Banabyabufuzi Aba People Power bagobaganye ne Poliisi wano e Buganda, e Kawempe:
By Musasi wa Bukedde, Reginah Nalwanga
Added 10th October 2019
Meeya Sserunjogi (mu ttaayi emmyufu) ne banne nga bagumbye ku kitebe kya Poliisi e Kawempe.
WABADDEWO embeera ey’obunkenke e Kawempe poliisi ng'eyambibwako aba LDU bwe baabadde bagumbulula abawagizi b’ekisinde kya People Power.
Aba People Power nga bkulembeddwaamu meeya w’e Kawempe, Emmanuel Sserunjogi baakedde ku poliisi nga baagala eyimbule bannaabwe omukaaga abakwaatiddwa ku Lwokubiri lwa wiiki eno.
Abaakwaatibwa baggyibwa ku ofiisi y’ekitebe kya munisipaali y’e Kawempe bwe baali bagenze okusisinkana Sserunjogi mu kisenge omuteesezebwa.
Embeera eno eviiriddeko entambula y’emirimu okusannyalala ku luguudo lwa Bombo Road.
Ekitebe kya Poliisi e Kawempe awagambibwa okuba nga gye baasibidde aba People Power.
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Kakano mumbeera eno abebibiina byobufuzi nabo bonna abagala okwesimbawo kubantu ba Uganda babalonde mubukulembeze obutaliimu kyekubira, banasobola batya okwetaba mukalulu akalimu obwenkanya, Parliamenti ya Uganda ketegeka mumateeka, mumwaka 2021?
Kyakusalirwa nyo nyini nti wano mu nsi ya Uganda amateeka tegakyafuga kubanga, eriyo abantu abaganibwa okupakasa. Bwebakeera enkya okugenda okukola emirimu nga Police ekutte emundu ne tear gas ebalabula obutagenda kugezaako kubayitako okugenda okukola. Era bwebayita ku Police eno bagende okupakasa nga ebakwata, era ngabasibwa mu makommera nebalabulwa, era nokutisibwa obutadayo kugezaako kugenda kukola emirimu gyabwe. Ate bwebatwalibwa mu kkooti nebasangibwa nga tebalina musango gwonna, bwebafuluma nga bakwatibwa nate nga bazzibwayo mu makommera.
Embeera eno abakiise ba Parliamenti ya Uganda gyebagaliza ensi eno. Bakuba akalulu nebakwata ku Ssemateeka wa Uganda nga bo bwebagala oba nga bo bwebasasulibwa ensimbi zomuwi womusolo. Aba People Power balina obuzibu bunene okumatiza abantu ba Uganda nti Parliamenti kyeyasalawo abantu ba Uganda bonna awamu bebandibade bakisalawo mu Referendum. Kakati ekyaggwa okukolebwa ate kisoboka kitya okuddibwamu? Amata bwegayiika nyini go okola ki?
Governmenti ya Uganda egenda kussaawo akakiiko akapya okukyusa Konsityusoni ya Uganda:
By Muwanga Kakooza
Added 29th January 2019
GAVUMENTI ekakasizza Palamenti nti egenda kussaawo akakiiko akakuŋŋaanya ebirowoozo by’okukyusa mu Konsityusoni mu bbanga eritasussa myezi mukaaga ng’eggwanga lyetegekera okulonda kwa 2021.
Ekitabo kya Ssematteeka wa Uganda nga bwafanana mu Parliamenti ya Uganda
Minisita w’ensonga za Konsityusoni Gen. Kahinda Otafiire yagambye nti ebbula ly’ensimbi lye lirwisizzaawo gavumenti okussaawo akakiiko kano kyokka kisuubirwa nti mu bbanga eritasussa myezi mukaaga ensimbi zijja kuba zifuniddwa.
Kino kiddiridde sipiika Rebecca Kadaga okussa gavumenti ku nninga ng’ayagala ereete enkyukakyuka mu mateeka g’ebyokulonda ng’eggwanga lyetegekera okulonda kwa 2021.
Akakiiko akakuŋŋaanya ebirowoozo mu kukyusa mu Konsityusoni ya 1995 kaasooka kussibwawo ku ntandikwa ya myaka gy’e 2001 nga kaali kakulirwa Polof. Fredrick Ssempeebwa.
Kano ke kavaamu eby’okuggyawo ekkomo ku bisanja Pulezidenti bye yalina okufugira (emyaka kkumi) mu 2006.
Kyokka omubaka Raphael Magezi naye yaleeta enkyukakyuka ezize ng’omuntu mu Konsiotyusoni ez’okuggyawo ekkomo ly’emyaka 75 ayagala obwa Pulezidenti gye yali talina kusukka kyokka kyawakanyizzibwa nnyo mu nkola eyamanyibwa nga ‘’Togikwatako’. Kyayisibwa palamenti kyokka ensonga zikyali mu kkooti eneesalawo eky’enkomerero.
Enfuga ya Federo nayo Buganda erudde ng’egiraga nga bw’egyetaaga nga buli lwe wabaawo omukisa ejjukiza gavumenti nti egyetaaga. Yasookera mu kakiiko k’eyali Ssabalamuzi Benjamin Odoki ngeri wamu n’ebitundu bya Uganda ebirala ne biraga nti byetaaga Federo kyokka abakola Ssematteeka wa 1995 tebaagisaamu. Enkola yayongera okusabwa mu kakiiko ka Ssempeebwa kyokka era palamenti ebirwoozo teyabiwuliriza.
Wabula mu palamenti eyakubiriziddwa Rebecca Kadaga, Otafiire yagambye nti ebintu bingi ebyetaaga okukyusaamu mu Konsityusoni n’amateeka g’ebyokulonda nkua okuba mu 1995 waliwo ebikyuse.
