Mengo Should Explain to Baganda Why Mbabazi can

be Trusted

“I want to promise you that our government will open discussions with Buganda on the return of Federo and all other Buganda property when it comes to power,”

Amama Mbabazi said on November 9, 2015. He was addressing a rally at the Masaka Golf Course, at the official kickoff of his 2016 presidential election campaign.

As Museveni’s key legal advisor, Mbabazi was one of the architects of the plan that denied Baganda Federo in the 1995 constitution.

Therefore, I believe it is fair to charge that Mbabazi has discovered Baganda and their causes only because he needs Baganda to get into the highest office in Uganda. He is not the first one to treat Baganda like a candle—only used when it is dark.

One of the readers of TheBugandaWatch, Ssemwanga spoke about some at Mmengo who told Baganda to follow Obote in the early 1960’s. Some got positions as ministers in his government but that did not stop Obote from destroying Mengo and exiling
Ssekabaka Muteesa II. It had all started with the UPC/KY alliance (similar to the current GoForward/DP alliance) Obote urged with the help of those at Mengo who knew that he hated Baganda but looked the other way, telling Baganda to follow him because he had visited Muteesa II, at Mmengo, clad in a kanzu.

Mbabazi donned a kanzu at the Buganda Masaza Football finals game, at Mandela Stadium. He tried, but failed, to place himself near Kabaka Mutebi for a photo opportunity (standing toe-to-toe with His Majesty and shaking his hand like friends). But, alas, this was not to be. Mbabazi arrived too late to be seated where he could get to Kabaka Mutebi as planned.

At the Thanksgiving prayer service for Apollo Nelson Makubuya’s appointment as 3rd Deputy Katikkiro of Buganda, Mr. Mbabazi was in attendance and, yes, in some sort of a kanzu.

But what if I am wrong to think that Mbabazi is simply using Baganda to assure his political fortunes? Many people are shaken awake by a sacking—they realize that a former master is unethical as they search their souls over what they did for that master. Maybe Mbabazi discovered after Museveni sacked him in September 2014 that Museveni was mistreating Baganda. It got me asking myself about the evidence.

So, I conducted a quick, unscientific survey of internet news outlets. I searched for reports that quoted Mr. Mbabazi commenting on various topics. I was trying to see whether he had mentioned the words “Buganda,” “Baganda,” or “Kabaka,” to see whether he began paying attention to Baganda causes immediately after leaving the NRM government.

I stopped at 30 reports, because the story kept repeating itself: None of Mbabazi’s quotes in the 30 internet reports I reviewed said anything about Buganda, Baganda, or the Kabaka. His present name for Buganda is “Central Region.” But now he has gone to the Baganda stronghold of Buddu to say he will return Federo and Ebyaffe to Buganda. Mr. Mbabazi’s approach to Buganda seems flat-footed—not clever or imaginative, and uninspired.

To add salt to the wound, I discovered that after living in Buganda for over 40 years, Mbabazi refused to learn speaking Luganda until now (he now has Luganda tutors). He is the only presidential candidate who uses an interpreter during his campaign rallies.

One would have expected Mbabazi to go, first, where it begins for him as a politician: His constituency of Kinkiizi West, in Kanungu District. Imagine how the people of Kinkiizi West, the ones who have sent him to parliament, feel about his choice of places to begin his presidential election campaign. Obviously, Mbabazi does not care about what his people think or feel. He takes the Kinkiizi West vote for granted.

He is also taking the Baganda’s vote for granted, believing that the magic words “Federo” and “Ebyaffe” will deliver Baganda’s votes. He did nothing for Baganda while in the NRM government and said nothing about them and their causes after leaving the NRM
government. Then he got in the kanzu habit. And then he went to his rally in Masaka.

In my opinion, before Mengo considers guiding the ordinary Muganda to treat Amama Mbabazi as someone who could be a worthy presidential candidate in the 2016 elections, Mengo should do an even more detailed analysis than the one I did and take a stand on this issue based on reasoning and not personal interest,
emotion or desperation.

Mengo owes Baganda a clear explanation why today’s Mbabazi is better for Baganda than the Mbabazi who spent 30 years in the NRM government, ignoring Buganda and its causes while, in numerous instances, playing a central role in the planning and implementation of laws and policies that damaged Buganda.

Opinion by; Godfrey Y. Muwonge via Buganda Watch

Abaagala Obwakabaka bwe mulonda Mbabazi oba Besigye mu 2016 nga mweziise:

 

Kampala | Sep 30, 2015

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Mbabazi ng’awuubira ku bantu bwe yabadde e Namboole ku fayinolo

                   y’emipiira gy’amasaza

 

Bya Robert Ssebunnya 

 

Ekiseera kino buli Munnayuganda ali mu keetalo okwetegekera okulonda Pulezidenti, ababaka ba Palamenti, aba LC 5, LC 3, LC 2, ne LC 1. Ate era ebbugumu lya maanyi nnyo ng’ebibiina by’obufuzi bigenda mu kamyufu n’okulonda abanaabikwatira bendera mu kalulu akajja.

Ku mulundi guno akalulu kajja kuba ka maanyi kuba abantu bangi abavuddeyo okuvuganya ku bwapulezident n’ebifo ebirala ebikulu mu ggwanga.

Ne ku mulundi guno abantu bangi bajja kwewuunya ekinaava mu kulonda anti bangi bajja kusuulibwa olw’abalonzi okufuna obumanyirivu ku bantu be baagala ate abakozi.

Mu kitundu kyaffe kino ekya Buganda, abantu bangi beeyambisizza Buganda okufuna ebifo eby’oku ntikko ng’okufuna obubaka mu Palamenti oba disitulikiti ng’abamu beeyambisa erinnya lya Ssaabasajja Kabaka. Abalala bategeeza abalonzi nga bwe baagala ennyo Kabaka n’Obwakabaka.

Obuganda kati bulina nnyo okutunuulira abo abeesimbyewo n’okwekenneenya wa gye bavudde, ebikolwa byabwe, obuwagizi bwe balaze mu lugendo oluzibu ennyo olw’okutuusa Buganda ku ntikko.

Tulina okuvaayo n’amaanyi ku mulundi guno okwesoosoowaza ku buli nsonga yonna eyinza okuleeta obukulembeze obukyamu, ate ne tufiirwa ebyo bye tukoze, bye tufunye mu myaka 30 egya NRM ne Pulezidenti Museveni.

 

                                                      Dr Besigye

 

Ebyali e Gulu
Mu lukiiko lwa bannamagye olwali e Gulu era olwavaamu ekiteeso ekyazza Obwakabaka, abakulembeze abamu kaakati abaagala okulya Obwapulezidenti baasimba ekkuuli nga munywanyi waffe Pulezidenti Museveni alafuubana okuzzaawo Obwakabaka mu Uganda.

Tuleme kwerabira abo abaategeeza Museveni nti okuzzaawo Obwakabaka kuba kukomyawo ‘Baganda era batulinnye ku nfeete!’ Muno mulimu Col. Kiiza Besigye, Col. Sserwanga Lwanga kati omugenzi, n’abamagye abalala bangi abaali batawagira nsonga ya kuzzaawo Bwakabaka. N’olwekyo kimanye nti bw’obalonda era bajja kubuggyawo kuba tebabwagalangako.

Abantu abamu mu Buganda kati bajajjatta eyaliko Katikkiro Amama Mbabazi ne Col. Kiiza Besigye naye bombi balowooza kimu ku nsonga ezikwata ku Bwakabaka. Tebabwagala!

Omu ku bantu abadde omuziziko gw’okugonjoola ensonga za Buganda ye Amama Mbabazi.

Enteeseganya Pulezidenti Museveni z’abaddemu n’abakungu ba Ssaabasajja ezimu zaagendanga bulungi naye ate endala nga tezirina gye ziraga olw’obukodyo obweyambisibwanga Mbabazi.

Nzijukira olumu Pulezidenti yandagira okuleeta abamu ku bakungu ba Ssaabasajja okuva e Mmengo okwogera naye ku nsonga ezikwata ku kugonjoola ensonga za Buganda.

Nnakikola era Katikkiro n’alonda ttiimu ye eyakulemberwa owek. Jolly Lutaaya eyali Minisita wa gavumenti ez’ebitundu e Mmengo, Owek. Kaddu Kiberu, Dr. Masagazi Masaazi, owek.Tofiri Malokweza, Owek. Ssevume Musoke eyali Mugerere. Ku ludda lwa Pulezidenti waaliyo omuwandiisi we ow’ekyama Amelia Kyambadde kati Minisita w’amakolero n’obusuubuzi nange.

Owek. Jolly Lutaya yayanjula bulungi ensonga za Buganda era n’ategeeza Pulezidenti nti Mmengo eyagala ensonga zino ziggwe mu mirembe, mu mukwano, mu kwagala. Pulezidenti yategeza ttiimu ya Katikkiro nti omwoyo omulungi gwe balaze tewali nsonga yonna eyinza kulemesa ensonga za Buganda kuggwa bulungi.

Oluvannyuma lw’ensisinkano eno, Pulezidenti yandagira okuleeta Katikkiro JB Walusimbi okumusisinkana era olukiiko lwalimu abantu bana: Pulezidenti, Katikkiro Walusimbi, Robert Ssebunnya ne Amelia Kyambadde.

Pulezidenti yategeeza Walusimbi nti ebintu byonna ng’ebyapa by’ettaka eby’amasaza, amagombolola, amabanja gonna n’ebirala ajja kubizza era abituukirize mu bwangu.

Ekiro ekyo Pulezidenti yakwata ekkalaamu era mu mukono gwe n’awandiikira Ssaabasajja ebbaluwa ng’akomyawo ebintu byonna ebya Buganda n’awa n’ensonga ze lwaki abikomezzaawo. Enkeera nnayitibwa okumusisinkana e Nakasero.

