Banabyabufuzi Aba People Power bagobaganye ne Poliisi wano e Buganda, e Kawempe:

By Musasi wa Bukedde, Reginah Nalwanga

 

Added 10th October 2019

 

Kawempe2 703x422

Meeya Sserunjogi (mu ttaayi emmyufu) ne banne nga bagumbye ku kitebe kya Poliisi e Kawempe.

 

WABADDEWO embeera ey’obunkenke  e Kawempe poliisi ng'eyambibwako aba LDU bwe baabadde  bagumbulula abawagizi b’ekisinde kya People Power.

 

Aba People Power nga bkulembeddwaamu meeya w’e Kawempe, Emmanuel Sserunjogi baakedde ku poliisi nga baagala eyimbule bannaabwe omukaaga abakwaatiddwa ku Lwokubiri lwa wiiki eno.

 

Abaakwaatibwa baggyibwa ku ofiisi y’ekitebe kya munisipaali y’e Kawempe bwe baali bagenze okusisinkana Sserunjogi mu kisenge omuteesezebwa.

Embeera eno eviiriddeko entambula y’emirimu okusannyalala ku luguudo lwa Bombo Road.

 kitebe kya oliisi e awempe awagambibwa okuba nga gye baasibidde aba eople ower Ekitebe kya Poliisi e Kawempe awagambibwa okuba nga gye baasibidde aba People Power.
Nb
Kakano mumbeera eno abebibiina byobufuzi nabo bonna abagala okwesimbawo kubantu ba Uganda babalonde mubukulembeze obutaliimu kyekubira, banasobola batya okwetaba mukalulu akalimu obwenkanya, Parliamenti ya Uganda ketegeka mumateeka, mumwaka 2021?
 
Kyakusalirwa nyo nyini nti wano mu nsi ya Uganda amateeka tegakyafuga kubanga, eriyo abantu abaganibwa okupakasa. Bwebakeera enkya okugenda okukola emirimu nga Police ekutte emundu ne tear gas ebalabula obutagenda kugezaako kubayitako okugenda okukola. Era bwebayita ku Police eno bagende okupakasa nga ebakwata, era ngabasibwa mu makommera nebalabulwa, era nokutisibwa obutadayo kugezaako kugenda kukola emirimu gyabwe. Ate bwebatwalibwa mu kkooti nebasangibwa nga tebalina musango gwonna, bwebafuluma nga bakwatibwa nate nga bazzibwayo mu makommera.
 
Embeera eno abakiise ba Parliamenti ya Uganda gyebagaliza ensi eno. Bakuba akalulu nebakwata ku Ssemateeka wa Uganda nga bo bwebagala oba nga bo bwebasasulibwa ensimbi zomuwi womusolo. Aba People Power balina obuzibu bunene okumatiza abantu ba Uganda nti Parliamenti kyeyasalawo abantu ba Uganda bonna awamu bebandibade bakisalawo mu Referendum. Kakati ekyaggwa okukolebwa ate kisoboka kitya okuddibwamu? Amata bwegayiika nyini go okola ki?
 
 
 
 
 

 

Governmenti ya Uganda egenda kussaawo akakiiko akapya okukyusa Konsityusoni ya Uganda:

By Muwanga Kakooza

 

Added 29th January 2019

 

GAVUMENTI ekakasizza Palamenti nti egenda kussaawo akakiiko akakuŋŋaanya ebirowoozo by’okukyusa mu Konsityusoni mu bbanga eritasussa myezi mukaaga ng’eggwanga lyetegekera okulonda kwa 2021.

 

Ugandaconstitution1 703x422

Ekitabo kya Ssematteeka wa Uganda nga bwafanana mu Parliamenti ya Uganda

 

Minisita w’ensonga za Konsityusoni Gen. Kahinda Otafiire yagambye nti ebbula ly’ensimbi lye lirwisizzaawo gavumenti okussaawo akakiiko kano kyokka kisuubirwa nti mu bbanga eritasussa myezi mukaaga ensimbi zijja kuba zifuniddwa.