Ebimu ku byetaaga okussibwa mu Konsityusoni kuliko;ebyenkozesa ya tekinologiya mu by’okulonda ne kampeyini,enkozesa y’emikutu gya gavumenti egy’amawulire mu kampeyini z’ebyokulonda, okugaba ebintu mu biseera by’okulonda,eby’abakungu ba gavumenti okwenyigira mu kampeyini,n’obuvunaanyizibwa bwa Ssabawabuzi wa gavumenti ku by’amateeka bwe wabaawo awaabye nga yemulugunya ku bivudde mu kulonda.
Amateeka amalala ageetaaga okukyusibwa agakwata ku by’okulonda kuliko;Etteeka ly’okulonda pulezidenti erya ‘Presidential Elections Act,2005,’ erya gavumenti z’ebitundu erya ‘ Local Government Ammendment Act,ery’akakiiko k’ebyokulonda,ery’ababaka ba palamenti, ery’abavubuka.
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Kabatuule Rwakitura, oba Entebbe, oba okusiba enguudo ze Nakasero, lujja kukya lumu nga tubafuma bufumi. Kw'obwo obunaku, abali aboolo bagujubanye naye tebakutta. Omulugube, effutwa, effubitizi, ejjoogo, okwepanka, obwannanfuusi, ba kirimululu, zibasanze, balowooza mbu omulembe gwabwe tegulikoma. Muwandiikeko nti Konstityusoni ya Uganda, yabbibwa Abanoonyi b'obubudamu. Embwa ku Ggirikiti.
Singa ono omufuzi afuze nga banne emyaka 10 gyokka, kitegeeza nti mumyaka 100 ensi ya Uganda egenda kubeera nebitabo bya Ssematteeka wa Uganda 10 oba 14. Ate nga mubitabo bino mukubikyuusamu obuyingo(ammendment) kigenda kubeera "butabalika". Era kifuuse busubuzi bwa nsimbi bunene nyo ddala muggwanga lino eri ababitegeera.
nze ndowooza nti mulekere awo okuteganya abanaku mbu mubanoonyamu birowoozo biteekebwe mu constitution. after all, kati kyaafuuka kitabo like any other book which can be re-modeled and re-shaped in order to meet the needs of those in power....no longer a binding and legal document.....mugitaganjule nga bwemwagala, mugiteekemu n'akawaayiro nti mugenda kufuga okutuusa lwemulikoowa, not die.....naye luliba olwo Mukama n'atujjukira
Thechris0770 okabye nokolima. Singa ne bajajja bwebakola nga Omuzungu abakutemu amavumba vumba wano e Buganda okuva 1900 okutuuka 1962 singa tetulina kintu kyonna munsi eno! Nga bwolaba Bukedde bwakubye obulungi ekifananyi kya Ssematteeka wa Uganda kitabo butabo omufuzi kyafugirako abantu Omuzungu kyeyatulekera. Nga bwogambye nti abatufuga bamaliridde okutufuga okutuusa lwebalikoowa, kyebuzibwa nti bwebanagenda abagya bo banagya ne kitabo kyabwe ekirala nabo kyebanafugirako? Kubanga buli agya okufuga abantu ba Uganda, agya ne kitabo kye. Uganda mumyaka 57 nga etekeddwawo yakakola ebitabo ebyo nga 5 oba 7.
In Uganda, the electorol system is not up to international stardards of democracy:
A Member of Parliament can become an MP seven times in seven constituencies without breaking the electrol law:
By Joachim Buwembo
22 August, 2018
In Uganda one could become an MP seven times in the same Parliament House. ILLUSTRATION | JOHN NYAGAH | NMG
In Summary
What the Hon Tumwesigye, who is a Cabinet minister and a sitting MP for Sheema North constituency, has done (run and win the MP seat for Sheema Municipality) is to expose the weakness of the country’s electoral laws. Many especially in the opposition attacked him, calling him greedy, but he must be thanked for this exposure.
Uganda scored a first this past week by electing to parliament a man who was already an MP in the same parliament representing another constituency.
Dr Elioda Tumwesigye, who is a Cabinet minister, was sitting MP for Sheema North constituency when another opening arose.
Some six municipalities were recently accorded constituency status and Sheema Municipality, in Sheema North, was one of them.
As sitting MP for Sheema North, the medical man threw his hat into the ring for the municipality as well without giving up his parliamentary seat. He campaigned on the ruling party ticket and won!
Apparently, there was nothing in the law to stop him from standing. Satisfied with his victory, he left it to parliament and the electoral commission to declare one of the two seats vacant, the assumption by most being that it is the old constituency that will be declared vacant.
But suppose the double MP (actually triple because anybody appointed as minister automatically becomes an MP) decided he wanted to keep the old constituency and not the new one? Again the law is silent, what the learned brothers call a lacuna.
But this being Uganda, suppose the Sheema district woman MP’s seat suddenly fell vacant, and the triple MP happened to be a woman, what would stop her from bidding for it as well, and winning? That would give her four seats.
In politically over-represented Uganda, we have seats at district level that are only for women. So the district woman MP represents people who are already represented by their MPs in constituencies that used to correspond to counties.
Now suppose the quadruple MP happened to be youthful and she vied for the youth seat in her region. (We also have such seats, which is how we got 456 MPs, almost the same number as India whose population is 34 times larger than that of Uganda.)
On becoming MP times five, our person learns of a vacant workers’ seat and being a worker, she vies for it and wins. She becomes elected MP five times for the same house plus MP by ministerial appointment.
Four of the six seats would of course be declared vacant but if there is nothing to stop her, she continues and stands for another seat, for the disabled.
How disabled is disabled, according to the law? She could be having a limp, or get a doctor to certify that she has a disability that is invisible to the naked eye. So she could become MP times seven in the same House.
What the Hon Tumwesigye has done is to expose the weakness of the country’s electoral laws. Many especially in the opposition attacked him, calling him greedy, but he must be thanked for this exposure.
He has also exposed the lack of seriousness of those who were tasked to review the electoral regime after the 2016 petition against the president’s election, following the Supreme Court’s directive to the effect.