Mw. Mbabazi yansangayo, era Pulezidenti twamulaba ffembi. Pulezidenti yatusomera ebbaluwa gye yali awandiikidde Ssaabasajja ku nsonga za Buganda. Waliwo ebintu ebimu ebyali biteekeddwa okubeera mu bbaluwa eyo ebikwata ku Twekobe ne mbijjukisa Pulezidenti.

Mbabazi yategeeza Pulezidenti nti amateeka mu Konsitityusoni ageeyambisiddwa mu bbaluwa si matuufu nti era Palamenti eyinza okumuvunaana! Pulezidenti yagamba nti bwe kiba bwe kityo, ye Mbabazi, Amelia Kyambadde nange tuddeyo tuyite mu bbaluwa nga tutereeza eby’amateeka. Kkopi y’ebbaluwa Pulezidenti gye yali awandiise yagituwa.

Ekyennaku, Amama Mbabazi yalina ebigendererwa bye birala nnyo era kyankaluubirira nnyo ng’amaze okufuna ebbaluwa ya Pulezidenti okutuula naye tumalirize ensonga.

Nnamala emyezi kumpi etaano nga nnemeddwa okusisinkana Mbabazi ku bbaluwa ya Pulezidenti! Mu mwezi ogwomukaaga, Muky. Amelia Kyambadde yampa amagezi g’okuwandiikira Pulezidenti ku nsonga eno nga tumaze okulaba nti Mbabazi eby’okuzza ebintu bya Buganda si by’aliko.

Oluvannyuma Mbabazi nnasobola okumulaba ne mmutuulirira era mu buwaze ne tugenda mu ofiisi ye e Kololo. Twatandika okukola ku bbaluwa ya Pulezidenti, abaayingira mu ofiisi ku ssaawa nga 12:00 ez’akawungeezi twagimaliriza ku ssaawa nga 5:00 ez’ekiro! Kyokka wadde ebbaluwa twagimaliriza, nnagimusaba n’akomba kw’erima!

Yang’amba nti y’ajja kugitwalira Pulezidenti. Ne gye buli eno, ebbaluwa eyo Pulezidenti tagifunanga! Nze ne Kyambadde twajjukiza Mbabazi okumala emyezi ng’ena nga tusiwa nsaano ku mazzi, ng’alabika si by’aliko!

Ne bwe yalondebwa okubeera Katikkiro, nneeyongeranga okumutegeeza ku nsonga eyo naye nga tekiri mu mutima gwe okugonjoola ensonga eyo era kyewuunyisa nti ebintu bya Buganda ebisinga Pulezidenti bye yali asazeewo okuzza mu 2009 byaddizibwa Ssaabasajja jjuuzi nga Pulezidenti amaze kumugoba ku bwakatikkiro.

Mbabazi kye yakola ku bbaluwa ya Pulezidenti kyanyiiza abantu bangi omuli ne muto wa Pulezidenti, Gen. Salim Saleh, era ye yavaayo mu lujjudde ne mu mpapula z’amawulire n’alangira Mbabazi okukyayisa Gavumenti ya NRM eri Obuganda ne Gavumenti ya Ssaabasajja Kabaka.

Dr. Robert Ssebunnya muwabuzi wa Pulezidenti ku nsonga za Buganda.

Ebyo si bye byokka Mbabazi by’akoze ku nsonga za Buganda, mujjukire nti ye yaleeta etteeka erikugira Bakabaka okugenda ebweru nga tebafunye lukusa!

Pulezidenti Museveni yazzaawo Obwakabaka mu kwagala, mu bulungi, mu kuteekawo enkolagana ennung’amu eyinza okuleeta emirembe mu ggwanga naye tuteekwa okubeera abavumu mu kusalawo ani eteekwa okukuuma eddembe n’Obwakabaka bwaffe.
Era omuntu oyo ye Pulezidenti Museveni eyazzaawo obwakabaka era abulwaniridde. Sso si Besigye, si Amama Mbabazi atalowooleza mu Bwakabaka. Abalonzi mulowoze nnyo ku nsonga ya Museveni ne Mbabazi / Besigye, mukole ekituufu!

Dr. Robert Ssebunnya muwabuzi wa Pulezidenti ku nsonga za Buganda.

 

 

 

Mr Besigye of the Uganda Opposition political parties says that Change won't come to the silent:

Written by URN

Last Updated: 10 November 2015

 

Forum for Democratic Change presidential candidate, Kizza Besigye says Ugandans must work on their attitude if they are to see change in the country.

Besigye who is currently soliciting for votes in the Kigezi sub-region was addressing thousands of FDC supporters at Rukungiri stadium on Monday evening. Besigye says many Ugandans have failed to resist the ill treatment from the police and corrupt leaders, but expect things to improve.

"In getting power, we must first be confident that the country belongs to us. We should  do away with fear. When you go to voting without power, it will be a matter of wasting time.

Take an example of Erias Lukwago who is here, he was voted into office by the people of Kampala but he is not in office. He should have been thrown out of the office by the same people who voted him in and not the government. But this has taken place because the people who put him in office have no authority and power. We shall only achieve this when we work together".

Besigye told supporters that FDC will start with the sale of the presidential jet once they are elected into office.

FDC president Gen Mugisha Muntu who was also present at the rally revealed that he is worried about Ugandans who are yet to realize the wrong actions of the ruling National Resistance Movement party and continue to support it.
 
Aruu MP, Odonga Otto told the crowd that this was the time for change.
 
"For us this is not a picnic, this is not a laughing matter. This is time for change. And by the grace of God we shall make it. And those who don’t want change may death strike by lightening", Otto said.

Besigye had arrived at the venue about four hours late after being delayed by heavy traffic jam. Besigye was welcomed by his supporters from Rukungiri road junction in Ntungamo town, and escorted him up to his home district of Rukungiri. On Tuesday, Besigye is expected to hold a rally in Ntungamo district at Kyamate playground.

 

Nb.

One cannot blame the mandate of Uganda to be naive when the leadership are collecting democratic votes from them and selling them over to the best bidder. That is the politician with the largest amount of money in the country!

 

Real democratic Problems along the road to the National Election of 2016 in Uganda:

   The former Colonial House of the Uganda Governor of the British Empire that is at stake

VOTE RIGGING: OPPOSITION CALL FOR VIGILANTES during the Ugandan National Election of 2011:

MASAKA CITY IN THE STATE OF BUGANDA:

Uganda’s leading opposition figure Dr Kizza Besigye has asked Ugandans to form vigilante committees as a strategy to tackle vote rigging, and help rid the country of bad governance.

‘’We can use vigilante committees at grassroots as the only way to fight acts of vote-rigging and violence ahead of the 2016 general elections,’’ Dr Besigye said.

The former FDC leader was addressing a rally at Nyendo Public School in Masaka during the on-going countrywide consultative meetings by opposition figures with citizens on the electoral processes ahead of 2016 presidential elections.

UPC leader Olara Otunnu rallied Uganda to fight for free and fair elections.

Other speakers included FDC president Mugisha Muntu, DP leader Nobert Mao and Kampala Lord Mayor Erias Lukwago.

As they chanted opposition and their political parties’ slogans, they vowed to use all legal means possible to take over power from President Museveni’s government.

Security was tight in Nyendo, the gateway to Masaka Municipality, as opposition leaders and civil society members arrived to seek views of citizens ahead of 2016 general elections. Thorough checks were carried out at the entrance.

RIGGING OF ELECTIONS..... is a major issue or threat to democracy in many countries, preventing genuine progress for the country and its people.

It does not matter how much policing of the electoral procedure, those intent or hungry to grab onto power will always find ways, sometimes sadly involving mass scale brutality and corruptions.

In many struggling third world countries, this is a major issue, preventing election of the right governments, and causing the countries to fall backwards in progress and prosperity.

On Thu, Mar 6, 2014 at 6:25 PM, Robukui .

robukui.1@gmail.com has written thus:

BASIIMA HOUSE AND MUSEVENI'S ELECTORAL COMMISSION.

From the city center along Rubaga Road, at the Rubaga Road/Kabaka Anjagala Road round-about you turn left and follow the Kabaka Anjagala Road heading to the Lubiri. After about 200 metres towards the Lubiri, on the left, stands Basiima House - the one time headquarters of Musevenis Military Intelligence (1986 - 1998) that has since evolved to become the dreaded CMI.

Enclosed in a chain-link fence, the main gate along the Kabaka Anjagala Road was manned by uniformed soldiers 24 hours. The stretch between the gate and the round about on Kabaka Anjagala Road was the spot where some operatives would extort money and other concessions from victims who would have been picked from town with threats that they were being taken to Basiima House for torture. Outside the main gate, on the left was a small parking yard for visitors cars. Inside the main gate on the left was a makeshift structure that was used as a visitors check point and registration center. It was manned by staff from the Counter Intelligence unit. After identifying, scrutinising and registering the visitor, he/she would be led to the main reception. during the time of stay, visitors identification documents would be retained at the gate.

        Cash Money dealings in the Majority-elected NRM

                             Parliament of Uganda

About seven meters from the main gate on the right was the parking yard under the Transport Unit. About 25 meters from the main gate, on the right was a huge storied Buganda kingdom old style building. This structure housed peripheral sections of the intelligence outfit. On the ground floor was the clinic, the reception room, the signal center (radio communication), canteen/army shop, ration/food stores, documents that were salvaged from former Army Headquarters when they were burnt down and the headquarter Administration Office. On the top floor, was the armory/exhibits room, the the SH business Project (DMI ran taxi business, Nile Studio on Bombo Road and shop stalls in the new taxi park), detention rooms, and some other rooms were used by junior staff members for residence.