Kino kiddiridde sipiika Rebecca Kadaga okussa gavumenti ku nninga ng’ayagala ereete enkyukakyuka mu mateeka g’ebyokulonda ng’eggwanga lyetegekera okulonda kwa 2021.

Akakiiko akakuŋŋaanya ebirowoozo mu kukyusa mu Konsityusoni ya 1995 kaasooka kussibwawo ku ntandikwa ya myaka gy’e 2001 nga kaali kakulirwa Polof. Fredrick Ssempeebwa.

 

Kano ke kavaamu eby’okuggyawo ekkomo ku bisanja Pulezidenti bye yalina okufugira (emyaka kkumi) mu 2006.

Kyokka omubaka Raphael Magezi naye yaleeta enkyukakyuka ezize ng’omuntu mu Konsiotyusoni ez’okuggyawo ekkomo ly’emyaka 75 ayagala obwa Pulezidenti gye yali talina kusukka kyokka kyawakanyizzibwa nnyo mu nkola eyamanyibwa nga ‘’Togikwatako’.  Kyayisibwa palamenti kyokka ensonga zikyali mu kkooti eneesalawo eky’enkomerero.

Enfuga ya Federo nayo Buganda erudde ng’egiraga nga bw’egyetaaga nga buli lwe wabaawo omukisa ejjukiza gavumenti nti egyetaaga. Yasookera mu kakiiko k’eyali Ssabalamuzi Benjamin Odoki ngeri wamu n’ebitundu bya Uganda ebirala ne biraga nti byetaaga Federo kyokka abakola Ssematteeka wa 1995 tebaagisaamu. Enkola yayongera okusabwa mu kakiiko ka Ssempeebwa kyokka era palamenti ebirwoozo teyabiwuliriza.

Wabula mu palamenti eyakubiriziddwa Rebecca Kadaga, Otafiire yagambye nti ebintu bingi ebyetaaga okukyusaamu mu Konsityusoni n’amateeka g’ebyokulonda nkua okuba mu 1995 waliwo ebikyuse.

Ebimu ku byetaaga okussibwa mu Konsityusoni kuliko;ebyenkozesa ya tekinologiya mu by’okulonda ne kampeyini,enkozesa y’emikutu gya gavumenti egy’amawulire mu kampeyini z’ebyokulonda, okugaba ebintu mu biseera by’okulonda,eby’abakungu ba gavumenti okwenyigira mu kampeyini,n’obuvunaanyizibwa bwa Ssabawabuzi wa gavumenti ku by’amateeka bwe wabaawo awaabye nga yemulugunya ku bivudde mu kulonda.

Amateeka amalala ageetaaga okukyusibwa agakwata ku by’okulonda kuliko;Etteeka ly’okulonda pulezidenti erya ‘Presidential Elections Act,2005,’  erya gavumenti z’ebitundu erya ‘ Local Government Ammendment Act,ery’akakiiko k’ebyokulonda,ery’ababaka ba palamenti, ery’abavubuka.

Nb

 

Kabatuule Rwakitura, oba Entebbe, oba okusiba enguudo ze Nakasero, lujja kukya lumu nga tubafuma bufumi. Kw'obwo obunaku, abali aboolo bagujubanye naye tebakutta. Omulugube, effutwa, effubitizi, ejjoogo, okwepanka, obwannanfuusi, ba kirimululu, zibasanze, balowooza mbu omulembe gwabwe tegulikoma. Muwandiikeko nti Konstityusoni ya Uganda, yabbibwa Abanoonyi b'obubudamu. Embwa ku Ggirikiti.

 

Singa ono omufuzi afuze nga banne emyaka 10 gyokka, kitegeeza nti mumyaka 100 ensi ya Uganda egenda kubeera nebitabo bya Ssematteeka wa Uganda 10 oba 14. Ate nga mubitabo bino mukubikyuusamu obuyingo(ammendment) kigenda kubeera "butabalika". Era kifuuse busubuzi bwa nsimbi bunene nyo ddala muggwanga lino eri ababitegeera.