For example, there are many by-elections that arise out of malpractice by candidates. But surprisingly, the candidates who engage in the criminal acts that lead to vote cancellation are allowed to stand again in the by-election. Common sense wouldn’t allow that but our peculiar electoral system does.
Joachim Buwembo is a social and political commentator based in Kampala.
In Uganda, Bribery allegations mar Vice President Ssekandi's Presidential age limit consultations in his political constintuency:
1st November, 2017
Written by URN
Vice president and Bukoto Central MP, Edward Kiwanuka Ssekandi today kickstarted his consultations on the age limit bill in Masaka amidst allegations of bribery and coaching of selected rally attendees.
Some residents had raised concern over the failure by Ssekandi to hold consultative meetings on the proposed constitutional amendment.
A group of voters in Kabonera, Kyesiga and Kyanamukaka sub-counties asked Mary Babirye Kabanda, the Masaka Woman MP to tell Ssekandi not to bother consulting them. They argued that their position on the bill is clear, they are opposed to scrapping of the presidential age limit, currently capped at 75 years.
They instead asked Ssekandi and President Yoweri Museveni to retire from active politics since they both fall in the same age bracket.
Ssekandi arrives for the consultative meeting in Kyanamukaka
Nevertheless, Ssekandi went ahead to hold several consultative meetings. According to information obtained by URN, prior to his visit to Kyesiga and Kyanamukaka sub-counties, Ssekandi sent a team led by Mulindwa Birimumaaso, a senior presidential advisor to select and register those who would participate in the consultations.
The advance team met the selected individuals and briefed them on what to say during the consultative meetings.
The attendance list was allegedly used to screen those accessing the venue for the consultative meetings. Those whose names didn't appear on the list were turned away.
Paul Migadde, the former Kyanamukaka sub-county LCIII chairman alleges that those selected to participate in the consultations were told to support the proposed amendment.
Migadde says that when he questioned the criteria used to select participants he was told that only ruling party, NRM leaders in the constituency were invited for the consultations.
He says when he probed further, he was told they didn't want attendees who would embarrass President Museveni and his vice during the consultative meetings.
URN has also learnt that those who attended the consultations received between Shs 5000 and 50,000 depending on their leadership position.
Joseph Kazibwe, one of the NRM leaders who attended the consultations, says they were transported to the meeting venue at Mutima Gardens in Kyanamukaka sub-county. At least 450 people turned up for the consultations.
Kazibwe says each attendee received an allowance after the consultations. Speaking during the consultation meetings, Ssekandi defended the proposed scrapping of article 102 (b) of the constitution, saying there is nothing wrong with deleting the presidential age limit to allow President Museveni to extend his reign.
Ssekandi lashed out at Democratic Party members for fighting the proposed amendment, saying they are misguided.
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After successfully removing the Presidential term limits when he was Speaker of Parliamet, Mr Sekandi is at it this time round as Vice President to remove the age limit.
Mu Uganda, Biibino ebinaagobererwa mu kulonda ba Local Chairman abasooka abakulembera mu byalo byonna ebye nsi ya Uganda.
BY Musasi wa Bukedde
Added 30th August 2017
AKAKIIKO k’ebyokulonda kagenda kuddamu okuwandiika abalonzi ku byalo okwetegekera okulonda abakulembeze ba LC okusuubirwa okubaawo nga November 21, 2017.
Akulira akakiiko k'ebyokulonda mu ggwanga, omulamuzi Simon Byabakama
Paul Bukenya, amyuka omwogezi w’akakiiko k'ebyokulonda yategeezezza nti tebagenda kugoberera nkalala nkadde ezizze zikolebwa mu kulonda.
Enjawulo mu kulonda kwa November kwesigamiziddwa ku kyalo omuntu gy'asula.
Okulonda kuno kugenda kubeera ku byalo 59,315 mu ggwanga lyonna. Okusinziira ku Bukenya, akakiiko kakyalina ekizibu ky’okusalawo ku byalo ebirina okubeeramu okulonda.
Ekimu ku bikyabatabudde, kwe kubeera nga buli olukya, LC empya zitondebwawo ku byalo, ate nga ssente ze baawa akakiiko zirina ekkomo ku muwendo gwe baabalirira.
Ku lunaku lw’okulonda ssentebe wa LC I, wagenda kusookawo olukiiko lw'ekyalo abatuuze beekenneenye amannya g'abalonzi n’okubalaga abantu abeesimbyewo wadde bajja kuba baabasaba dda obululu.
Ku ssaawa 5:00 zennyini abantu bajja kusimba ennyiriri emabega w’omuntu gwe baagala. Okulonda kwennyini kwakumala eddakiika 30 zokka, nga kye kiseera abantu kye balina okumala mu nnyiriri.
Why the President of the Republic of Uganda has no power to anoint a successor:
By Admin
Added 16th March 2017
By Ahmed Kateregga Musaazi
While debating EBYAFFE constitutional amendment in NRC in 1993, the late Jack Maumbe Mukwana said that what happened during 1966 Uganda Crisis was not a revolution but a palace coup. He was right because Obote after abolishing kingdoms and federal states and replacing them with a very centralised imperial presidency as its CEO, he never held elections.
Otherwise, to borrow from the late Prof. Ali Mazrui, Obote, like the late Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, had turned into a Lenist Tsar. He deposed Sir Edward Muteesa only to make himself king under an imperial presidency that was stopped with the promulgation of 1995 Constitution.
So it is wrong for Uganda, a republic, to call upon a President to anoint his successor. That is tantamount into turning the country into a monarchy. Then why did we shed blood in 1966? Why did we shed blood for 1981-1986 liberation war?
In a people’s democratic republic, where there is universal adulthood suffrage and popular participation, it is an insult, to the people, to tell an incumbent President to anoint his successor.