Straight from the main gate and about 7 meters past that old structure, stood the a modern storied building that housed the main office block that stood overlooking Rubaga Road. With a wide glass door as the main entrance, on the right were stare cases that led to the top floor. In the corridor of the top floor, on the left was Room 14 under counter intelligence used by Sgt Jack Nziza (now a General in Rwanda), next on the left was room 15 used by Patrick Karegeya the then head of Counter Intelligence (went to Rwanda but was recently murdered in S.A). Opposite room 14 was the office of the Secretary to the Deputy DMI and opposite room 15 was the office of the Deputy DMI (formerly used by Paul Kagame when he was the Director of Personnel Administration and Finance). Further into the corridor, on the left was a small VIP reception for DMI and D/DMI visitors. Next on the left was the Registry that was manned by Private James Kabarebe, Ceaser Kaizari and Dan Munyuza among others (later became a generals in Rwanda). Opposite the Registry, on the right was the small office housing a team of research assistants to the DMI. Next on the right side was the office of the secretary to the DMI followed by the office of the DMI. The last office on the left was the one for the Finance Controller (Michael Nkurunziza - now a senior officer in the Rwanda army). At the far end of the corridor was a wide open hall that was used at an operation/war room. It contained maps, sand models etc.

On the ground floor just opposite the glass entrance door, was the switch board. Next to the switch board, on the left of the corridor was room 12 used by the head of criminal investigtions, now Col. Charles Tusiime formerly of VCCU and now with UWA). Opposite this room 12, on the right was room 1 that was also used by staff of criminal investigation. Next to room 12, on the right was room 11 used by a group of Advocates that included now Brig James Mugira. Later, the other lawyers were relocated to the Military Police in Makindye to serve under Special Investigations Bureau (SIB). Next to room 11, on the left was room 2 that housed staff under counter intelligence. Next, on the left was the Library that was manned by a university graduate and charged with analysing all the newspaper political articles of interest and timely feeding them to the heads of departments. It also had a lot of literature from the soviet union, Libya and Cuba. Next to the library, on the left was the office of the ADC to the Director of Combat Intelligence.

Next, on the left was the office of the Director Combat Intelligence (John Kasaija was the longest serving). Last on the left, was the information centre charged with monitoring Police communication within Kampala using a specialised radio that would intercept all police and and other VHF radio communications. Last on the left was the office of the Technical Department manned by Engineer Michael Bossa. This unit was responsible for technical means of intelligence gathering. This office was partitioned with ply wood to create room for Paul Kagame when he was axed from the top floor and left redundant shortly before he went for a military course in the USA around 1989/90. Outside the main office block, about 25 meters apart and separated by a chain link fence were three dilapidated flats housing some staff members and their families. Next to the three flats were another two dilapidated unfinished structures used for the same purpose. From these structures, was a small staff gate that led to the Road from Nakivubo through Kisenyi and joining Rubaga Road.

Around 1998, DMI handed over the premisses to the Buganda kingdom and it shifted to Kitante courts under Brig Henry Tumukunde after it was baptised CMI. Around Mulago round about on Kiira Road from Kamyokya, you turn left and and follow yusuf Lule Road. After about one hundred meters on the left opposite the ministry of health was an entrance to the dreaded CMI. From the main entrance, on the left was the main storied building that housed different sections of the outfit. It is in this building that the late Manenero met his death under the hands of then Capt Herbert Makanga. About 15 meters apart, was another storied building that housed the canteen, reception, switch board and some offices on the top floor. About 10 metres apart, was a small storied building that housed the office of the CMI on the top floor and his deputy on the ground floor. From the main gate on the Right was another building that was used at the torture chamber and below it was the communication center. Opposite the Mulago Nurses hostel along Kiira Road, was a small gate used by staff members only. From this small gate on the left were staff quarters composed of blocks and uniports. Among the blocks was a detention facility.

ELECTORAL COMMISSION

Both DMI at Basiima House and CMI at Kitante courts, used letter heads that read Directorate of Military Intelligence and Security, Basiima House.Therefore, one would be right to assert that even when housed at Kitante courts, Musevenis military intelligence continued to be identified Basiima House. Military intelligence plays leading role in the electoral process in Uganda. Through its countrywide network of intelligence officers, the outfit liases with different players in the Museveni electoral process. During the election period, military intelligence coordinates efforts to harrass, intimidate, double voting by soldiers, doctoring of results, etc. In Kampala, military intelligence operatives are stationed at the electoral commission, different polling centers, police stations (take over Police communication and suppressing elections complaints by the opposition) while dressed in Police uniform and carry out security patrols. Military intelligence vets and gives security clearance to those vying for different levels on NRM ticket. It also compiles profiles opposition candidate with view of assessing their ideological commitment. It also identifies serving army officers whose political clarity (loyalty to Museveni is not clear) and devised means of monitoring and isolating them.

Therefore when exiled Gen Tinyefuza asserts that Museveni ran a parallel Electoral Commission at Basiima House, he is very correct.

Back off from this "false prophet Mbabazi," Gen Kale Kayihura warns youths.

In a recorded conversation between Gen Kale Kayihura and some NRM youths hailing from Buganda, the National Chief Police Officer is heard cautioning them against working for Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi.

In the leaked clip, Kayihura warns the youths that the under-fire Prime Minister would drop them like hot potatoes after achieving his political objectives.

In the conversation which The Observer has listened to, Kayihura draws a comparison between Mbabazi and the biblical false prophets that Jesus warned his followers about.

He said: “Before Jesus comes back, we are told, there will be false prophets. I have never deviated from [President] Museveni’s line. I use the police budget to do my work. I have never used my position for my personal benefit like some people.

We [Mbabazi and I] all draw our power from the president but I use my power to build the Police Force. I want you to ask him as secretary general what he has done to build a strong foundation. So, did the president refuse him to build a foundation for the party?”

Kayihura tells the youths that if chaos broke out as a result of divisions within NRM, Mbabazi and his family “would flee the country”, leaving them alone to suffer.

Sources familiar with the recording have told us that the meeting took place in Gomba district last month.

Around the same time, the police started arresting pro-Mbabazi youths who were collecting signatures intended to force a delegates’ conference that would quash the Kyankwanzi resolution. The resolution adopted overwhelmingly by NRM MPs at their last retreat in Kyankwanzi endorsed President Museveni as the party’s sole candidate.

The latest audio recording could be part of the 87 tapes, which Kayihura claims were stolen from the police recently. A police spokesman, Patrick Onyango, said the tapes contain interviews between Kayihura and several witnesses familiar with an alleged plot to assassinate the police chief.

At the weekend, a senior police detective in the CIID’s department of political crimes was detained on suspicion of leaking the tapes to Jacqueline, the wife of Mbabazi. Jacqueline had promised in an earlier interview with Daily Monitor that she would release to the public a recording of Kayihura coaching youths to frame her family.

Pro-Museveni

In this particular recording that spans one hour, 47 minutes and 17 seconds, Gen Kayihura, speaking in a blend of Luganda and English, sounds more of an NRM and pro-Museveni activist than the impartial Inspector General of Police he is supposed to be.

He sounds deeply concerned that Mbabazi’s political activities might destroy NRM, and possibly endanger the country.

“Don’t you see what is happening there in South Sudan? There is war. Don’t be deceived by Mbabazi. No one in Uganda is going to help you like President Museveni, and I am not saying this because he appointed me to this position. It is important for you to have focus because if you don’t, people will use you as mercenaries,” Kayihura told the youths.

Drawing from his personal bush war experience, he pleaded with the youths to stick with Museveni much as they are not benefitting financially from mobilising for NRM.

“For me to join the bush war it took me sometime. I was abroad doing a master’s degree but I decided that I will have to join the struggle. I joined in 1983 and it was not easy. Others fell by the wayside. I did not join because I wanted to benefit. I do not own even a kiosk, you can investigate.

I come from Kisoro but there are some youths of your age who own two houses there. For me I do not even own a house there. If I wanted to get rich, I would not have joined the struggle. After my master’s I got a teaching job in Ibadan University in Nigeria but I turned it down. I have not lost focus. Some people may think I am stupid for not building a house. How many people have fled Uganda and left their property around? [Gen David] Sejusa had a lot of property, where is he?”

Going by what some of the youths said in the recording, it appears they were previously active in the opposition-led walk-to-work protests of 2011 only to be swayed to the NRM side with promises of money and a good life.

One of them, from Gomba, told Kayihura that he was forced to do some mobilisation work for Mbabazi in his village because he did not have food at home.

Vulnerable

“This thing of [Mbabazi mobilizing] is true. People have been trying to lure us but we are vulnerable because we have no money. The other day someone approached me with Shs 200,000 and wanted me to do some mobilisation. How would you expect me to turn it down when I have no food at home?” the youth said.

Another youth from Buikwe told Kayihura that he had discovered that the only way to benefit from this government was by being an avid critic.

“There are people from DP in our area who were taken to meet the president and they came back to mock us after they had been given money,” he said. “They told us, ‘now you people fight for NRM and get nothing and us who fight it benefit’.”

Unlike in the previously-published recording in which Kayihura did most of the listening, in the latest tape he does most of the talking. He is heard saying that by using party structures to push his personal agenda, Mbabazi was breaking all the rules in the book. He told the youths that the police had evidence that Mbabazi’s mobilisers were using money to bribe delegates to sign the petition against the Kyankwanzi resolution.

He said: “They are abusing Museveni in their campaign. What they are doing is wrong because if the president uses the law, they will be finished. Why is he using fraud, money to deceive supporters? Why doesn’t he use that money to do for you projects?”

In the short run, Kayihura promised to get the youths some money to start a poultry project but in the long run, he promised to talk to the President or the permanent secretary in the ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development, to consider empowering them through the Youth Livelihood Programme.

Through projects such as poultry, Kayihura bragged that he had managed to lure to NRM some youths in Masaka who had been previously enthusiastic supporters of opposition politician Matthias Mpuuga, the Masaka Municipality MP.