 

nze ndowooza nti mulekere awo okuteganya abanaku mbu mubanoonyamu birowoozo biteekebwe mu constitution. after all, kati kyaafuuka kitabo like any other book which can be re-modeled and re-shaped in order to meet the needs of those in power....no longer a binding and legal document.....mugitaganjule nga bwemwagala, mugiteekemu n'akawaayiro nti mugenda kufuga okutuusa lwemulikoowa, not die.....naye luliba olwo Mukama n'atujjukira

 

Thechris0770 okabye nokolima. Singa ne bajajja bwebakola nga Omuzungu abakutemu amavumba vumba wano e Buganda okuva 1900 okutuuka 1962 singa tetulina kintu kyonna munsi eno! Nga bwolaba Bukedde bwakubye obulungi ekifananyi kya Ssematteeka wa Uganda kitabo butabo omufuzi kyafugirako abantu Omuzungu kyeyatulekera. Nga bwogambye nti abatufuga bamaliridde okutufuga okutuusa lwebalikoowa, kyebuzibwa nti bwebanagenda abagya bo banagya ne kitabo kyabwe ekirala nabo kyebanafugirako? Kubanga buli agya okufuga abantu ba Uganda, agya ne kitabo kye. Uganda mumyaka 57 nga etekeddwawo yakakola ebitabo ebyo nga 5 oba 7. 

 

 

 

 

In Uganda, the electorol system is not up to international stardards of democracy:

A Member of Parliament can become an MP seven times in seven constituencies without breaking the electrol law:

By Joachim Buwembo 

22 August, 2018

  

Uganda MP

In Uganda one could become an MP seven times in the same Parliament House. ILLUSTRATION | JOHN NYAGAH | NMG 

By JOACHIM BUWEMBO
More by this Author

Uganda scored a first this past week by electing to parliament a man who was already an MP in the same parliament representing another constituency.

Dr Elioda Tumwesigye, who is a Cabinet minister, was sitting MP for Sheema North constituency when another opening arose.

Some six municipalities were recently accorded constituency status and Sheema Municipality, in Sheema North, was one of them.

As sitting MP for Sheema North, the medical man threw his hat into the ring for the municipality as well without giving up his parliamentary seat. He campaigned on the ruling party ticket and won!

Apparently, there was nothing in the law to stop him from standing. Satisfied with his victory, he left it to parliament and the electoral commission to declare one of the two seats vacant, the assumption by most being that it is the old constituency that will be declared vacant.

But suppose the double MP (actually triple because anybody appointed as minister automatically becomes an MP) decided he wanted to keep the old constituency and not the new one? Again the law is silent, what the learned brothers call a lacuna.

But this being Uganda, suppose the Sheema district woman MP’s seat suddenly fell vacant, and the triple MP happened to be a woman, what would stop her from bidding for it as well, and winning? That would give her four seats.

In politically over-represented Uganda, we have seats at district level that are only for women. So the district woman MP represents people who are already represented by their MPs in constituencies that used to correspond to counties.

Now suppose the quadruple MP happened to be youthful and she vied for the youth seat in her region. (We also have such seats, which is how we got 456 MPs, almost the same number as India whose population is 34 times larger than that of Uganda.)

On becoming MP times five, our person learns of a vacant workers’ seat and being a worker, she vies for it and wins. She becomes elected MP five times for the same house plus MP by ministerial appointment.

Four of the six seats would of course be declared vacant but if there is nothing to stop her, she continues and stands for another seat, for the disabled.

How disabled is disabled, according to the law? She could be having a limp, or get a doctor to certify that she has a disability that is invisible to the naked eye. So she could become MP times seven in the same House.

What the Hon Tumwesigye has done is to expose the weakness of the country’s electoral laws. Many especially in the opposition attacked him, calling him greedy, but he must be thanked for this exposure.

He has also exposed the lack of seriousness of those who were tasked to review the electoral regime after the 2016 petition against the president’s election, following the Supreme Court’s directive to the effect.

For example, there are many by-elections that arise out of malpractice by candidates. But surprisingly, the candidates who engage in the criminal acts that lead to vote cancellation are allowed to stand again in the by-election. Common sense wouldn’t allow that but our peculiar electoral system does.

Joachim Buwembo is a social and political commentator based in Kampala.