While according to the Bible, Jesus anointed St. Peter as his successor, this is mostly acceptable to Roman Catholics who still regard the Pope as the rightful successor of Peter. The Greek Orthodox and other Eastern churches have their own popes, one sitting in former Constantinople now Istanbul, the then capital of Byzantium or Eastern Roman Empire, another in Alexander in Egypt, etc… The Protestant churches including Lutherans, Anglicans, Methodists, Pentecostals don’t believe in the Papacy at all.
In Sunni or main stream Orthodox Islam, Prophet Muhammad died without anointing a successor. The Muhajiroon or Immigrants, from Mecca wanted to take over. The Answars or helpers, of Medina said it was their turn. Then there were aristocrats of Mecca, who had embraced Islam upon conquest of Mecca, who regarded themselves as natural leaders.
There were also legitimists who insisted that the Prophet’s successor must be his blood relative and they pointed on Ali, his cousin and later son in law.
By consensus, they all agreed on Abubakr, who was Prophet Muhammad’s comrade right from young days and the first person to embrace Islam after Khadejah, the wife, and Ali, the cousin.
Yet for Shiahs, Abubaker was an usurper after a successful coup, and to them, Ali was the legitimate successor. So in a rightly guided khalifate, Abubaker was elected by consensus, and his successors; Umaru and Uthman were selected in an indirect election or a form of Electoral College and Ali was declared Khalifa after the assassination of his predecessor Uthman.
But even Africa and especially in the Great Lakes Region, in the Kingdom of Buganda, Kabakas don’t anoint successors although they may recommend and it is upon the Lukiiko to elect a Kabaka. Thus Kintu did not anoint one of his sons, Chwa l, as his successor neither Chwa did he anoint his grandson, Kimera, who was imported from Kibulala in Singo then in Bunyoro. Under Buganda Agreement of 1900, the Kabaka was elected by Lukiiko from descendents of Kabaka Mukaabya Walugembe Muteesa l. So in kiganda tradition, there is no Crown Prince, as it is the case in the West.
After declaring a Move to the Left strategy, UPC Annual Delegates Conference held at Lugogo Indoor Stadium in 1969 resolved to ban all opposition parties and UPC became the sole party. In 1970, in a National Executive Council that was held in Mbale, a constitutional amendment was adopted where the President of the ruling party, would automatically become the president of Uganda without passing through a universal adulthood suffrage.
Another change was for transitional purposes, in case a President dies, resigns or is removed, there would be a secret box where a name of a High Court judge recommended by the President, would be in charge, until new elections are held. According to the late Gen. Idi Amin Dada, who doubled as Chief of Defence Forces and Army Chief of Staff, Obote was considering to recommend his cousin, Akena Adoko, Director of General Service Unit, whom he was soon to appoint a High Court judge.
In order to avoid all that, the President of Uganda should remain directly elected by the people of Uganda as it has been the case since 1996, and provision in Odoki Draft, for a running mate as a Vice President, which was rejected by Constituent Assembly, should be restored, so that if the President dies, resigns or is impeached, the Vice President completes the term without going into a bye election.
The Sempebwa Report, which also recommended for restoration of regional governments, and this was entrenched in the constitution in 2005, be operationalized as a quasi-federal, as it is the case in Kenya, South Africa and United Kingdom.
Writer is the administrative secretary of the NRM Buganda Regional Task Force
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Some elected leaders insist nayita mu ttannuulu, sivawano, sirina jjengenda.
But then this is a country that has failed to respect the process of Universal Adult Suffrage. Okubba obululu kufuuse nga kwabaana abato abazanya jangu onkwekule. It gets worse when some of the leaders go for a deadly national protracted civil war when they loose elections. The rigging and commercialising of elections in Africa seems to go on as a normal successful election. What of changing the constitution after every change of a leader in the country?
Who exactly had lost his freedom on the continent of Africa so that this African leader could liberate him:
By Andrew Mwenda
February 6, 2017
There is something about Besigye (right) that rubs Museveni (left) the wrong way.
On the occasion marking 31 years in power, President Yoweri Museveni told the nation that he is not a servant of the people but a freedom fighter who works for himself and his beliefs. This let loose the dogs of social media war. But the debate focused on the message and the messenger but not the purpose. It seems to me Museveni intended his message as presented. We can speculate about whom (or even what) he had in mind when he made that statement. But it shows the dangers of speaking off script especially when the target of your message is not your audience.
Opposition leader Kizza Besigye has always touted the president saying he is a servant of the people. There is something about Besigye that rubs Museveni the wrong way. I would like to think, therefore, that the president’s message could have been intended for Besigye. Many analysts are likely to argue that in the fight against Besigye, Museveni has lost his sense of public relations and thereby handed his critics a rope with which to hang him.
For me, the question is: why does Museveni feel confident to speak like that especially given its political costs? Some may think he feels comfortable because he controls the armed forces. But the miss a point; Museveni has survived in power because he never feels confident in it. He is always willing to make the most extreme political compromises and avoid antagonising even weak social groups in order to protect his position. He strikes me as politically unsure of his support base, a factor that makes him a difficult enemy to beat.
It is, therefore, possible that Museveni had a different intention in mind. He may have wanted to reinforce Besigye’s narrative that he (Museveni) is in power by force of arms, not the will of the people. This means voting in an election is a waste of time. If this was Museveni’s strategy, many voters will be discouraged from going to the polls. Museveni’s best chance at winning is a low voter turnout. Therefore, it works for Museveni to reinforce Besigye’s narrative.
Wrong servant: President Yoweri Museveni’s message to the nation that he is not a servant of the people but a freedom fighter who works for himself and his beliefs should be scrutinised for purpose – and not focus on the message itself or the messenger as has happened on social media.
Many admirers of Museveni and Besigye may never realise that the political fortunes of these two leaders depend largely on each other’s actions. Holding all factors constant, it would be hard for Besigye to gather momentum without Museveni in the race. It would equally be hard for Museveni to rally his base without Besigye as his opponent. This is the main reason why Uganda political landscape is polarised around two axes that are impregnable.
