The government of Uganda has procured armoured police vehicles for the 2016 General Elections from South Africa:
 
 
 
 

For whom are the youths in UGANDA trained in Masindi at,

 8 September, 2014

In January, about 700 Makerere University students were trained as crime preventers at the same school. The criterion used to select these students is not elaborate and is exclusive to those who are either in the patriotic clubs or the youth league of the National Resistance Movement (NRM).

Several student groups have attended these courses at Kabalye. Another one of about 2,400 students from several universities and tertiary institution was passed out last week.

We are told the course content includes ideological orientation, self-defence, martial arts, and security skills, among others. I am not sure of how this programme is supposed to add value onto the lives of students, and Ugandans as a whole! Further, I don’t know whether the police budget should be diverted to this kind of exercise.

What exactly does a crime preventer do? Is he/she a security operative who gathers information on certain offenders and then confront them? Is this a voluntary exercise or it is a paid- for, job? If so, it, therefore, calls for certain regulations, obligations and responsibilities.

Is this an auxiliary group to the security organs? Are these students specifically trained to prevent crimes in universities or in the entire country? Sometimes, armed people commit crimes. So, will the crime preventer be armed in order to counter any armed attack?  It is not clear whether all the national tertiary institutions will be equipped with crime preventers. Once, the dubious Kiboko squad described itself as crime preventers.

So, should Ugandans worry that another dodgy group is being prepared, perhaps for the expected intense political activity in 2016?

What is the relationship between these crime preventers and the police, army, and other security agencies in the country? Many of these questions still remain unanswered.  Inspector General of Police Kale Kayihura says the course is good because it has equipped the young people with ideological direction.

The Oxford Advanced Learners Dictionary defines ideology as a system of ideas and ideals, especially one that forms the basis of economic or political theory and policy. It further defines it as the ideas and manner of thinking characteristic of a group, social class, or individual. So, if the course is supposed to orientate the students in ideology, in whose ideology are they inculcated? Who determines the correct ideology, and anyway, what ideology was being marketed to these students?

Again, there is a trend that one cannot be a complete cadre or patriot without being equipped with military skills. Everything in Uganda is being militarised. Agriculture has to be run by the military. The police have to be steered by a military man. The immigration and national identification process has to be conducted by the military. A military man runs the highest office in the land.

Ruling party MPs have to conduct their annual retreat in a semi-military camp. Early this year, they (MPs) were all clad in attires that resembled military uniforms! Even the beauty contest is a candidate for military takeover! At their pass-out, the youths gleefully displayed their skills of dismantling and assembling guns. Others performed martial art drills.

Some of these youths are, actually, mere opportunists. They are using this training as a pedestal to clutch on better things in future. Many of them have realised that keeping closer to the party means instant wealth. They have seen how those youths who originally backed Amama Mbabazi for president, but later crossed to President Museveni’s camp, have become instant millionaires.

They know that when time comes for recruiting mobilisers for votes in 2016, priority will be given to those who trained at Kabalye.  Instant, and sometimes unexplained, wealth has become the major motivation of joining NRM programmes. I don’t know the exact ideological direction of the NRM. Even if one asked these youths what NRM’s ideology is, the likelihood is that the answer would not be given. And if it is given, the one who asks the question would remain uninformed.

This exercise in Kabalye is as inoperable as the youth representation in Parliament. The lives of the youth in Uganda have not improved as a consequence of being represented in Parliament. I have not seen bills being sponsored by youth MPs, specifically targeting issues that youths grapple with.

The irony is that the very youths who have trained in crime prevention may be the harbingers of crime. There is a temptation to look at crime as mainly a physical thing such as murder, treason, theft and rape. We forget that there is an unemployed youth likely to engage in forgery in order to access someone else’s account in the bank.

And more threatening is the fact that honesty is no longer something taken seriously, as the strength of youths. So, the economic pressures, which Kabalye never addressed, may turn these cadres of crime prevention into victims of the very mischief they intended to cure. It would be stretching the restraint of a hungry hyena to entrust it with the servicing of a loaded butchery. 