 

 

 

 

 

In Uganda, Bribery allegations mar Vice President Ssekandi's Presidential age limit consultations in his political constintuency:

1st  November, 2017

Written by URN

Vice president and Bukoto Central MP, Edward Kiwanuka Ssekandi today kickstarted his consultations on the age limit bill in Masaka amidst allegations of bribery and coaching of selected rally attendees. 

Some residents had raised concern over the failure by Ssekandi to hold consultative meetings on the proposed constitutional amendment.

A group of voters in Kabonera, Kyesiga and Kyanamukaka sub-counties asked Mary Babirye Kabanda, the Masaka Woman MP to tell Ssekandi not to bother consulting them. They argued that their position on the bill is clear, they are opposed to scrapping of the presidential age limit, currently capped at 75 years.  

They instead asked Ssekandi and President Yoweri Museveni to retire from active politics since they both fall in the same age bracket.

Ssekandi arrives for the consultative meeting in Kyanamukaka

Nevertheless, Ssekandi went ahead to hold several consultative meetings. According to information obtained by URN, prior to his visit to Kyesiga and Kyanamukaka sub-counties, Ssekandi sent a team led by Mulindwa Birimumaaso, a senior presidential advisor to select and register those who would participate in the consultations.

The advance team met the selected individuals and briefed them on what to say during the consultative meetings.

The attendance list was allegedly used to screen those accessing the venue for the consultative meetings. Those whose names didn't appear on the list were turned away.

Paul Migadde, the former Kyanamukaka sub-county LCIII chairman alleges that those selected to participate in the consultations were told to support the proposed amendment.

Migadde says that when he questioned the criteria used to select participants he was told that only ruling party, NRM leaders in the constituency were invited for the consultations.

He says when he probed further, he was told they didn't want attendees who would embarrass President Museveni and his vice during the consultative meetings.

URN has also learnt that those who attended the consultations received between Shs 5000 and 50,000 depending on their leadership position.

Joseph Kazibwe, one of the NRM leaders who attended the consultations, says they were transported to the meeting venue at Mutima Gardens in Kyanamukaka sub-county. At least 450 people turned up for the consultations.

Kazibwe says each attendee received an allowance after the consultations. Speaking during the consultation meetings, Ssekandi defended the proposed scrapping of article 102 (b) of the constitution, saying there is nothing wrong with deleting the presidential age limit to allow President Museveni to extend his reign.

Ssekandi lashed out at Democratic Party members for fighting the proposed amendment, saying they are misguided.

Nb

After successfully removing the Presidential term limits when he was Speaker of Parliamet, Mr Sekandi is at it this time round as Vice President to remove the age limit.

 

 

 

Mu Uganda, Biibino ebinaagobererwa mu kulonda ba Local Chairman abasooka abakulembera mu byalo byonna ebye nsi ya Uganda.

BY Musasi wa Bukedde

 

Added 30th August 2017

 

AKAKIIKO k’ebyokulonda kagenda kuddamu okuwandiika abalonzi ku byalo okwetegekera okulonda abakulembeze ba LC okusuubirwa okubaawo nga November 21, 2017.

 

Justicebyabakamamugenyi703422703422703422 703x422

Akulira akakiiko k'ebyokulonda mu ggwanga, omulamuzi Simon Byabakama

 

Paul Bukenya, amyuka omwogezi w’akakiiko k'ebyokulonda yategeezezza nti tebagenda kugoberera nkalala nkadde ezizze zikolebwa mu kulonda.

Enjawulo mu kulonda kwa November kwesigamiziddwa ku kyalo omuntu gy'asula.

Abatuuze bonna bagenda kuddamu okuwandiisibwa ku byalo n’oluvannyuma bafulumye olukalala lw'abalonzi olupya. Kyokka omulonzi anaaba ayagadde okusigala ng’alondera ku kyalo gy'atabeera naye ajja kukkirizibwa.

Okulonda kuno kugenda kubeera ku byalo 59,315 mu ggwanga lyonna. Okusinziira ku Bukenya, akakiiko kakyalina ekizibu ky’okusalawo ku byalo ebirina okubeeramu okulonda.