On one side are Museveni and NRM. Over the years, they have graduated into a mature and fairly tolerant political force but equally an extremely corrupt and incoherent one. They are no longer held together by a shared ideology or policy preferences but by power and the social privileges and material rewards that come with it, undergirded by the armed forces. This has made them tolerable but not loved.
On the other hand is the Besigye faction of the FDC. It began in 2000 when Besigye broke away from the NRM as a centrist democratic force initially seeking to bring Ugandans of divergent views around a common purpose of democratic reform. It has transformed into an extremely intolerant radical faction built around the cult-leadership of Besigye. Compared to the NRM, it behaves like a millenarian cult, loved by its base but intolerable to everyone else. It is now a bigger threat to democracy than NRM.
Bapulezidenti ba Afrika abalondebwa nebafuna obuyinza ate baagala okweteerawo kkooti ezaabwe ezinabamaliranga ebizibu byabwe:
By Kizito Musoke
Added 4th February 2017
Mr Sam Kuteesa
Bino byayogeddwa minisita w’ensonga z’ebweru w’eggwanga Sam Kuteesa, bwe yabadde mu lukiiko lwa bannamawulire olwatudde ku Media Centre mu Kampala.
Yategeezezza nti eno y’emu ku nsonga abakulembeze ze baasazeewo nga bali mu lukiiko lwa African Union olwabadde mu kibuga Addis Ababa ekya Ethiopia nga January 31, 2017. Kuteesa yagambye nti abakulembeze bakirabye nga kkooti y’ensi yonna eya ICC erina kyekubiira ng’okusinga enyigiriza mawanga ga Afrika.
N’agamba nti abakulembeze bakirabye nga kyetaagisa okussa amaanyi mu kkooti ya Afrika esobole okuwozesa abakulembeze baayo.
Abakulembeze ba Afrika baawagidde ekyasaliddwaawo Gavumenti ya Gambia, South Afrika ne Burundi okuva mu kkooti y’ensi yonna kuba tekigasa okubeera mu mukago ogulimu ebyana n’abaana.
Yagambye nti olw’okuba ng’omukago gwa Afrika, gubadde gusinga kuyimirirawo ku ssente eziva mu bagabi b’obuyambi, baakizudde nga tebasobola kweyimirizaawo kwe kusalawo buli ggwanga okubaako omutemwa gw’ensimbi ze guwaayo.
Baasazeewo buli ggwanga okutandika okuwaayo omutemwa gwa 0.2 ku buli 100 ku ssente ze baggya ku bintu ebiyingira mu ggwanga, zigende mu mukago gwa Afrika.
Kuteesa yategeezezza nti kyewuunyisa okulaba nga kkooti y’ensi yonna tennaba kumaliriza kunoonyereza mu misango egiwerako ng’ate emaze emyaka 12 ng’etuula.
Mu lukiiko luno Uganda yapererezza amawanga amalala ne gasemba omulamuzi Solome Bbosa avuganye ku kifo ky’okukiikirira Afrika mu kkooti y’ensi yonna.
Minisita Kuteesa yavumiridde ekiragiro kya Pulezidenti wa Amerika, Donald Trump eky’okuwera abanoonyi b’obubudamu abava mu nsi ezirimu obutujju obutaddamu kulinnya kigere mu Amerika.
N’agamba nti kiba kikyamu okulowooza nti abantu bonna abali mu nsi ezo bakyamu.
Yategeezezza nti Uganda erina abantu bekolagana nabo abava mu nsi zino nga balungi.
Trump yaweze abanoonyi b’obubudamu okuva mu Syria, Iran, Libya, Somalia, Sudan ne Yemen.
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Ono munabyabufuzi siyeyawangula M7 mukalulu ka 1980 wano e Uganda M7 amale agambe nti amubye akalulu? Kkooti ye nsi yonna mbadde nti esala misango gyabantu(humans) so si gyambwa(animals) oba mazike ga Africa! Era Omuwarabu oba Omuzungu nga omuntu anaba asobola okusaba okuwozesebwa mu Court ya Africa singa abafuzi bano bamala ne bagitekawo.
The expired National Resistance Movement system of Governance in Uganda is about to make a come back through the National Local Council Elections:
By Flavia Nassaka
Posted 23 January 2017
Residents of Nsambya Gogonya lining up to vote
If held, Local Council One (LCI) elections would be the biggest political event in the country after the Presidential, Parliamentary, and district elections, but it now appears they will not be held any time soon. The question is why?
Part of the reason appears obvious. There was no Electoral Commission to conduct the elections. Although Museveni in November 2016 appointed a new Electoral Commission after the term of the old one expired, they only got sworn in on Jan. 17.
In the past, the official explanation from the government has also been that it does not have money to conduct the elections. But in December last year, the government changed tune and said instead that the Local Government Act under which the elections would be held needed to be amended.
Following the change of tune, Local Government Minister Tom Butime on Dec. 21, 2016 presented to parliament the Local Governments (Amendment) Bill 2016. Surprisingly, it raised very minor issues on areas such as duration of the campaign and display of voter registers that are almost irrelevant at local village election level.
Instead, its major recommendation was an endorsement in the Local Government (Amendment) Bill, 2014 that provides for lining up behind candidates during elections of chairpersons for village (LC1) and parish (LC2) levels that was passed by parliament on July 24, 2015.
The opposition Shadow Minister for Local Government, Mukono North Legislator Betty Nambooze, easily dismissed them.
“We are headed for a repeat of 2014,” she said in reference to controversy caused back then by an amendment that provided for voting by lining up behind candidates instead of using the secret ballot.
“It’s the third time in five years that parliament is amending this law,” Nambooze said.
Nambooze says the exercise has failed. She points at various `excuses’, that the village voter registers, which are supposed to be used in the exercise, have never been compiled, and that what she calls viable administrative units are lacking.
“It creates suspicion as to the motive of government on occasioning such delay if it is not deliberate lack of intent,” she said. She accuses the EC of lacking interest to organise the election.