Some of the youths told Kayihura that they wanted him to organise a meeting between them and the president but the police chief told them this would not be easy.

“Let me tell you, to get the president is not easy. I call the switchboard, they tell me to call again in the evening. Sometimes it takes a week to get him. You have to know that the president is not only for Uganda but he is needed in the region,” he said.

Money from China

The police chief added that Mbabazi’s promises are hot air just like Dr Kizza Besigye’s who allegedly promised to give youths houses in Kololo. Kayihura alleged that Mbabazi had got money from China after telling the Chinese that he is the anointed heir of President Museveni.

Fred Enanga, the new police spokesman, told The Observer yesterday that while he had not listened to the latest recording and therefore cannot comment about it, the arrest of the pro-Mbabazi youths had not been a partisan act.

“The constitution implores the Police Force to be nationalistic and patriotic while discharging our duties. So, if we arrest people on the basis that they have committed a crime, we are not being partisan,” Enanga explained.

He also refuted reports that the police were planning to arrest Jacqueline Mbabazi, saying this was untrue, although he added a disclaimer that unless information of a criminal nature implicating her in the loss of the tapes emerges.

editor@observer.ug (copy)

Why fundamental reforms are key to credible elections

Guest Writers

SUNDAY, 29 JUNE 2014  WRITTEN BY KIZZA BESIGYE

No amount of tinkering with the law by the NRM regime can engender free, fair and credible elections in Uganda.

It will take fundamental political reforms that re-structure the state; thereby, making it possible to have independent state institutions and systems that can manage political processes credibly.

Below are some of the cardinal obstacles to having credible elections in Uganda today that cannot be solved by a mere legislative process:

1) The NRM is not a political party; it’s part and parcel of the state

The institutions of state that are supposed to protect, regulate, administer and mediate political and electoral processes (and, of necessity, be independent) are either fused with NRM or their independence is highly compromised.

These were the institutions that were either a part of NRM in 1986, when it assumed state power, or were created, built or re-structured under the 20-year NRM single party rule. It should be remembered that the Constitution court conclusively ruled in 2004 that what was presented, as a “Movement Political System” was indistinguishable from a political party. The following will serve to illustrate the point:

Military and security organisations are fused with NRM

NRM was, and essentially still is, an armed political organization. The military was the source of power for the NRM regime. The military (NRA), which captured power in 1986 on behalf of NRM (Legal Notice No.1 of 1986), was led and managed by Mr Museveni, also the leader of NRM. That situation persists up to today.

Mr Museveni has been the Chairman of the High Command (CHC) of NRA/UPDF from the time NRA was formally a wing of NRM (1981) up to today. Managers of NRA/UPDF have been exclusively appointed promoted and deployed by Mr Museveni, the leader of NRM from 1981 up to now.

As Chairman of High Command since inception of NRA/UPDF, he has been and continues to direct all its operations; both at the strategic (policy) and tactical (operational) levels. The military has been used in all general elections to intimidate, harass, kill members of the political opposition, and rig elections- evidence of all these has been adduced and confirmed in courts of law.

In 2001, Hajj Aziz Kasujja, then serving as chairman of the Electoral Commission wrote to Mr Museveni, as President and Commander in Chief, informing him that the military had disintegrated the electoral process and pleading for his intervention.

Senior Military Commanders are on record making public pronouncements that they will not allow opponents of Mr Museveni to take power and there were no disciplinary proceedings against them.

Mr Museveni’s son, who was illegally recruited into the Military, has been irregularly promoted and now heads one of the three “Commands” of Uganda’s Military, (UPDF). Training, appointments, promotions and deployments within the Military are generally undertaken capriciously and often in a discriminatory manner.

Gen Sejusa has, recently, further exposed and confirmed the commanding role the military and Security organisations in elections. He confirmed the widely known fact that there are always two Commissions managing elections. The prime one, which is managed by Military and Intelligence operatives, feeds into the formal (nominal) Electoral Commission.

Whenever there have been controversial issues in Parliament, the Military is menacingly deployed around the Parliament buildings. The Military has also been used to attack the Courts of Law (eg. two attacks by “Black Mambas”), when Mr Museveni didn’t like what the Courts were doing.

Mr Museveni, the Defence Minister (Dr Crispus Kiyonga) and the Chief Of Defence Forces (CDF) were all on record threatening a Military takeover if “confusion” in Parliament continued. Gen David Sejusa has made corroborating revelations of “palace coup” plans. The ten Military “representatives” in Parliament rarely attend sessions except when they’re trooped in to support a controversial NRM position. Any dissent, even by abstention as Col Fred Bogere did, is treated as subversion.

The Military is now liberally deployed to control other State institutions, like the Police force, which is headed by serving Military officers that have never had any training or experience in policing. Military officers have just been deployed in many districts, under command of Gen Salim Saleh, to head “development initiatives” by Mr Museveni.

Gen Aronda, a UPDF serving officer, has been “transferred” from being the Chief of Defence Forces (CDF) to an NRM minister in charge of Internal Affairs. Mr Museveni pointed out that he was appointed to take charge of the National Security Information System project, which is responsible for the National IDs. Gen Aronda has already appointed Col. Stephen Kwiringira, deputised by Major Kweri Twino, to manage the project. This is the identification system that will be used in subsequent elections.

The above offers the background to the Museveni succession being primarily played out in the UPDF rather than the “NRM”. It’s the very reason why Mr Muhoozi Kainerugaba was illegally recruited into the UPDF, hurried through military courses in elite academies and irregularly zoomed through the ranks to the top echelon of UPDF. Those thinking that there’s a succession queue in NRM and that “party” organs will decide the leadership questions are certainly mistaken.

Internal and External Security Organisations (ISO and ESO) were developed as appendages of the Military and the NRM. Its officers were seconded from the Military or NRM political establishment. Sub-county/ Gombolola Internal Security Officers (GISO) act as part of the NRM structure in the sub-county.

Apart from the formal State Security institutions, there are informal NRM militia/ paramilitary outfits, including the Local Defence Units (LDUs) set up during the NRM/ Movement Political System regime; Kalangala Action Plan of Kakooza Mutale; thousands of guns distributed to pastoralists that took over and occupied ranches in the “cattle corridor”; and several militant NRM youth groups.

State Administrative structures fused with NRM

The Office of Resident District Commissioner (RDC) was established by NRM (1985) before coming into government; then, called Special District Administrator (SDA). The office of NRM Chairman and that of NRM National Political Commissar were responsible for the SDAs. They were charged with, among others, setting up Resistance Councils (RCs), which were the NRM structures in the districts.

The 1995 Constitution attempted to transform this office into a State (non-partisan) entity by providing (Art 203) that: “There shall be for each District a RDC who shall be a senior civil servant appointed by the president”. This was a provision arrived at after intense contention. This was completely ignored and subsequently the article amended.

RDCs are supposed to be public officers, but they openly function as NRM officials. They openly conduct NRM recruitment activities and lead NRM converts to State House or Rwakitura to be given NRM t-shirts and other inducements.

The RDC is supposed to “coordinate administration of government services in the district” and he heads the Security Committee.

Under the coordination of government services, the RDC ensures that services are offered to procure political patronage. Loyalty to “NRM” must be declared convincingly in order to qualify for government services likes Naads. While Mr Museveni was promising “new converts to NRM” money recently, he asked the “old NRM members” not to feel left out, because they had been enjoying Naads and other programmes!

The head of civil service in a government department is no longer a “Permanent” Secretary (PS) but a “temporally” one hired on short-term contracts. The PS will only hold onto his job by servicing the (illegitimate and mostly illegal) demands of the decadent NRM leaders. Unfortunately, they take the biggest responsibility for the stealing and abuse of office occasioned by their bosses.

The NRM grassroots structures under the “Movement System” were Local Council Ones (LC1). These were vested with state functions like administration of justice, identifying residents (ID system), recommending Ugandans for passports and other government services etc. Since the advent of a “Multiparty System”, no election for LC1s has ever taken place.

The State grassroots structure nationally is the NRM structure! They expired in law but have been sustained administratively by the NRM regime. During the last general elections, they were paid an “honorarium” and have been given bicycles recently to facilitate their work.

NRM ideological orientation programs under state institutions

The NRM political “school” was set up for NRM cadre development and Ideological orientation under the NRM Secretariat. After adoption of a “multiparty system”, the Political School was nominally transformed into the “National Leadership Institute (NALI)”. It’s an institute that’s not registered under the National Council for Higher Education (NCHE) and whose curriculum is (may be) only known to and approved by NRM leaders.

All this notwithstanding, hordes of Ugandans have been forced to attend Kyankwanzi “Political School”. All sub-country chiefs in the country are first taken to the school for orientation, from where they “pass-out” and are deployed to their respective sub-counties with full combat fatigues.

Sub-country Community Development Officers are similarly inducted before deployment – as are magistrates and other public servants – fully attired in military fatigues! Attendance of the school was linked to opportunities for getting jobs or promotions. Lately, it has also served as an NRM “Reformatory” School for leaders that are “deviating” from the “correct line”!

Patriotism Clubs

Mr Museveni launched the so-called Patriotism Clubs and Patriotism studies in 2009, as a part of his election campaign strategies. There is no formal government policy and/or law guiding and regulating this programme. A National Secretariat for Patriotism Clubs was set up in the Office of the President, headed by the former head of NRM Political School, Kyankwanzi.

Teachers and students/ pupils have been recruited into these amorphous clubs. A large budget was set aside to buy Army-Green fatigues as the “Patriotism Uniform”.

Mr Museveni directed teachers to train students on 6 points: to concentrate on their studies, to read the Bible or Qur’an, to do sports, to help parents in home chores, to be reliable partners in marriage, and to develop patriotism through patriotism studies. If all these things are necessary, there’s no reason why they don’t form a part of our school curriculum. This is nothing but an “NRM” mobilisation and patronage programme in the President’s Office.