Ekimu ku bikyabatabudde, kwe kubeera nga buli olukya, LC empya zitondebwawo ku byalo, ate nga ssente ze baawa akakiiko zirina ekkomo ku muwendo gwe baabalirira.

Ku lunaku lw’okulonda ssentebe wa LC I, wagenda kusookawo olukiiko lw'ekyalo abatuuze beekenneenye amannya g'abalonzi n’okubalaga abantu abeesimbyewo wadde bajja kuba baabasaba dda obululu.

Ku ssaawa 5:00 zennyini abantu bajja kusimba ennyiriri emabega w’omuntu gwe baagala. Okulonda kwennyini kwakumala eddakiika 30 zokka, nga kye kiseera abantu kye balina okumala mu nnyiriri.

Oluvannyuma ssentebe anaaba alondeddwa agenda kulangirira olukiiko lw'agenda okufuga nalwo.

Olukiiko luno olwa bantu 11, nga ssentebe agenda kweronderako mukaaga ab’okufuga nabo.

Abalala okuli ow'abakyala, abalema, abavubuka n'abalala bo baakwerondera ababakiikirira.

Akakiiko k'ebyokulonda kasabye Gavumenti erangirire olwa November 21, 2017 lubeere lwa kuwummula mu Uganda yonna, kisobozese abantu okujjumbira okulonda.

Bukenya yagambye nti, okulonda tekuliiko buyigirize, oyo aweza emyaka 18 ate nga Munnayuganda alina ne densite y’eggwanga akkirizibwa okwesimbawo.

Akakiiko kaalangiridde nga bwe kagenda okuwandiika abakozi 70,000 bayambeko mu kulondesa okulonda kwa LC kuno.

Omulimu gw'okuwandiika abanaalondesa gwakumala ennaku nnya okuva nga October 11 okutuuka nga October 14, 2017.

Bano mujja kubeeramu abanaalondesa ku byalo, ku miruka, abanaakolera ku magombolola n'abakozi b'akakiiko ab'enkalakkalira.

Bukenya yagambye nti ebyetaagisa okufuna omulimu byakufulumizibwa nga wiiki eno tennaggwaako.

Abanaaba baweereddwa emirimu bajja kutendekebwa nga October 23, 2017.

Abaagala obwassentebe bajja kwewandiisa wakati wa November 15 ne 16, 2017.

Akakiiko kaafuna dda ssente obuwumbi 15 n'obukadde 700 ez'okweyambisa mu kulonda.

Why the President of the Republic of Uganda has no power to anoint a successor:

By Admin

Added 16th March 2017 

 

By Ahmed Kateregga Musaazi

While debating EBYAFFE constitutional amendment in NRC in 1993, the late Jack Maumbe Mukwana said that what happened during 1966 Uganda Crisis was not a revolution but a palace coup. He was right because Obote after abolishing kingdoms and federal states and replacing them with a very centralised imperial presidency as its CEO, he never held elections.

Otherwise, to borrow from the late Prof. Ali Mazrui, Obote, like the late Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, had turned into a Lenist Tsar. He deposed Sir Edward Muteesa only to make himself king under an imperial presidency that was stopped with the promulgation of 1995 Constitution.

In a people’s democratic republic, where there is universal adulthood suffrage and popular participation, it is an insult, to the people, to tell an incumbent President to anoint his successor.

While according to the Bible, Jesus anointed St. Peter as his successor, this is mostly acceptable to Roman Catholics who still regard the Pope as the rightful successor of Peter.  The Greek Orthodox and other Eastern churches have their own popes, one sitting in former Constantinople now Istanbul, the then capital of Byzantium or Eastern Roman Empire, another in Alexander in Egypt, etc… The Protestant churches including Lutherans, Anglicans, Methodists, Pentecostals don’t believe in the Papacy at all.

In Sunni or main stream Orthodox Islam, Prophet Muhammad died without anointing a successor. The Muhajiroon or Immigrants, from Mecca wanted to take over. The Answars or helpers, of Medina said it was their turn. Then there were aristocrats of Mecca, who had embraced Islam upon conquest of Mecca, who regarded themselves as natural leaders.