In a Jan. 15 open letter to President Yoweri Museveni, the Citizens’ Coalition for Electoral Democracy (CCEDU), protested the government‘s proposal to have the vote by lining up behind their candidate instead of using the secret ballot.
The coalition of some 800 members across Uganda argued that voting by lining behind candidates fails to meet constitutional and international standards for public elections and could foment conflict and discord in communities.
Despite their protests, the amendments and recommendations were on Jan. 10 passed by parliament and voting in LC I will be by lining behind candidates.
Failure ahead?
Submitting a report on the elections to parliament on that day, Raphael Magyezi, the chairman of the Sectoral Committee on Public Service and Local Government said the government needed to give the EC Shs15.9 billion and conduct the elections by March 15.
But in an interview, the EC Spokesperson, Jotham Taremwa, sounded uncertain about when the elections would be held because until Jan.17 they were working without an Electoral Commission.
“There is even no guiding law in place,” he added, “The president has not yet assented to those amendments.”
This effectively means the LC I elections that had been scheduled for Jan, 17 are once again in limbo. The postponement has led many observers to say Museveni and his NRM party `fear’ the LC I elections because they offer an unpredictable test of grassroots popularity between the NRM government and the opposition.
The last LCI elections were held in 2001. Back then, the country was being governed under a de facto one party system called the “Movement System”. The country has since 2005 been under a multi-party system. In 2006 the LC I elections were frustrated by a Constitutional Court ruling on the petition by then opposition member of Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) Rtd Maj Rubaramira Ruranga, who challenged the legality of the incumbent Local Councils because they were set up under a different governance system. He argued that ushering in the multiparty system, required amending the law.
AS THE POPULAR BLACK USA PRESIDENT BIDS FAREWELL TO HIS SUPPORTERS IN WASHINGTON, THE NATIONAL PARLIAMENT OF UGANDA IN AFRICA IS GETTING READY TO REMOVE AGE LIMITS FOR OLD AGE PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES:
January 13, 2017
Written by The observer editorial
As outgoing United States President Barack Obama started his farewell speech in Chicago on Tuesday, the crowd interrupted him with chants of “four more years, four more years...”
His response was, “I can’t do it.”
After eight years in the White House, Obama is still loved by many Americans and could arguably have won a third term had he been eligible to stand for elections. However, according to the American constitution, he can’t do it.
Perhaps if he had been at the helm of an African country, he would have been led by supporters to seriously consider amending the constitution to make it possible for him to stay on, as witnessed at home in 2005, in Rwanda in 2016, in Burundi 2015, and in the Democratic Republic of Congo today.
In Gambia, incumbent president Yahya Jammeh was defeated in elections held last month, but he is still trying to cling on against the wishes of the Gambian people.
To be fair, not every African country is a member of this infamous club. Ghana last weekend unveiled a new leader in Nana Akufo-Addo who defeated incumbent John Dramani Mahama.
Nearer home, Tanzania bestowed on the East African region its newest leader in John Pombe Magufuli a little over a year ago, replacing Jakaya Kikwete who retired after 10 years.
Exactly four years from now, Uganda will be holding elections that the incumbent Yoweri Museveni, who will have ruled for 35 years, will not be eligible to stand for.
It is an opportunity for this country, which has never seen a peaceful change of power, to do what it failed to do in 2005 – to stand by its constitution just as the Americans, Ghanaians and Tanzanians have done, even if that means letting go of a leader that still enjoys significant support.
Good Ugandans expect that when the time comes, President Museveni will have the courage to look in the face of his supporters who will inevitably be chanting “five more years, five more years”, and say to them, “I can’t do it”.
In Uganda, the discarded National Resistance Movement Governance is making a come back. The popular NRM Local village councils became unconstitutional upon the country’s reversion to the multiparty system some years back. These elections have now been re-set for January 2017
FRIDAY NOVEMBER 11 2016
The minister of State for Housing, Dr Chris Baryomunsi
Posted by David Mafabi
UGANDA, KAMPALA:
The government has announced elections for Local Council I and II will finally be held in January 2017 although the Electoral Commission has expressed reservations on its preparedness for the exercise.
The minister of State for Housing, Dr Chris Baryomunsi, revealed this yesterday when he was speaking at the Lands, Housing and Urban Development Joint Sector Review workshop at the President’s Office. The workshop was held to discuss Uganda’s journey to the middle income status and the role of ministry of Lands, Housing and Urban Development towards realization of this target.
Dr Baryomunsi was responding to remarks by the Uganda Land Commission chairperson, Mr Baguma Isoke, who said Local Council courts as the first courts of land dispute resolution have not legally constituted since 2001.
“I want to respond to Mr Baguma Isoke, that the cabinet and EC are all aware of the President’s directive to hold LCI and LCII elections in January next year and the budget is ready-- about Shs 37 billion far below the one that was suggested to cater for secret ballot-- about Shs550 billion,” said Mr Baryomunsi.
Uganda has not conducted elections for LCI (village) and LCII (parish) for the last 15 years, the last one having been held in 2001 before the country shifted from the one-party Movement system to the multiparty system of governance.
Attempts to hold the elections in 2006 were thwarted following the Constitutional Court ruling on the petition by then opposition member of Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) Maj Rubaramira Ruranga (retired) who challenged the legality of the incumbent Local Councils following the country’s return to the multiparty political system, He argued that the Local Councils which were elected under the discarded Movement governance became unconstitutional upon the country’s reversion to the multiparty system.
The court upheld his petition and nullified the Local Councils and ordered fresh elections under the multiparty system.
However, due to financial constraints, the government has never held the elections although the Local Councils continued operating illegally to-date. Uganda has 7431 parishes and 57, 842 villages in 1403 sub-counties.
Mr Baryomusi said at yesterday’s workshop that the election of LC officials will be voted by lining up behind the candidates as opposed to the secret ballot system. He said the government preferred the procedure of lining up behind candidates to reduce on the high costs of the secret ballot system.