Ministry for mobilisation:

A full cabinet portfolio and budget has been created to have the responsibility for “political mobilisation”. It’s not exactly clear what this portfolio for political mobilisation is supposed to do. However, at the time of appointing the minister, it was made known that he would do what the NRM Secretary General would be doing, since he was now burdened with a lot of other government responsibilities.

Apart from Mobilisation ministry, there are several “Regional” ministers – Karamoja (two ministers), Northern Uganda, Luweero, Bunyoro, Teso and Kampala. Yet every district already has a coordinator of Central Government activities- the RDC. There’s a Third Deputy Prime Minister whose only assignment is to deputise the Leader of Government Business in Parliament.

Without clear government responsibilities that can be evaluated, it’s arguable that these appointments are for undertaking “NRM” party functions. The NRM Parliamentary Caucus, the NRM Central Executive Committee (CEC) and many other NRM meetings take place in State House; facilitated and funded by the state.

2) Vital institutions of State have lost independence and effectiveness

The Parliament of Uganda:

From 1986 until 1996, the actual Speaker of ‘parliament’ (then called the National Resistance Council, NRC) was Mr Museveni, who was also President, Minister of Defence, Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces and Chairman of the NRA High Command. Parliament would sit either as a “Legislature” or as a “Political Organ” of NRM; it was never clear what the difference was!

Therefore, since 1986, the Parliament of Uganda served as an organ of NRM. From 1996 until 2006, all MPs were by law members of NRM! The NRM Secretariat was a government department, fully funded by the State from 1986 until 2006.It was responsible for, among other things, initiating policies for government. From 2006 to date (8th and 9th) Parliament has continued to be treated as an organ of NRM.

Many MPs are beneficiaries of the NRM rigging machinery and their loyalty is to the NRM patriarch, rather than to their constituencies. The NRM Parliamentary caucus seats in State House under the Chairmanship of Mr Museveni, NRM Chairman and President and “decides” what all NRM MPs must follow in Parliament.

When this does not bring the MPs into the “correct line”, then they are bundled off to Kyankwanzi Political School for drills and re-orientation! Those who dared to stand their ground (the “rebel MPs”) have been dismissed from the party and every effort is on to throw them out of Parliament. It’s the above processes that have rendered the Uganda Parliament to be a convenient and ready rubber stamp.

The Electoral Commission (EC)

The body that has the sole responsibility of demarcating constituencies, maintaining a voter’s register, formulating and implementing civic and voter education, organising, conducting, supervising elections, hearing and determining complaints before and during polling, and ascertaining, declaring and publishing election results serves entirely at the pleasure of Mr Museveni (President).

The President has power to sack any or all the members of the EC anytime he chooses. Though the Constitution provides that the EC shall be independent, nothing secures the tenure of the Commissioners (and by extension, all EC staff) to enable them exercise that independence.

Besides, the president, without any due process, directly appoints the EC; save for, the subsequent confirmation by his parliament. The Secretary to the EC is a former NRM MP and activist. The staff of the Commission at the Headquarters and in the Districts is recruited by or with vetting from “Security Organisations”. It’s this background that explains the despicable performance of the EC.

Directorate of Public Prosecutions (DPP)

The DPP is responsible for investigation and prosecution of criminal cases. This is supposed to be an independent constitutional office. Regrettably, it serves as a tool of the Executive to persecute political opponents. Mr Museveni appointed Mr Richard Buteera DPP on the eve on promulgating the 1995 Constitution. This was because he would not have been qualified for the appointment under the new Constitution!

The political persecution against opposition leaders executed by DPP Richard Buteera is phenomenal. He’s notoriously remembered for sanctioning murder charges against the “PRA” suspects that had been granted bail and twice prevented from gaining their freedom by military “Black Mamba” attack on the High Court. There was no complainant or anybody killed in the sanctioned murder charges!

Thanks to the DPP, in 2006, I was nominated as presidential candidate from Uganda’s maximum-security prison. I remained in prison for a half of the campaign period. I had been charged with a rape case manufactured in State House by police and DPP. I was also charged with a trumped-up charge of treason.

Since 2011, the DPP has sanctioned hundreds of trumped-up charges against political opposition supporters. These include treason, assault, theft, inciting violence, illegal assembly etc. Mr Mike Chibita is the first DPP appointed under the 1995 Constitution.

Mr Chibita was Mr Museveni’s Private Secretary for seven years; during which time he also served as Acting Principal Private Secretary (PPS) to the President. He was appointed a Judge of the High Court before the recent appointment as DPP. With the history of the DPP’s office as a tool of Mr Museveni to persecute his opponents, Mike Chibita’s appointment cannot be viewed as strengthening the independence of the institution. The staff of the DPP has, similarly, been appointed on “partisan” basis.

Bank of Uganda (BOU)

Although the Constitution enshrines institutional independence on the BOU, the authority of BOU is vested in a Board of Directors that serves entirely at the pleasure of the President. The President has power to sack any or all members of the Board (including the Governor) any time he wants to. In practice, lack of security of tenure, coupled with the immense benefits that are attached to the offices, makes the BOU an extension of the president’s office.

The Governor of BOU has repeatedly and knowingly violated the Constitution and Laws of Uganda in order to implement directives of Mr Museveni requiring him to pay money out of the Consolidated fund. Mr Museveni has even successfully directed for the depletion of the National Reserves, in contravention of the Constitution and law.

The illegal and unlimited access to the National coffers helped to create the monstrous political patronage system that subverts political accountability. For example, in 2003, BOU bailed out the notorious Businessman Hassan Basajjabalaba with US$ 11.575; under the directives of Mr Museveni and without the authority of Parliament as required by law.

Between 2002- 2006, Mr M7 directed the bail out of a foreign-owned company (Apparel Tri-star (U) Ltd) with a total of Shs 22 billion; this was paid by BOU without parliamentary authority. A public interest case filed in 2007 for the recovery of this money has not been heard up to now!

Political control of BOU has been used to destroy financial institutions associated with political opponents or even those owned by Ugandans outside the patronage network. While huge amounts are illegally paid out by BOU to bail Mr Museveni’s “friends”, the same BOU uncompromisingly closed Banks like the Cooperative Bank and Greenland Bank that required far less support.

Greenland Group of companies employed over 2000 people; however, its bad luck was that people outside the M7/NRM patronage network were controlling it. The trillions of Shillings illegally paid out of the Consolidated fund (National Reserves) were largely responsible for the 30 per cent inflation in the immediate post-2011 period.

Uganda Revenue Authority

The Board of URA, just like that of BOU, has no security of tenure. It serves at the pleasure of the minister (of Finance), who also serves at the pleasure of the President. Most of the staff of URA are recommended by State House or other political (or security) power centres. URA is notoriously remembered for facilitating massive evasion of taxes by the NRM “Company” named DANZE.

Danze was set up by NRM leaders to make money for their political work ahead of the 1996 elections. Interestingly, this was during the period of the “Movement Political System”, when political parties/ organisations were barred from raising money. Like BOU, URA has been used to harass and cripple flourishing businesses owned by Ugandans outside the patronage network.

Courts of Judicature

The Courts have been progressively staffed with openly “NRM” activist cadres. These include NRM leaders who “lost” elections, former cabinet ministers and former NRM Secretariat staff.

The “rebel” NRM MPs recently protested the Constitutional Court ruling handed out by Justices Stephen Kavuma, Augustine Nshiimye, Richard Buteera and Faith Mwondha barring them from accessing Parliament on account of having been expelled from the NRM. They presented evidence of two of the Justices (Kavuma and Nshiimye) being among the founding members of NRM and who’re still active members.

The background of Justice Richard Buteera has already been pointed out. Justice Faith Mwondha is freshly promoted to the Appeal Court after her embarrassing debacle as the IGG. Justice Mwondha’s intransigent defiance of all State institutions, save for that of the President, was the hallmark of her controversial tenure as IGG.

During the Faith Mwondha/ IGG crisis, a newspaper opinion piece aptly asked whether she was hopelessly devoted to Mr Museveni! More recently, we have the scandalous re-appointment of Mr Benjamin Odoki as Chief Justice. Apart from the top echelons of the Judiciary, it’s evident that appointments of judicial officers have been highly tainted with “partisan/ patronage” considerations.

The two vicious attacks of the Uganda High Court by the Military (Black Mambas); where Officers of Court were badly assaulted and suspects that had been granted bail violently re-arrested, left permanent scars on the institution. The Principle Judge then, Justice Ogoola, appropriately called it the “rape of the Temple of Justice”. Rape causes a permanent injury! It will take a re-constructed Judiciary under a new dispensation to recover its independence.

3) An entrenched Patronage system

A presidential monarchy has been created, where the president is sovereign. All power belongs to the president and he exercises it as he pleases. Mr Museveni has power to donate any amount of public money and/or asserts to any person or group of persons.

Presidential donations have an open-ended budget. Loads of needy people are ferried from different parts of the country to State House or Mr Museveni’s home to receive handouts! The National Budget is always abandoned and the “priorities” of Mr Museveni implemented instead.

Besides the “State House scholarships”, whose beneficiaries are selected by Mr Museveni, State House also sponsors students to universities abroad. Recently, it has been announced that the State House Scholarship fund will be transferred to the Students’ Loan Scheme. If this is eventually done, there can be no doubt that the criteria for benefiting will be the same – political patronage.

The president has unlimited power to employ people in the public service. In order to persuade “independent” candidates out of an election contest in favour of an “NRM” candidate, they are routinely given presidential appointments. There’s no limit to how many Presidential Assistants, Special Presidential Assistants, Senior Presidential Assistants, Presidential Advisors, Senior Presidential Advisors etc. that the president can appoint or any due process for doing so.

