate me to continue fighting this regime. Can you imagine, as a country, on average we spend Shs 200 billion annually on treatment of VIPs who seek medical attention abroad. Just imagine if all that money was invested in regional referral hospitals annually!

This regime’s agenda is to increase the population’s vulnerability so it can exploit people with ease. And this vulnerability is written all over people’s faces in rural Uganda.

Those of us doing politics must be very careful. We may collectively be swept aside by a desperate population.




The author is Kira Municipality MP and spokesperson of the FDC.


It is difficult to visit a home that is badly looked after and blame only the husband for all the mess. The opposition are partly to blame in the whole of Africa where they participate in elections they well know will be rigged.

The World Bank is not happy with the economic development in the country of Uganda, as the favourable tropical environment in the country continues to get damaged ever more:

4 April, 2017


By Moses Mulondo

The Finance minister Matia Kasaija


Talking about the negotiations he had with the World Bank, finance minister Matia Kasaija said that the development partners are greatly concerned about the delayed utilization of money borrowed.


“Their biggest concern is low absorption for loans," he said when asked.


About a month ago, the Word Bank suspended support to Uganda and this has put the implementation of the country’s 2016/17 budget at stake since World Bank is one of the major sources of funds for the country’s budget.


In a recent cabinet meeting, Prime Minister Dr. Ruhakana Rugunda said Uganda has in the last seven years lost about sh92b due to delayed utilization of borrowed money.


The other key concern of the World Bank, according to Kasaija, is the need for the Ugandan government to put in place safeguards on social and environmental concerns.


On the measures the finance ministry intends to implement to convince the World Bank to suspend the suspension, Kasaija said: “I have already warned managers of various government entities to ensure there is timely absorption for the funds.”


He said low absorption of loans is very common in agencies where there are incompetent managers.


“I have to tell you that there are non-performing managers who need to be replaced. Something has to be done about them."


On what his ministry plans to do regarding delayed implementation of loans arising from failure of government to provide counterpart funding, the minister said: “No sector will be allowed to seek a loan unless counterpart funding is secured. In fact, I will not sign any more loans until I am assured that money for counterpart funding is available.”


Kasaija and the secretary to the Treasury Keith Muhakanizi spent the whole of last week in Washington DC, USA negotiating with the World Bank to lift the ban on Uganda.


The talks however ended without the bank accepting to lift the suspension as the delegation from Uganda had requested.


“We were well received but suspension is yet to be lifted. The discussions are still going on. Soon they will also send a team to come to Uganda,” Kasaija told New Vision.


Muhakanizi recently admitted before parliament's  public accounts committee (PAC) that Uganda is the worst performer in the utilization of borrowed funds in the East African region.


Uganda’s public debt has been sporadically rising in the recent past and has now reached about US$10b.


After making research on contradictory reports about Uganda’s indebtedness, Uganda Debt Network (UDN) carried out research and established that the country’s total public has now reached US $11b.


If the Standard Gauge Railway loan of US$12.5b materializes, it means Uganda will have exceeded the 50% ceiling of the ratio of public debt to its GDP of about US$27b.




How the political party of Kabaka Yekka and the political party of the UPC made a political coalition for the sake of attaining National Independence of Uganda during 1961:

Kabaka Mutesa (L) and former prime minister Milton Obote at a public function in the 1960s. Obote’s UPC formed an alliance with Kabaka Yekka, the political party of Buganda, to gain a majority in the 1962 general election.



By Barbara Kimenye


Posted Wednesday, 1st March, 2017

Immediately before full independence, on March 1, 1962, there was self-government, and the Democratic Party (DP), led by Ben Kiwanuka, had the majority after the parliamentary elections.

Kiwanuka, who automatically became prime minister, was a shrewd lawyer possessing a dry sense of humour as well as a beautiful wife, Maxi, and numerous children.

The Democratic Party had the backing of the Roman Catholic Church: indeed, Kiwanuka and Maxi had special prie dieus [a piece of furniture for use during prayer] at the front of Rubaga Cathedral, and priests did not hesitate to tell congregations to vote DP. In some cases they made it sound like a mortal sin not to.

One particular monsignor, a Muganda, up at Rubaga Cathedral, an absolutely beautiful man whose black, red buttoned and sashed cassock seemed to be designed for him alone, went a bit too far in exhorting his flock to forget traditional ties with the Kabakaship and henceforth concentrate on the Democratic Party.

Before he realised what was happening, he was escorted by Kabaka’s askaris to the palace to explain himself.