He explained that government realised that it would be too expensive using secret ballot voting, compared to lining up.
Voting by lining up behind the candidates for Local Council I and II was adopted in 2014 after Parliament overwhelmingly endorsed it during the debating and passing of the Local Government Amendment Bill 2014.
Baryomunsi stated that cabinet and the Electoral Commission (EC) have already pronounced elections will be held in January although they have not yet communicated the date.
However, the EC spokesperson Mr Jotham Taremwa said although a figure of Shs 37 billion has been suggested, they have held several meetings with Parliament and the relevant ministries over the same matter but failed to agree a common position.
“Government wants this money revised down wards which requires several amendments in the law governing these elections and in the event that the amendments have not been, funds have not been sought and there is no programme for the elections at EC, then we need to be advised well,” said Mr Taremwa.
MENGO SHOULD STOP HIDING BEHIND THE NRM UGANDA CONSTITUTION THAT HAS AN INTERNATIONAL AGREEMENT OF GOVERNANCE WITH THE COUNTRY OF BUGANDA:
Sunday, May 8, 2016
The dilapidated Palace of the King of Buganda abondoned by the residents since May 1966
BY SPAN
Most Baganda are fed up with Mengo's reluctance to speak out against the #Museven's regime brutality against its people. A larger number of people killed and critically injured are within Buganda but Mengo is busy looking for a Tofali instead of standing up to M7 and rebuke the way the government treats its citizens.
Since the Masiro were burnt down, Mengo has not put pressure on the central government to explain why the investigation has yielded nothing so far as well as Buddo inferno, but the Katikiro is busy telling us that we should forget and accept M7 as the elected president.
Baganda and others living within the Buganda boundaries have paid a heavy price for the last thirty years. What Mengo Has Done For You Lately? We will put pressure on Mengo to get out of bed with dictator Museven.
This regime has made Baganda to be baggers and refugees within Buganda but Mengo is dancing with the wolves. The King from Rwenzori area, got fed up and stood up to Museveni for his people but Mengo is busy asking us "Can we all get along?". Time has come for Mengo to stand up for our people.
The way Mengo came to us asking us to help donate a Tofali, it is our turn to say to Mengo that we need your help. We are dying. Mengo stand up and be counted.
Posted by Nathan Span www.faddu.org
President Museveni with a long time incumbency is adivised to stop campaigning:
Written by SULAIMANI MUGULA
Created: 11 January 2016
Mr S. Mugula
Despite having been in the job for many years, General Yoweri Museveni is campaigning with the same gusto as other presidential aspirants.
It is his right to campaign, but when one considers its effect on the economy, Ugandans and the office of the president, Museveni’s campaign is not worth continuing, and should urgently stop.
So far, from the NRM manifesto, to what Museveni has promised on rallies and through the media, it is clear that most of his promises are the same as those he has made since 1986. In eastern Uganda, again he promised the Tirinyi-Pallisa-Kumi road, Tirinyi-Kamonkoli road and Ngora-Serere road.
These roads were promised to the people here 15 years ago. He has made similar promises in Busoga, Luweero, and everywhere. Apart from the stale promises, Museveni has demonstrated that he has little understanding of the needs of Ugandans. For example, to any serious leader, the Kabale-Kisoro road should have been a priority in the 1980s.
This road is not only a gateway to Rwanda and DRC, it is also used by tourists to the Bwindi Impenetrable Forest national park. Tarmacking of this 70-kilometre stretch was only completed a few years ago, and was a shoddy job that involved cases of financial loss. Secondly, in order to ease connection from Kisoro to Kasese/FortPortal, there is a need for a bridge at Butogota.
Instead of prioritising the improvement of roads and bridges here, Museveni upgraded the Kisoro airstrip for reasons only known to him. One wonders how many people here use and can afford air transport. Museveni has been boasting about his achievements in infrastructure, yet little has been done.
For example, statistics show 2,000km of tarmac have been built from 1986 to 2015, yet leaders such as Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia built around 75,000km of tarmac from 1991 to 2012. Moreover, good highways, not the narrow, poorly-surfaced ones built in Uganda!
Surely, facilitation aside, it is an abuse to the people to make them travel long distances just to be given the same old stories/ idioms and promises. The other concern is the effect of Museveni’s campaign on the economy.
From past experience, Museveni is known to conduct lavish and expensive campaigns whose source of funding has never been revealed. This sudden pumping of huge amounts of cash into the economy has always led to biting inflation. Museveni has already poured a lot – from the ‘sole candidate project’ to date.
We should be worried if Museveni continues pouring more cash into the economy, helped by the NRM parliamentary candidates who allegedly receive funding from the party. By December 2015, the economy was already under immense pressure, due to the strong dollar, increased interest rates and electricity tariffs. More pressure from Museveni/NRM cash will send the economy into a dangerous position.
There is also damage to the office of the president. In an attempt to rebrand, Museveni is making many distortions to the history of this country. For example, he has persistently claimed that NRM has been fighting for Ugandans since the 1960s and that NRM liberated Uganda from Idi Amin. Surely, NRM was born in 2005, UPM/NRA in the 1980s. Who was Museveni with in the 1960s?
Politicians such as Ruhakana Rugunda, Kahinda Otafiire, Sam Kutesa and Museveni himself belonged to either DP or UPC during that time. Amin was defeated by the Tanzanian army and resources. And Uganda paid them back. Others like Kikoosi Maalum, the Tito Okellos and Fronasa helped; but Fronasa was not the only one and was not the strongest.
Museveni’s exaggerated peace and security also lacks truth. The insurgency in northern Uganda lasted 20 of his 30 years in power. That makes it 67 per cent wartime.
This scale of physical and psychological devastation cannot turn into happiness so soon. Moreover, northern Uganda never created war; it is the predatory tactics of Museveni/NRA that led to and sustained the insurgency. Actually, it is out of ignorance and desperation, as personified by Jimmy Akena, that some people from this area pretend to support Museveni.