4) Systematic and rampant violation of Human Rights and Freedoms; especially, Right of assembly (and demonstration), association, speech and expression

Basic Rights and Freedoms that enable political organisation and influencing of political will are systematically and comprehensively suppressed. Public meetings are routinely and illegally forbidden and violently dispersed. Fundraising drives are proscribed.

An FDC function to launch party cards and to fundraise was stopped by the full force of Police. FDC officials deployed to sell party cards in Kampala were arrested etc.Peaceful demonstrations are routinely forbidden, even those that don’t involve processions or assemblies. Political leaders are and illegally detained in their homes or in police cells under what’s termed preventive arrest.

The police and Security personnel assault political leaders with impunity. The DPP and/or Courts stifle private prosecution of the offending Police and Security personnel. Distribution of publications critical of the government is prohibited and those who attempt are detained without trial.

Examples of this include distribution of the Black Monday publications; FDC Youth arrested on Martyr’s day at Namugongo, while distributing my Martyr’s Day message; and prohibiting the launch of books critical of government. The enactment of the Public Order Management Act created a “legal” framework for the suppression of political rights and freedoms.

5) Control of the Media and Information.

Media houses have been under permanent administrative, “legal” and military/ Police sanctions to deny critical voices from being heard. Expenditure on commercial advertising by government, parastatals and big private corporations has been used to undermine “independent” media and advantage compliant ones. Outright attack and closure of media houses has now become common, resulting in self-censorship for survival.

Most upcountry FM radio stations are owned and controlled by NRM bigwigs or businessmen allied or intimidated by NRM mafia. These radio stations routinely deny access to opposition members. Some have closed down their stations under orders of RDC, when they host an opposition leader.

During the 2011 presidential campaigns, the IPC campaign office paid for airtime to most upcountry FM stations.

However, they denied access to the presidential candidate and even refused to refund the money (cases filed against them in court in 2011 are still pending). The public broadcasters, the UBC, New Vision and all their outlets, openly promote the NRM and undermine the opposition voices. The opposition is hardly allowed to access these outlets; yet, being publicly funded, they are dominant, especially in the up-country areas.

The only time I was hosted on UBC, the host of the program, Mr Gawaya Tegulle, was summarily dismissed! Recently, a manager of Hoima-based Spice Fm, Mr Geoffrey Magezi, who hosted me and Hon Norbert Mao, was sacked by the owner Mr Edgar Agaba. Not surprisingly, the same Mr Agaba is a top contender for the lucrative job of NSSF managing director!

6) Crippling of strong Civil Society Organisations

The NGO registration Act has been used to intimidate NGOs out of strong activism in criticising government policies and actions or demanding respect for human rights. There exists a potent threat of not renewing their registration. Civil Society activists have been, just like the political leaders, subjected to illegal arrests and torture.

7) Absence of the Rule of Law and Constitutionalism

The rule of law is a system in which the following five universal principles are upheld:

1.The government, its officials and agents, as well as individuals and private entities are accountable under the law.

2. The laws are clear, just and publicized. They are applied evenly, and protect fundamental rights, including the security of persons and property.

3. The process by which the laws are enacted, administered and enforced is accessible, fair and efficient.

4. Competent, ethical, and independent judicial officers, who are sufficient in number, with adequate resources and reflecting the communities they serve, deliver Justice in a timely manner.

5. The absence of corruption - forms of corruption vary, but include bribery, extortion, improper influence by public or private interests, and misappropriation of public funds or other resources.

Once the government, its officials and agents are not accountable under the law, it means that laws have no effect. Even if laws and judicial processes are just, they are ignored or violated with impunity.

The attack on the Courts by the Military/ Police forces; the disregard of Court decisions and orders; the threats on Judiciary and Parliament by a military Head of State; unfair and illegal processes of enacting laws; the enactment and enforcement of laws that are clearly in violation of the Constitution; and the systemic and organised crime and corruption all show the absence of the Rule of Law.

Conclusion

Uganda is presently a military dictatorship under a “presidential monarchy”. State institutions have been either fused with the amorphous “NRM” or grossly compromised through lack of institutional independence and political patronage.

Systematic violations of human rights and Freedoms have perpetrated a state of fear and undermined effectiveness of political organisations and civil society. Control of media and information to the public undermines the formation of popular political will.

To crown it all, the absence of the Rule of Law and Constitutionalism means that the Constitution, Laws, and Regulations are worthless, since they don’t have to be observed. Even if changes are made in the Constitution and Laws to make them more just, there won’t be much difference since the regime does not respect the Rule of Law.

The way forward

It’s necessary to have a political and Constitutional dialogue that addresses the above obstacles to democratic transition. It’s proposed to start that process through demanding for a credibly mediated National Convention. We need a national Convention or Consultation to reach a political consensus on managing political processes generally, and elections, in particular.

The Campaign for Free and Fair elections that has been going on is not a campaign for just “legislative processes” through Parliament. The required political reforms cannot be handled by the NRM Parliament. If that was possible, Mr Museveni and those of us who fought a bitter bush war, would have sought legal reforms through “parliament” in 1980.

This is what could have been achieved by the Constituent Assembly, if Mr Museveni had not subverted it, a matter that I wrote an analysis of in 1999. The kind of dialogue we demand will not happen until sufficient pressure has been exerted on the NRM regime. In order to generate such pressure, citizens in all their formations (Political Parties, Civil Society Organisations and Political Activists) need to undertake Mobilisation and Defiance campaigns.

Mobilisation and campaigns are necessary, both at home (domestically) and internationally. Internationally, the mobilisation and campaign will aim at engaging foreign diplomats accredited to Uganda; key centres in “Donor” countries; and multilateral organisations such as EAC, AU, CHOGM, EU and UN.

Domestically, the mobilisation campaign will include legal challenges to unjust laws and abuses of Human Rights and Freedoms; media campaigns; leaflets, pamphlets, and recorded messages; public meetings; and a National Conference organised by the citizens.

Organised groups (Political Parties and Civil Society Organisations) need to strengthen and rally their structures for defiance campaigns. Develop and strengthen coordination and communication among the organisations for concerted action.

Defiance campaigns will include non-violent protest actions, including to stop the discredited EC from continuing to organize another fraudulent election in 2016; prayers and worship; peasant strike; local and national demonstrations etc.

Looming danger:

NRM leaders need to appreciate that persistent use of brutal force to clump down on peaceful expression of dissent is likely to encourage the disastrous cycle of violence that has characterized Uganda’s post-independence period.

Just like, during the struggle against apartheid in South Africa. Time comes when citizens will chose to defend themselves using all means they can muster.

This is an undesirable path but I know that the threshold for responding to violence with violence in our society is low. This was the very basis of the 1981-86 bush-war. I pray that the Almighty God helps all leaders in our country to make the right choices during this critical period.

Opposition MPs get Shs110m each to clear debts-

Mr Wafula Oguttu, the leader of the government opposing democratic parties in the

democratic parliament of Uganda

By Nelson Wesonga & Solomon Arinaitwe

Posted Sunday, August 10 2014

MPs say there are rumours that their colleagues are getting between Shs110 million and Shs150 million each to help them to pay off their debts:

PARLIAMENT- The Leader of the Opposition in Parliament, Mr Wafula Oguttu, has urged the Auditor General’s Office to investigate the source of the money Mr Oguttu says some government functionaries are giving to some Members of Parliament (MPs) across the political spectrum.

This follows claims that 18 opposition MPs and even many more of their National Resistance Movement (NRM) colleagues are getting between Shs110 million and Shs150 million each to supposedly help them to pay off their debts.

“It is known among the Members of Parliament that this money is being given. It has been codenamed Article 110. My information is based on individuals who have told me they have been told to go and pick that money but they have not,” Mr Oguttu told the media at a press conference he called on Friday at Parliament.

“Why are they paying it in cash, not going through the banking system? We call upon the Auditor General to look for the source of this money,” he said.

Ms Justine Lumumba, the Government Chief Whip, however dismissed Mr Wafula’s claims, saying she is not aware of any MPs being given money and that the unsubstantiated claims by Mr Oguttu could put Parliament into disrepute.

She said those spreading such talk could be doing it to spite their colleagues.

Mr Oguttu claimed a senior leader of the NRM – who he did not name – “…came here and told me that if I went to the House and talked about the money…they would humiliate me by asking me to withdraw…”

Opposition Chief Whip Cecilia Ogwal backed Mr Wafula when contacted by this newspaper.

She said: “This is a rumour that is getting true each day that passes. We cannot cross the bridge before we get there. They should be exposed. If they are named, then we will sit and decide what action should be taken on them. This problem started when the NRM was giving out money to market the Kyankwanzi resolution and the EC did not come out to condemn it.”

However, the few Opposition MPs this newspaper sounded out about the LOP’s allegation were cagey and seemed to dismiss the allegation. Only Aruu County MP Odonga Otto came out boldly to say he has no problem with getting the money.

Asked whether it was morally fine for Opposition MPs to pick the money, he said: “Why the Leader of Opposition should be guarded by police when the Commander in Chief is President Museveni.

We are in government but on the Opposition side; that is why we are paid in Parliament. I am not there for politics of them verses us; that is the politics of Omara Atubo, Aggrey Awori and that generation has since collapsed. If you don’t style up, you perish. Picking that money is part of styling up.”

He concluded by saying; “If Opposition has failed to dislodge Museveni, [they] don’t look for flimsy excuses”.

This is not the first time the Opposition is claiming the government has compromised some of legislators.

In 2011, there were claims the government had given some legislators Shs20 million each for their support in Okaying a Shs600 million supplementary budget. The government denied the claim then.

This time the Opposition claims the money is meant to get the MPs support calls for a declaration of a state of emergency so that the 2016 general elections could be postponed.