The Kabaka was sufficiently annoyed that his subjects were more or less being advised to ignore him, but when the monsignor grandly announced that nobody had jurisdiction over him because he was a prince of Rome, Mutesa lost all sense of diplomacy and had the man carted off to the Omukula we Kibuga’s office.

As soon as word passed of the arrest, Catholics converged on the cathedral, weeping and wailing and tearing their hair.

Meanwhile, the monsignor was receiving tea and courtesy from the Omukula we Kibuga who frankly did not know what to do with him. Nobody was more relieved than the Omukula when a message arrived from the palace to the effect that that tiresome priest was to be released immediately.

I went up to Rubaga that evening out of curiosity. The monsignor was walking up and down the upper terrace, smiling in a saintly fashion and pausing every other step for yet another sympathiser from the milling crowd to kiss his hand.

From the way he and his supporters behaved, anyone might have thought he had just evaded the lions in the Coliseum.

I relate this little story for very good reason: last time I was home in Uganda, I walked along Kampala Road and there on the opposite pavement was this smarmy monsignor with a group of people, the same saintly smile pinned to his face.

My companion and neighbour, Chris Mulumba, a man about the same age as my sons and therefore only able to go on hearsay and legend, reverently pointed out the priest as that someone who had defied Mutesa II and been imprisoned under torture.

For this reason alone, everybody had been surprised when he did not succeed Archbishop Joseph Kiwanuka as Cardinal of Uganda.

My only comment is that despite its many faults, the church is never slow in spotting a fraud. Cardinal Emmanuel Nsubuga, who succeeded the well-loved Kiwanuka, was never prominent in the popularity stakes.

While he was an ordinary White Father, he once threw me out of the cathedral because my two dogs followed me inside during mass - but he did more for the poor and disabled than was thought possible during the turbulent and destructive eras of Obote and Amin.

No sooner were the DP in power, however, than up sprang Kabaka Yekka, a movement intent upon retaining the Kabaka’s superior position over any and everybody on Buganda soil: which since the Parliament buildings and government offices were in Buganda, made difficulties for someone heading the State of Uganda as a whole.

Translated, Kabaka Yekka means Kabaka Alone or Only, and it became a common greeting: e.g. one person called out ‘Kabaka!’, and the other responded with ‘Yekka!’, and both stuck a forefinger in the air.

This greeting became so common that once when His Highness had been to play squash with an Asian family on Kololo Hill, and he and I were sitting in George Malo’s car waiting for lights to change on a main road, a couple of people shouted ‘Kabaka’ through the car window, and the Kabaka absently replied ‘Yekka ‘, casually raising the obligatory finger.

Kabaka Yekka developed into the political party of Buganda with the blessing of the government and great Lukiiko.

As general election for the national government which would be in power at the time of independence approached, Mengo was in the mood to do anything to remove the Democratic Party and Ben Kiwanuka.

Ben had been guilty of a flippant remark, “I’ll go up to Mengo and see what’s bothering him,’ in reply to a reporter asking how he intended to deal with the Kabaka’s insistence on special status for Buganda in an independent Uganda.

From then on, his name was mud at the palace. So when Milton Obote, leader of the Uganda Peoples Congress, made overtures towards a liaison between his party and Kabaka Yekka to gain a majority in the coming elections, the Kabaka Yekka top shots thought they had made it.

I had met Obote casually over the years, the first time when he and his wife of the time went with Abu Mayanja and me to see the South African musical ‘Golden City Dixies’ and later when Abu, purporting to be a nationalist, was trying to whip up support all over the country for the various political parties they started before the UPC took off, and Obote asserting that Abu would be Uganda’s first prime minister. He never entered anybody’s head that he already saw himself as Uganda’s president.

The machination of Mengo broke up this political partnership with a breath-taking degree of cunning.

Abu was a known firebrand long before he returned from Cambridge and being called to the bar in Britain. He had led a rebellion against something or other at King’s College Budo, the Kabaka’s alma mater, and had thrown a spanner in the works at Makerere University. Everybody seemed to have been thoroughly relieved when governor Cohen somehow got him away to Cambridge.

He came home with none of his energy diminished, however. He sprang into my life while I was still working in the ministry of Education. I can see him now, small, wiry, large eyes behind thick glasses which he had a habit jerking upwards as he talked, and a way of clenching his teeth and grimacing while he talked.

Clever and articulate, but ruining the effect by sometimes trying to sound audacious and only succeeding in being embarrassing: e.g. in his maiden speech as a Kabaka Yekka Member of Parliament, he couldn’t resist a reference to a maidenhead which disgusted some members and grossly offended others.