The success as regards electricity is distorted too. Statistics show that electricity access in Uganda is below 20 per cent. For someone who has ruled for 30 years, that is an indictment, not a source of pride.
Lastly, given that all the money in Uganda belongs to Museveni; the army belongs to him; the oil belongs to him; he hunted his animal; he cannot leave power because of a mere piece of paper; it is very clear Museveni will force or buy his way to the presidency.
Why campaign then?
The author is a Ugandan living in South Africa.
The Army, the police and a just-recent-created militia of crime preventers, are planning for a violent Uganda National Election of 18th February 2016:
Written by Deo Walusimbi
Created: 21 December 2015
To the army and police, the prospect of post-election violence looms large next year and the two agencies are mobilizing billions of shillings and thousands of men and women in readiness for any flare-ups, The Observer has learnt.
According to government officials, incidents of violence in the NRM primaries and Col Kizza Besigye’s ‘defiance’ campaign point to a likelihood of violence after the declaration of results.
The case for planning for a worst-case scenario was made last week by ministers Rose Akol (Internal Affairs), James Baba (state for internal affairs) and General Jeje Odongo (state for defence).
The ministers appeared before parliament’s committee on defence and Internal Affairs on Friday to defend their budgets for the 2016/17 fiscal year. Defending the police’s Shs 527.7bn budget, Akol and Baba told MPs that the force would need an extra Shs 51.1bn to police the aftermath of the 2016 general elections.
NRM supporters taunt Amama Mbabazi’s in Ntungamo recently
The ministers also requested another Shs 37.4bn for training crime preventers. These requests, however, astonished the MPs who demanded justification from the ministers. The ministers’ answers revealed that while government and activists are preaching peace and restraint for the elections, they are preparing for eventualities of violence.
“The experience is that after elections, there is always a spate of violence which normally takes a big chunk of the police budget to contain,” Akol said.
“During that time, every police officer gets out of the barracks and goes to the field to ensure law and order.”
Asked to break down the cash request, Akol said the additional budget of Shs 51.1bn covered “feeding, consumables, fuel, maintenance of vehicles and equipment, training and intelligence gathering.
Minister Baba said the under-fire crime preventers are part of a “new policing strategy.” Their special budget would partly facilitate their training and refreshments during and after elections.
DEFIANCE CAMPAIGN
Speaking to The Observer later, Baba and Odongo painted a clearer picture of the security agencies’ fears for 2016.
“There have been more than 400 rallies by presidential candidates and they have been generally peaceful and smooth apart from Ntungamo where the chaos erupted,” Minister Baba said. “Two, we saw a bit of chaos during the NRM primaries and we just hope that this chaos won’t manifest itself in the main elections.”
“So, as a responsible government, we have to prepare for these contingencies because we don’t want to be caught napping [when the situation worsens],” he added.
Citing Besigye’s ongoing ‘defiance’ campaign, Baba said they were not sure what would happen if Besigye, the FDC presidential candidate, lost to Museveni for a fourth time.
“There is a candidate [Besigye] who is campaigning on defiance saying that he will not abandon defiance even after several warnings.” “So, we have to prepare for that [defiance] but we continue with our peaceful and well-organized campaigns...having it in our minds that we have a responsibility to protect our country as a government,” he said.
Asked why police was going ahead to recruit crime preventers yet MPs insist there is no “legal framework to guide their operations,” Baba said police alone, with about 46,000 officers by election time, cannot adequately man the 23,000 polling stations across the country. On average every polling station should be manned by two police officers.
“So, when you think of what will happen to police stations and communities [during elections], it explains why we need crime preventers for preventing crime and protecting the population,” the minister said.
MPs led by Muwanga Kivumbi (shadow minister for internal affairs) insisted that “crime preventers” had no legal backing to get involved in elections.
The committee will today meet with the sector ministers, Inspector General of Police Kale Kayihura and the head of police intelligence. The meeting will discuss the possibility of involving the army instead of crime preventers.
DEFENCE
Odongo, the minister of state for defence, told The Observer in a separate interview that the army could not wait for the situation to spiral out of control like it did in Kenya after the 2007 elections.
“We [the army] are very alert. We have an obligation to protect lives and properties,” he said. “We [army] just can’t accept to be blamed after a bad situation happens here like what happened in Kenya.”
When MPs asked him to shed more light on government’s fears in relation to post-election violence, Odongo said: “...shall we wait until the situation deteriorates?…I will respond to this by indicating to the committee that right now modernity enables us to study the situation and determine actions that we require at whatever time.
“There are two administrative institutions that are operational. One is the joint intelligence committee, which gets all security agencies together to monitor the situation and feeds into the next institution [which is] the joint operation centre which plans…and they have weekly meetings to review and be able to say that we shall respond at point A.”
CRIME PREVENTERS
Interviewed separately for this story on Saturday, Mike Ssebalu, the spokesman for the Museveni election taskforce, said security agencies needed to be alert to threats of violence.
He said there are indicators that some candidates particularly Besigye are “geared” towards inciting “violence.”
“I believe that it [alertness] is perfectly in order because security and stability of Uganda is paramount,” Ssebalu said. “No individual interest should override the stability of the country.”
Ssebalu claimed that Besigye’s ‘defiance’ campaign signaled a possibility of violence after the elections. However, FDC spokesman Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda said there was no justification for heightened security if the ruling NRM did not plan to steal the election.
“They [security agencies] shouldn’t panic if they don’t have plans to rig elections,” Ssemujju said. “If elections are not rigged, there will be no defiance and if they rig elections, they should prepare for defiance and no amount of money would deter violence.”
Ironically, Ladislaus Rwakafuuzi, a human rights lawyer and political analyst, said government agents were the more likely source of violence.
“That is why you see many crime preventers who will cause violence,” Rwakafuuzi said. “This election is a do-or-die matter for the government. So, if they win, violence might not be there, but if they lose it, crime preventers will cause chaos such that the army intervenes.” walusimbideo@gmail.com