There were also legitimists who insisted that the Prophet’s successor must be his blood relative and they pointed on Ali, his cousin and later son in law.

By consensus, they all agreed on Abubakr, who was Prophet Muhammad’s comrade right from young days and the first person to embrace Islam after Khadejah, the wife, and Ali, the cousin.

Yet for Shiahs, Abubaker was an usurper after a successful coup, and to them, Ali was the legitimate successor. So in a rightly guided khalifate, Abubaker was elected by consensus, and his successors; Umaru and Uthman were selected in an indirect election or a form of Electoral College and Ali was declared Khalifa after the assassination of his predecessor Uthman.

But even Africa and especially in the Great Lakes Region, in the Kingdom of Buganda, Kabakas don’t anoint successors although they may recommend and it is upon the Lukiiko to elect a Kabaka. Thus Kintu did not anoint one of his sons, Chwa l, as his successor neither Chwa did he anoint his grandson, Kimera, who was imported from Kibulala in Singo then in Bunyoro. Under Buganda Agreement of 1900, the Kabaka was elected by Lukiiko from descendents of Kabaka Mukaabya Walugembe Muteesa l. So in kiganda tradition, there is no Crown Prince, as it is the case in the West.

After declaring a Move to the Left strategy, UPC Annual Delegates Conference held at Lugogo Indoor Stadium in 1969 resolved to ban all opposition parties and UPC became the sole party. In 1970, in a National Executive Council that was held in Mbale, a constitutional amendment was adopted where the President of the ruling party, would automatically become the president of Uganda without passing through a universal adulthood suffrage.

Another change was for transitional purposes, in case a President dies, resigns or is removed, there would be a secret box where a name of a High Court judge recommended by the President, would be in charge, until new elections are held. According to the late Gen. Idi Amin Dada, who doubled as Chief of Defence Forces and Army Chief of Staff, Obote was considering to recommend his cousin, Akena Adoko, Director of General Service Unit, whom he was soon to appoint a High Court judge.

In order to avoid all that, the President of Uganda should remain directly elected by the people of Uganda as it has been the case since 1996, and provision in Odoki Draft, for a running mate as a Vice President, which was rejected by Constituent Assembly, should be restored, so that if the President dies, resigns or is impeached, the Vice President completes the term without going into a bye election.

The Sempebwa Report, which also recommended for restoration of regional governments, and this was entrenched in the constitution in 2005, be operationalized as a quasi-federal, as it is the case in Kenya, South Africa and United Kingdom.

Writer is the administrative secretary of the NRM Buganda Regional Task Force

Some elected leaders insist nayita mu ttannuulu, sivawano, sirina jjengenda.
But then this is a country that has failed to respect the process of Universal Adult Suffrage. Okubba obululu kufuuse nga kwabaana abato abazanya jangu onkwekule. It gets worse when some of the leaders go for a deadly national protracted civil war when they loose elections. The rigging and commercialising of elections in Africa seems to go on as a normal successful election. What of changing the constitution after every change of a leader in the country?
 

Mr S. Mugula

 

Despite having been in the job for many years, General Yoweri Museveni is campaigning with the same gusto as other presidential aspirants.

It is his right to campaign, but when one considers its effect on the economy, Ugandans and the office of the president, Museveni’s  campaign is not worth continuing, and should urgently stop.

So far, from the NRM manifesto, to what Museveni has promised on rallies and through the media, it is clear that most of his promises are the same as those he has made since 1986. In eastern Uganda, again he promised the Tirinyi-Pallisa-Kumi road, Tirinyi-Kamonkoli road and Ngora-Serere road.

These roads were promised to the people here 15 years ago. He has made similar promises in Busoga, Luweero, and everywhere. Apart from the stale promises, Museveni has demonstrated that he has little understanding of the needs of Ugandans. For example, to any serious leader, the Kabale-Kisoro road should have been a priority in the 1980s.

This road is not only a gateway to Rwanda and DRC, it is also used by tourists to the Bwindi Impenetrable Forest national park. Tarmacking of this 70-kilometre stretch was only completed a few years ago, and was a shoddy job that involved cases of financial loss. Secondly, in order to ease connection from Kisoro to Kasese/FortPortal,  there is a need for a bridge at Butogota.