His political activities before independence and before the disastrous speech were nevertheless productive, and they worried Mengo.

After all, he was a Muganda, and because what he had to say and what he wrote about Uganda as a united country was logical and persuasive, there was every danger, in the minds of the traditionalists, of his carrying along a vast section of Baganda society.

Many plots were hatched as to how to silence the heretic, but the chief plotters saw their big chance when Abu was invited to the United States of America to talk about the pre-independence situation in Uganda.

While he was gone, Kassim Male, the Kabaka’s government minister of education, died. His appointment had been motivated by the notion that it was time for a senior cabinet post to be the preserve of the Muslim community, in the same way that the Katikkiro was traditionally an Anglican, and the Omulamuzi (Chief Justice) a Roman Catholic.

To those at Mengo to whom Abu Mayanja was an irritating prodigal son, Kassim Male’s death was seen as the answer to their prayers: what better way of silencing the rebel than to offer him the ministry of Education and bring him back into the fold?

I don’t think that anybody who knew Abu believed he would accept. Apart from the Mengo plot to silence him being immediately recognisable for what it was to all and sundry, he was a dedicated nationalist and hardly likely to change his stand at the onset of independence: or so it was imagined.

What very few understood was the ease with which someone, anyone, can revert to type, given the right pressures.

Abu did not spring from a Baganda aristocracy, and beneath the intellectualism which gave him a high profile on the political scene was a traditional Muganda gratified to be recognised by the court at Mengo.

And it was surely the height of flattery to be summoned home from across the seas to play a leading role in his own king’s government, and that the summons should be backed by a personal message from Prince Badru Kakungulu, the Kabaka’s uncle and leader of the Sunni Muslims in Uganda.

When Abu returned from the United States, he had not yet replied to the offer of the ministry but the old guard at Mengo were not short on psychology.

A huge crowd was organised to give him a rousing welcome at the airport, and Prince Badru was there in person to embrace him and lead him ceremoniously to the open car which was all set to drive him to the palace.

Obote and several of his henchmen were also waiting to receive their political colleague, but Abu was barely given time to shake their hands before he was swept along to the cheers and ululating of the crowd.

Even from a distance, it was obvious that he was moving in a delighted daze. He had never before in his life had such a fuss made of him, and it was heady stuff. The private audience with the Kabaka and the cabinet of ministers must have sent him soaring with the clouds. From then on, the chances of his refusing the ministerial post were nil.

The next time I saw him was at his okwyanza in the new Bulange, wearing, rather awkwardly, a kanzu and busuti; and the excitement of the occasion caused his movements to be more nervously jerkier than ever.

It seemed at first that he was in the Kabaka’s government with the cautious blessing of Obote and the rest of the UPC hierarchy.

They, with equal caution, accepted Abu’s reasoning that he was in a position to further their cause and shape political opinion from within the Kabaka’s government.

They showed no surprise, however. When it was learnt how he was deliberately excluded from every important cabinet meeting and deprived of any political clout whatsoever. He was, in fact nearly driven mad with frustration, and everybody in his ministry was aware of it.

He might have been well advised to swallow his pride, drop the lot and go back to the UPC. Instead, he took to a pattern of behaviour more fitting to barbaric chief of the 19th Century than a minister in a government trying to present itself as moving with the times.

His sexual exploits were notorious. On one occasion, he attended a function, picked up a girl and took her in the car he was sharing with his brother and a driver.

He was getting down to business on the back seat when the girl’s boyfriend gave chase, drove Abu’s car off the road and, with the aid of friends, gave him and brother a good hiding. The most startling aspect of all is that afterwards Abu actually went to the nearest police station and tried to lay a charge of assault.

It wasn’t long before he was bragging about the number of children he had sired here, there and everywhere. It was almost as though his political frustration was vented in the contempt he showed for women, treating women as sex machines put on earth for man’s use. The only one he respected was his mother.

I remember him joining us one day when I was asked to show some British journalists over Lubiri. The journalists were keen to have his political opinions: Abu, with a sort of bitter relish, insisted upon describing the effect of worms on his many offsprings.

His bitterness in everything was understandable. As a member of the Kabaka’s cabinet of ministers, he had little option to becoming a member of Kabaka Yekka, which gained him the reputation of a turncoat, and when pre-independence conferences of districts and kingdoms were held up and down the country, he received a barrage of insults to this effect every time he stood up to speak.

I left out these embarrassing exchanges from the notes I was there to take for the Kabaka, but I know that they were gleefully reported to him by members of the Baganda delegation.

The same attitude greeted Abu later in the national assembly where he sat as a Kabaka Yekka member after the Kabaka Yekka/UPC alliance won the elections in the run up to full independence.