The rules of procedure of Parliament of Uganda dissuade members from placing themselves under any financial or any obligations outside individuals or organisations that might influence them in the performance of their duties

Reactions

“It is a moral issue because it is a matter of an individual’s conscience. Disciplinary action can only be taken if there is evidence because the person [LoP] who was speaking himself; I doubt whether he tabled evidence. We are speaking from a speculative point [of view],”Paul Mwiru, Jinja Municipality MP

“The challenge is that it is difficult to know where it was withdrawn from and who could have benefitted. They must be named so that they are ashamed. Government wants to create an impression that even Opposition MPs are benefitting from this money. This is a speculative thing,” Aswa County MP Regan Okumu

History of MPs and Money

2005: MPs receive Shs5m as facilitation to consult on the removal of term limits.

January 2011: MPs receive Shs20m ostensibly to monitor the Naads programme but the money stokes controversy as it is distributed in the campaign period for the 2011 elections. Some Opposition MPs return the money, rejecting it as a bribe while others pocket it.

March 2013: MPs pocket Shs5m to facilitate them in consulting on the controversial Marriage and Divorce Bill.

December 2013: Allegations emerge that MPs pocketed cash to manipulate a Committee report on Umeme and the power sector.

media researched by ganda.org

editorial@ug.nationmedia.com

DEMOCRACY IN UGANDA IS NEVER GOING TO COME, AND EVERYBODY SEEMS TO KNOW IT.

False hope has become an obstinate emotion! It is entrenched in our psyche, disabling our rational minds.

A lot has been written about the sacking of the former Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi and the subsequent withdrawal of military guards from his home. Many have characterised this decision as ‘arbitrary, undemocratic and a peep into the dark side of the president.

There is nothing unusual that the president did. Was Mbabazi supposed to hold the job for eternity? And were you surprised that Mbabazi had to go the way he did? If you were, I don’t think Mbabazi is surprised and that may explain why he decided to keep quiet about that particular matter.

In 2007, while news editor of the then The Weekly Observer, I was summoned, at about 8pm, to Postel building, which then housed the Office of the Prime Minister. I met a senior minister and historical member of the National Resistance Movement (NRM).

This gentleman had been misled by the state intelligence hands, that we were preparing a salacious story about President Museveni’s family and, therefore, he wanted to advise me against publishing it. There was no story of that kind.

When I arrived in his office, the minister asked whether I knew the closest person to the president. I shot off a few names but he rejected them. He sarcastically told me that he knew I knew the truth but I was playing monkey with him. Anyway, after letting off a loud laughter, he told me the person.

As we were about to end our conversation, he reminded me that Museveni is a good leader but he is unforgiving and ruthless when one tries to make him uncomfortable about three things: “his power, his army, and his family.” Do you notice the possessive word (his) used here!

“ My grandson, if you want trouble with the president, touch those three things I have just mentioned,” he counselled.

An equally cynical friend recently said that the president wouldn’t care to have a corrupt minister who turns public funds into his pocket change or steal that oil in Bunyoro, provided he does not threaten his seat of power. Another added that even if it was discovered that a member of his family was threatening his power, she/he would face the same wrath! So, those around him know their leader’s dos and don’ts.

And those who have attempted to stretch the boundary have had a fair share of the visionary’s wrath. I am troubled by those who continually preach to us about the need for democracy, especially those from within. Even for the Greeks who are associated with democracy; it didn’t start with all the citizens. The election or democracy was for the free men and not the slaves.

In 2016, we will waste billions of shillings confirming a foregone conclusion, that President Museveni will remain president of this republic. I sincerely think we don’t need presidential and parliamentary elections for this country. And if we need them, then we need to change the way they organised and conducted.

For instance, those who don’t pay tax,  those who don’t have property, those who live below the poverty line, should not be allowed to vote. They have no stake for the moment. Unfortunately, they are the majority and you know how the politicians love the ignorant. These categories participate in an election to take a decision on national leaders who they cannot hold to account.

The valve of their vote is reduced to as little as half a kilo of sugar, a piece of soap. I recently saw a television clip of people in Karamoja rejecting pit latrines and still urging their pregnant women not to share latrines with the in-laws.

They just [ease themselves] anywhere. This is Uganda. And you expect such people to have an idea why leaders should be voted for? What is their interest in democracy? Why should someone who pays millions or billions in taxes have the same vote like that person?

President Museveni was recently given a rousing welcome from USA by some mobilised party faithfuls and other hired guns. What was noticeable at the Entebbe mayor’s gardens, where this function was held, was that while there was a sizeable number of the young, the elderly were also present.

Remarkably, these elderly people, who were visibly older than Museveni, addressed him as Taata. “Taata kulikayo, era ffe tukyakwagala (welcome back father, we still love you),” they said. The ordinary meaning of the word taata is that of a man in relation to his natural children. Since some of those who called Museveni taata were much older than him, it means the word transcended its ordinary meaning.

It appears these elders looked at the president as the source of livelihood and therefore, it means a lot for them for Museveni to remain in power for purely selfish reasons.  The unemployed youths were too falling over themselves to capture the man’s attention. If one asked any of those youths, or even the ministers, to state Uganda’s foreign policy or health policy, no one would competently make an attempt.

That is our Uganda today. And we still want elections! Do we need elections to so that we enter world records that we have regular elections to choose our leaders, or do we participate because we think it is a legitimate way of promoting democracy?

There is no value added  by these elections. Democracy is not coming soon. And the earlier we came to grips with this blunt reality, the better for us all. Let President Museveni , the visionary, be.

 pmkatunzi@observer.ug

The author is the finance director of The Observer Media Ltd.

      Besigye ajjudde ebiwundu akyasobola akalulu ka Uganda? Polof. Bukenya

                anyiikirire endagu(African voodoo) bw’aba waakuwangula.

 

 Bya Ahmed Mukiibi

 

WAKATI wa February ne June w’omwaka guno, ebibiina by'obufuzi byonna mu ggwanga bigenda kulangirira abantu be bigenda okusimbawo okuvuganya ku bwapulezidenti mu kalulu ka 2016.

Okuggyako NRM emanyiddwa nti ejja kusimbawo Pulezidenti  Museveni, aba DP ne UPC bo  Konsitityusoni zaabwe zikirambika bulungi nti Pulezidenti w'ekibiina y'abeera kandidate waakyo mu kulonda kw'obwapulezidenti.

Kino kitegeeza nti Nobert Mao ne Olara Amato Otunnu be bagenda okukwata bendera za DP ne UPC mu kalulu ka 2016.

Naye balina kufuba ksigala  mu bifo byabwe mu ttabamiruka w'ekibiina ebyo asuubirwa gye bujjako.

Ttabamiruka wa FD wa  mu April era mwe banaasalirawo ekibiina gwe kireeta ku bwapulezidenti.

 Pulezidenti wa FDC, Maj. Gen. Gregory Mugisha Muntu alina emikisa nga 60 ku 100 okuwangula tikiti ya  ya FDC wabula ne Dr. Kizza Besigye, waliwo abakyamulinamu essuubi okuwangula obwapulezidenti!

Omuntu omulala mu FDC ayinza okwesimba ku Muntu  mu kamyufu ye mubaka Nathan Nandala Mafabi bwe baavuganya ku bwapulezidenti bwa FDC mu 2013.

Obubiina  obutono obusoba mu 30 obuli mu Uganda,  nga bulijjo  obusinga obungi tebusuubirwa kusimbawo bantu ku bwapulezidenti   ng'oggyeeko  Federal Alliance  ekya  Beti Kamya,  People Development Party (PDP) ekya Abed Bwanika, ne JEEMA ekikulirwa Asuman  Basalirwa.

Waliwo n’abantu abatandise okufuna ekinyegenyege ky’okufuga ku ggwanga lino.

Muno mulimu Loodi Meeya Erias Lukwago,  eyali omumyuka wa Pulezidenti. Polof. Gilbert Bukenya, abadde Katikkiro wa Uganda, Amama Mbabazi, Sipiika wa Palamenti Rebecca Kadaga ne Gen. David Sejjusa.

Kino kitegeeza nti akakonge k'akalulu ka 2016 koolekedde okubaako abantu bano:

Yoweri Museveni, Mugisha Muntu/Dr. Kizza Besigye, Nobert Mao, Olara Otunnu, Erias Lukwago,  Gilbert Bukenya, Amama Mbabazi, David Sejjusa, Nandala Mafabi, Abed Bwanika  n'abalala.

BESIGYE

Ab'oludda oluvuganya abasuubirwa okwesimbawo mu 2016, tekuli  muntu gw'olabamu ssuubi linyeenya  Pulezidenti Museveni ne bw'aba Dr. Besigye!

Akulira oludda oluvuganya mu Palamenti, Wafula Oguttu agamba nti embeera nga bw’eri, ab'oludda oluvaganya bateekwa okukkaanya kati mu muntu omu gwe balina okusimbawo olwo lwe banaawadaawadako mu kalulu ka 2016. Wadde Besigye yaakeesimbawo enfunda ssatu ng'agwa, abantu bangi bakkaanya nti  mu bakulembeze b'oluda oluvuganya abaliwo y’abasinza ettuttumu n'emikisa okukamula Museveni akatuuyo mu 2016. Besigye alina enkizo kubanga amanyiddwa mu buli kanyomero k'eggwanga,  ate alina emikwano okuva mu mawanga ag'ebweru abasobola okumussaamu ensimbi.

Obuzibu  Besigye bw'ayinza okufuna singa addamu okwesimbawo, kwe kumatiza abalonzi  nti  tabamalirira budde ku luno.

LUKWAGO ATUUSE?

Loodi Meeya wa Kampala Erias Lukwago y’omu ku bakulembeze abalina ettuttumu era abamu ku batutuuliddwa okukwata enkasi y’eggwanga nga Museveni avuddeko.

Lukwago wa kibiina kya DP kyokka mu kwesimbawo ku bwa Loodi Meeya yavuganya nga talina kibiina n’awangulira waggulu nnyo.