Instead of prioritising the improvement of roads and bridges here, Museveni upgraded the Kisoro airstrip for reasons only known to him. One wonders how many people here use and can afford air transport.  Museveni has been boasting about his achievements in infrastructure, yet little has been done.

For example, statistics show 2,000km of tarmac have been built from 1986 to 2015, yet leaders such as Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia built around 75,000km of tarmac from 1991 to 2012. Moreover, good highways, not the narrow, poorly-surfaced ones built in Uganda!

Surely, facilitation aside, it is an abuse to the people to make them travel long distances just to be given the same old stories/ idioms and promises. The other concern is the effect of Museveni’s campaign on the economy.

From past experience, Museveni is known to conduct lavish and expensive campaigns whose source of funding has never been revealed. This sudden pumping of huge amounts of cash into the economy has always led to biting inflation. Museveni  has already poured a lot – from the ‘sole candidate project’ to date.

We should be worried if Museveni continues pouring more cash into the economy, helped by the NRM parliamentary candidates who allegedly receive funding from the party. By December 2015, the economy was already under immense pressure, due to the strong dollar, increased interest rates and electricity tariffs. More pressure from Museveni/NRM cash will send the economy into a dangerous position.

There is also damage to the office of the president. In an attempt to rebrand, Museveni is making many distortions to the history of this country. For example, he has persistently claimed that NRM has been fighting for Ugandans since the 1960s and that NRM liberated Uganda from Idi Amin. Surely, NRM was born in 2005, UPM/NRA in the 1980s. Who was Museveni with in the 1960s?

Politicians such as Ruhakana Rugunda, Kahinda Otafiire, Sam Kutesa and Museveni himself belonged to either DP or UPC during that time. Amin was defeated by the Tanzanian army and resources. And Uganda paid them back. Others like Kikoosi Maalum, the Tito Okellos and Fronasa helped; but Fronasa was not the only one and was not the strongest.

Museveni’s exaggerated peace and security also lacks truth. The insurgency in northern Uganda lasted 20 of his 30 years in power. That makes it 67 per cent wartime.

This scale of physical and psychological devastation cannot turn into happiness so soon. Moreover, northern Uganda never created war; it is the predatory tactics of Museveni/NRA that led to and sustained the insurgency. Actually, it is out of ignorance and desperation, as personified by Jimmy Akena, that some people from this area pretend to support Museveni.

The success as regards electricity is distorted too. Statistics show that electricity access in Uganda is below 20 per cent. For someone who has ruled for 30 years, that is an indictment, not a source of pride.

Lastly, given that all the money in Uganda belongs to Museveni; the army belongs to him; the oil belongs to him; he hunted his animal; he cannot leave power because of a mere piece of paper; it is very clear Museveni will force or buy his way to the presidency.

Why campaign then?

The author is a Ugandan living in South Africa.

 

To the army and police, the prospect of post-election violence looms large next year and the two agencies are mobilizing billions of shillings and thousands of men and women in readiness for any flare-ups, The Observer has learnt.

According to government officials, incidents of violence in the NRM primaries and Col Kizza Besigye’s ‘defiance’ campaign point to a likelihood of violence after the declaration of results.

The case for planning for a worst-case scenario was made last week by ministers Rose Akol (Internal Affairs), James Baba (state for internal affairs) and General Jeje Odongo (state for defence).

The ministers appeared before parliament’s committee on defence and Internal Affairs on Friday to defend their budgets for the 2016/17 fiscal year. Defending the police’s Shs 527.7bn budget, Akol and Baba told MPs that the force would need an extra Shs 51.1bn to police the aftermath of the 2016 general elections.

NRM supporters taunt Amama Mbabazi’s in Ntungamo recently

The ministers also requested another Shs 37.4bn for training crime preventers. These requests, however, astonished the MPs who demanded justification from the ministers. The ministers’ answers revealed that while government and activists are preaching peace and restraint for the elections, they are preparing for eventualities of violence.

“The experience is that after elections, there is always a spate of violence which normally takes a big chunk of the police budget to contain,” Akol said.