Abu remained in a political wilderness for years. Like so many others, he felt the brunt of Obote’s spite during the terrible years of the Obote presidency, and eventually taught in an up-country primary school.

He returned to active politics with President Museveni’s and the National Resistance Army’s takeover in 1986, and immediately became minister for Information.

His former friend and guru, Milton Obote oiled his way into Mengo as an unassuming chap more than willing to accommodate Baganda aspirations.

The Kabaka was pleasantly surprised to find him so agreeable. He made the big mistake of believing he was dealing with a gentleman, while the old guard flattered themselves that they had brought yet another politician to heel.

The trouble was that their form of politics was grossly out of date. The ancient art of palace intrigue was no match for a wily politician who had sprung from the soil.

By promising the Kabaka Yekka party that if they formed an alliance with the UPC and won the crucial elections, as they were almost certain to do, considering that Buganda comprised about one-third of the whole country, the Kabaka would be made President of Uganda, Obote was home and dry.

That such an arrangement was bound to increase the general animosity already directed at the Baganda’s presumption of superiority and claim for special treatment was regarded at Mengo as of no special regard.

William Wilberforce Nadiope, the then Kyabazinga of Busoga and a number of UPC hierarchy, indignantly let it be known that he too had been led to expect the presidency.

Nor was he shy about threatening dire reprisals against Obote if he, Nadiope was not installed in Government House, (to be called the State House after Independence) Entebbe, on the day of Independence.

The other hereditary kings were also annoyed, to put it mildly, when news of Obote’s machinations was leaked, but all was sweetness and light in the new love affair between Mengo and Obote.

The Elites of Mengo at that time did not know that they were dealing with the world’s greatest living liar.



Interesting that up to now political coalition is the order of the day for successful governance in an independent Uganda now 56 years

Bwolaba ku video eno kyongera okukakasa nti Buganda terina kutya bamagye ga Uganda. Era video eno ekyeyongerayo okulaga okunyumya mu nabamagye ga Uganda.
Ekibiina kya kabakayekka government ya NRM yakiwera. Ebibiina ebirala nebikiriza okubeerawo naye nga bisosolwa okuvuganya mubuvuzi. Ebiseera bino ate ekibiina kya NRM kivudeyo nga kyemulugunya nti Ssematteeka gwekyatekawo asosola abafuzi bakyo abakaddiye. Ekibiina kimaliridde okukyusa Ssemmatteka abakadde aba NRM basobole okwesimbawo mu bufuzi awatali kubuzibwa myaka gyabwe.
Tonda kwagala. Abeera mukwagala abeera mu Tonda. Isa Masiya kwagalana. Ate yagala mugandawo nga bweweyagala weka. Yagala Tonda wo nomutima gwo gwona, namagezigo gona kubanga yeyakutonda.
Okutambula kulaba kudda kunyumya
Ensi ya bajjajja abazzukulu mulina kujagala
Banja lya muzadde e Buganda wano okusomesa omwaana
Ensi Buganda yeyakola ensi Uganda wakati mu Ndagaano
Ensi ya Buganda yakukolagana nensi ezijiriranye nandagaano eza African democraciya bwekiba nga kisobose.
Akaalo ka Buganda kalina bananyini ko okuva edda lyonna
Ensi Buganda yalina amaggye okutuusa Abazungu bwebajja bo nebewayo okukuuma ensi Buganda. Ebyaddirira buli Muganda yalina okubyesomera abitegeere
Obuzibu obunene obuli mu byokulonda wano e Buganda ate nga bugatamu ne banaffe abamawanga amalala agatulinanye.
Entalo za Buganda nyingi nyo. Naye olutabaalo luno lukulu nyo mubyafaayo bya Buganda
Olutabaalo luno lwongera okulaga okufirizibwa okuva mukuyikirizibwa okuyitiridde munsi Buganda
Entambula nga bweri kakano ate era nokugigerageranya ne ntambula eziri munsi nyingi
Twejjukanye kubujjanjabi obuli mu nsi ya Buganda nemunsi eziriranye Obuganda
Bachwezi etymological break down. Ba in bantu language si plural for people. is the word Chwezi runyankole? Let us try this: In Luo, a potter / creators / craftsman is La Cwech. In Egypt there was a potter Pharaoh Khnum. He was associated with the source of the Nile. According to one creation myth, Khnum moulded everything on his potters wheel, including both the people and the other gods. Kingship was brought to Uganda from Egypt. Now ask Museveni to pronounce this Luo word CWECH - he would say