Ng’ebizibu byafunidde mu KCCA obitaddeko ku bbali, Lukwago akyalina ettuttumu ddala mu Kampala n’ebitundu bya Buganda era kigambibwa nti alina enteekateeka y’okwesimbawo ku bwapulezidenti bwa DP okuliivula Nobert Mao n’oluvannyuma avuganye ne Pulezidenti.

Wabula  abamu balowooza nti Lukwago  yeetaaga okulaga eggwanga nti ettutumu lye mu Kampala ne Buganda  lisala Kiyira n’ensalo za Buganda  zonna. Ekifo ky’obwameeya Lukwago asobola okukyeyambisa  okulamuza obwapulezidenti, bameeya bangi mu Afrika n’ensi yonna bakikoze.

Mao ne Otunnu baakukwata ensawo ya Museveni

POLOF. BUKENYA  KAZANYIGIRIZI?

Okuva lwe yaggyibwa mu kifo ky'omumyuka wa Pulezidenti mu June wa 2011, Polof. Bukenya  yeesunguusula n'atandika okwogerera NRM ne Pulezidenti Museveni amafuukuule era kati awera kwesimbawo ku bwapulezidenti mu 2016.

Ennaku zino, Polof, Bukenya ateetera n'ab’akakiiko ka SDP,  era yatandise okulambula ebifo eby’enjawulo mu Kampala ng'agezaako okwepimaapimamu   era ndowooza yategedde nti akyalina omulimu munene ddala  okumatiza ab'oludda oluvuganya okumussaamu obwesige.

Ekisooka,  Bukenya  akyali wa NRM, ye ssentebe wa disitulikiti y'e Wakiso  ne kkaadi ya NRM  agirina lwakuba baamunyiiza  abamu kye bagamba nti singa  ebyamunyiiza mu NRM bikolwako, ajja kuddayo 'eka'.

Singa yali akitegeeza okwesimbawo mu 2016, yandibadde yalekulira ebifo byonna by'alina mu NRM,  n'atandikawo ekibiina kye  oba ye yeegatta ku bibiina ebiriwo  nga DP oba SDP.

Awo Bukenya yandisobodde  okwepipama obulungi amaanyi ge kubanga asobola okuddamu ne yeesimbawo mu Busiro  North n'alaga NRM nti akyali w'amaanyi, ne kimuyamba okulaga ab'oludda oluvuganya nti ye muntu omutuufu.

AMAMA MBABAZI

Mbabazi  n'okutuuka olwaleero akyagaanyi okuvaamu omwasi  ku nsonga yonna okuggyako mpozzi okwogerera ku bantu abalala ng'omuzimu  ate nga nabo bye boogera tebikwatagana. Abamu bagamba nti Mbabazi alina ttabamiruka wa NRM avuganya Pulezidenti Museveni ate abalala nti ajja kwesimbawo ku bwapulezidenti  k'etonnye ka gwake!

Mbabazi okusirika tekiyambye bawagizi be  era abamu batandise n'okuddayo ewa Pulezidenti nga kino kyeyolekedde mu kibinja ky'abavubuka be abeeyita;Poor Youth Forum abakulirwa Adam Luzindana ne Omodo Omodo okusinkana Pulezidenti Museveni ne bamukakasa nti bagenda kumuwagira mu 2016.

MAO NE OTUNNU

Ebyava mu kalulu  ka 2011 biraga nti Norbert Mao yafuna obululu 147,917 mu Uganda yonna  ate munywanyi we  Olara Otunnu owa  UPC  ye yasobola okufunayo obululu 125,059. Bombi Lukwago yabasinza obululu kubanga yafuna 229,325 mu kampala yekka. Bano mperekeze mu 2016!

NANDALA MAFABI

Omubaka Nandala Mafabi abadde n’ettutumu w’abeeredde ssentebe w’akakiiko akalondoola ensaasaanya y’ensimbi y’omuwi w’omusolo. Wabula Maj. Gen. Muntu yamusikamu akatima.

 

There is a reason why in Uganda, presidential aspirants, are only coming from Ankole and Kigezi in the Western Provinces:

By Charles Onyango-Obbo 

Posted  Wednesday, October 7   2015 at  01:00

There is something unusual about the forthcoming election.

For the first time in a long while, in terms of what at this stage one might call the “main contenders” come from what, really, is a small corner of western Uganda.
Basically the Ankole-Kigezi belt, and all of Bunyoro, Tooro, and Rwenzori swathes are, like the south, east, north, and West Nile almost onlookers.

Those who like to look at things in ethnic terms would say the election is shaping up to be a sectarian western Uganda race. It is not, the contest is even smaller. If this race were happening in the 1800s, it would be a race between clans.

Also, by the look of things, for the first time since 2001, there is no strong female voice on the frontlines of the campaign, nor indeed a woman, in the race that is unfolding.
What the hell is going on?

The possible absence of women jostling with the men for power might be an indictment of Uganda’s politics, a result of the belief that the kind of change they seek can no longer be delivered in the current environment.

They have a point. When you have a female Member of Parliament kneeling before the President to read a petition declaring him sole NRM candidate, you know the game is over.

And for good measure, I saw photographs where some political supplicants were kneeling for Amama Mbabazi and his dear wife Jacqueline.

But that this could be an Ankole-Kigezi scrap tells an even more intriguing story. It suggests that Uganda’s regional and tribal politics, might have had the opposite effect – it could have partly detribalised our politics.

Also the NRM’s authoritarian politics and early one-party politics, has turned it into the kind of parties – the Democratic Party, the Uganda People’s Congress, the Conservative Party (CP) – that it tried so hard to kill. 
To this latter point we shall return in future, for today let’s explain the detribalisation idea.

During the NRM’s one-party/no-party era, parties were allowed to operate newspapers, have offices, but not conduct any other activity, including running against NRM.

Unable to organise freely nationally, they were confined to the petty politics of the headquarters, and the disgruntled elite around Kampala.
Ugandan politics became an affair between people who knew each, and were even family friends.

The scuffles in UPC involving Cecilia Ogwal and people like James Rwanyarare was a battle between the rump of the UPC politburo that Milton Obote left behind when he fled in 1985 after the coup. These fellows were friends.

Even today, the feud we see in UPC involving Olara Otunnu and Jimmy Akena is nothing but a quarrel in the family compound.
These are all Obote’s biological and political children.

In DP, Ssebaana Kizito, Nasser Sebaggala, Erias Lukwago and other party stalwarts is a tussle not just of men from the same Buganda region, but also chaps who have eaten together for a long time. In that sense, DP boss Norbert Mao is a partial outsider.

Now because NRM had used the police, army and law to make it impossible for other parties to organise nationally, it never developed organic (emphasis on organic) party structures to compete against them either. It was happy, as it is today, to use muscle.

But that also meant that the regional fights that you read in history, that happened in “UPC Buganda” and were then introduced inside the UPC as part of the many factional fights, didn’t happen inside NRM.

If people couldn’t organise freely in Acholi, they couldn’t bring the contradiction of Acholi politics inside NRM.
The only “native contradictions” were from the area where NRM had an old social base, because that is where it was most organised during the bush war. And that was in Buganda and the west.
There was an emotional transference in Buganda, following the restoration of the kingdoms, and loyalties were shifted to Kabaka Ronnie Mutebi and allegiances formed around Mengo. 
That left only western Uganda, as the region that was free to cultivate its local politics, and export that to the NRM.
In the tug of wars inside UPC, DP, and NRM, Ugandan politics has been defined in ways that you rarely see in other parts of Africa.

The bitterest wars are not between regions and ethnic groups, but within them, for power.
Having three people from a small part of the west leading the fight for the presidency is not yet a full-blown sign that Ugandans are nationalistic. Rather, that that is something that is familiar.

Good old-fashioned “tribalism” is still a big issue in Uganda, but increasingly we approach it in a wonderfully schizophrenic way – we seem to see it is a distribution problem, not a political one.
And now, I will turn my computer off, and go to sleep.

Mr Onyango-Obbo is editor of Mail & Guardian AFRICA

Twitter:@cobbo3

 

Injured journalist: police charge Lukwago with assault

Written by URN

Last Updated: 17 November 2015

 

Police have preferred charges of assault and malicious damage against Erias Lukwago, the embattled City Lord Mayor and Makindye Division Councilor Allan Ssewanyana.

Police spokesperson Fred Enanga says the duo is being held accountable for the attack Delta TV cameraman Isaac Kugonza.

Kugonza was injured on Monday during a confrontation between Police and Lukwago outside his home in Wakaliga on his way to the Electoral Commission headquarters for Kampala mayor nominations.

It is not clear how Kugonza was injured. Some of the eye witnesses claimed Kugonza was shot on the head, but Police insists he was hit by a stone. Both Lukwago and Ssewanyana were picked up and held at Nagalama Police station before they were released.

"Lukwago and Ssewanyana were arrested as the prime suspects in the assault of Kugonza and Molly Nyamwiza who sustained a fracture on her knee," said Enanga.

“The confrontation could have been avoided if only Lukwago had adhered to the communication from the Electoral commission postponing the nominations of the Kampala lord mayor,” he added.

Prossy Kisitu, the Delta TV Editor News Editor says Kugonza sustained a crack on his skull which has affected his eyes and jaw.
 
"A scan was done last night and it showed that his skull had cracked. He is in severe pain," Kisitu said.

Livingston Ssewanyana, the Executive Director the Foundation for Human Rights Initiative has asked police to stop using excessive force to curtail people's freedom of assembly and demonstration.

"We are concerned on the continued wanton use of force, tear gas, rubber bullets and live bullets against Kampala's Lord Mayor Lukwago and his supporters. These practices are demeaning, degrading and run counter to the principles of good policing," Dr. Ssewanyana said.