“During that time, every police officer gets out of the barracks and goes to the field to ensure law and order.”

Asked to break down the cash request, Akol said the additional budget of Shs 51.1bn covered “feeding, consumables, fuel, maintenance of vehicles and equipment, training and intelligence gathering.

Minister Baba said the under-fire crime preventers are part of a “new policing strategy.” Their special budget would partly facilitate their training and refreshments during and after elections.

DEFIANCE CAMPAIGN

Speaking to The Observer later, Baba and Odongo painted a clearer picture of the security agencies’ fears for 2016.

“There have been more than 400 rallies by presidential candidates and they have been generally peaceful and smooth apart from Ntungamo where the chaos erupted,” Minister Baba said. “Two, we saw a bit of chaos during the NRM primaries and we just hope that this chaos won’t manifest itself in the main elections.”

“So, as a responsible government, we have to prepare for these contingencies because we don’t want to be caught napping [when the situation worsens],” he added.

Citing Besigye’s ongoing ‘defiance’ campaign, Baba said they were not sure what would happen if Besigye, the FDC presidential candidate, lost to Museveni for a fourth time.

“There is a candidate [Besigye] who is campaigning on defiance saying that he will not abandon defiance even after several warnings.”
“So, we have to prepare for that [defiance] but we continue with our peaceful and well-organized campaigns...having it in our minds that we have a responsibility to protect our country as a government,” he said.

Asked why police was going ahead to recruit crime preventers yet MPs insist there is no “legal framework to guide their operations,” Baba said police alone, with about 46,000 officers by election time, cannot adequately man the 23,000 polling stations across the country. On average every polling station should be manned by two police officers.

“So, when you think of what will happen to police stations and communities [during elections], it explains why we need crime preventers for preventing crime and protecting the population,” the minister said.

MPs led by Muwanga Kivumbi (shadow minister for internal affairs) insisted that “crime preventers” had no legal backing to get involved in elections.

The committee will today meet with the sector ministers, Inspector General of Police Kale Kayihura and the head of police intelligence. The meeting will discuss the possibility of involving the army instead of crime preventers.

DEFENCE 

Odongo, the minister of state for defence, told The Observer in a separate interview that the army could not wait for the situation to spiral out of control like it did in Kenya after the 2007 elections.

“We [the army] are very alert. We have an obligation to protect lives and properties,” he said. “We [army] just can’t accept to be blamed after a bad situation happens here like what happened in Kenya.”

When MPs asked him to shed more light on government’s fears in relation to post-election violence, Odongo said: “...shall we wait until the situation deteriorates?…I will respond to this by indicating to the committee that right now modernity enables us to study the situation and determine actions that we require at whatever time.

“There are two administrative institutions that are operational. One is the joint intelligence committee, which gets all security agencies together to monitor the situation and feeds into the next institution [which is] the joint operation centre which plans…and they have weekly meetings to review and be able to say that we shall respond at point A.”

CRIME PREVENTERS

Interviewed separately for this story on Saturday, Mike Ssebalu, the spokesman for the Museveni election taskforce, said security agencies needed to be alert to threats of violence.

He said there are indicators that some candidates particularly Besigye are “geared” towards inciting “violence.”

“I believe that it [alertness] is perfectly in order because security and stability of Uganda is paramount,” Ssebalu said. “No individual interest should override the stability of the country.”

Ssebalu claimed that Besigye’s ‘defiance’ campaign signaled a possibility of violence after the elections. However, FDC spokesman Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda said there was no justification for heightened security if the ruling NRM did not plan to steal the election.

“They [security agencies] shouldn’t panic if they don’t have plans to rig elections,” Ssemujju said. “If elections are not rigged, there will be no defiance and if they rig elections, they should prepare for defiance and no amount of money would deter violence.”

Ironically, Ladislaus Rwakafuuzi, a human rights lawyer and political analyst, said government agents were the more likely source of violence.

“That is why you see many crime preventers who will cause violence,” Rwakafuuzi said. “This election is a do-or-die matter for the government. So, if they win, violence might not be there, but if they lose it, crime preventers will cause chaos such that the army intervenes.”
walusimbideo@gmail.com

  1.