 

pmkatunzi@

observer.

ug

Twitter: @piuskm

 

 

 Ethiopia is positioning itself to start importing oil from South Sudan:

South Sudanese soldiers stand during President Salva Kiir's visit to an oil refinery in Melut, Upper Nile State, on November 20, 2012. PHOTO | HANNAH MCNEISH | AFP 

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Ethiopia will soon start importing cheaper refined oil from South Sudan to substitute the more expensive product from the Middle East.

Koang Tutlam, Ethiopia's State minister for Mines and Petroleum, announced on Wednesday that this will save Addis Ababa 15 per cent to 20 per cent on the $3.4 billion it spends importing close to four million tonnes of refined products.

“We import almost all of our oil and other refined products from the Middle East, but owing to the proximity of about 200km between the oilfields of Pagak and Adar and the Ethiopian border, we stand to save so much,” Mr Tutlam told journalists attending the two-day South Sudan Oil and Gas Conference in Juba.

The conference was organised by South Sudan's Petroleum Ministry in partnership with African Oil and Power, an organisation that brings together ministers and senior government officials and top executives of private sector companies spanning the energy value chain.

It is meant to explore ways of utilising oil resources to achieve economic stability. Delegates came from Kenya, Ethiopia, Egypt, Somalia, Norway, the US and South Africa.

Mr Tutlam said his country exports hydroelectric power to South Sudan and will soon export about 400MW to Kenya.

South Sudan has the third-largest oil reserves in sub-Saharan
Africa estimated at 3.5 billion barrels, most of it unexplored.

He noted that if the revitalised peace process that is anchored on championing stability and economic recovery comes to fruition, Ethiopia will become a big market for South Sudan’s oil.

“I think all will be well after two to three years after which the two countries can put up infrastructure that will benefit both nations,” he said.

At the same time, South Sudan and Egypt signed a co-operation agreement in downstream oil and gas operations in which Egypt will install gas facilities across South Sudan.

Juba’s undersecretary in the Ministry of Petroleum Mayen Wol signed the agreement with Egypt’s state oil company, Egyptian National Petroleum Corporation.

The agreement was one of the highlights of the conference where Juba also announced it will be floating 14 oil blocks for exploration from early next year.

Other Egyptian companies in attendance were Petrojet, Petrogas, Al Khorayef and Drexel Oilfield Equipment.

Recently Egyptian President Fattah Al-Sisi asked Egyptian oil exploration and production companies to venture into Sub-Saharan Africa and specifically asked companies to invest in South Sudan.

Last week, Sudd Petroleum Operating Company announced it would resume oil production at the end of the year. Its oilfields, which produce 80,000 barrels per day and were shut in 2016. They could boost the country’s oil output substantially from the present 178,000 barrels per day.

And last week in Sochi, Russia, President Al-Sisi who holds the chairmanship of the AU for 2019, affirmed Egypt’s continued support of the people of South Sudan and efforts aimed at achieving a final, peaceful political settlement in Juba.

South Africa’s Strategic Fuel Fund, which signed an exploration and production sharing agreement in May 2019, said it would start aerial surveying of block B2 in December.

“We hope to reach an oil output of 250 000 barrels per day in the near future with the support from our partners and neighbouring countries,” said South Sudan Minister of Petroleum Daniel Awow Chuang.

Realising that goal, however, depends on President Kiir and rival Riek Machar forming a government of national unity on November 12.

—Additional reporting by Xinhua

 

 

 

 

 

President Magufuli of Tanzania has told President  Museveni of Uganda not to be too greedy with the country's oil resource:

Written by URN

John Pombe Magufuli with Museveni

John Pombe Magufuli with Museveni.

Tanzanian President John Pombe Magufuli has told Ugandan President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni to forego short-term gains in terms of taxing oil companies and focus on the longer-term benefits.
 

 

Magufuli, who was hosting Museveni at the just concluded Tanzania-Uganda Business Forum in Dar es Salaam on Friday, said tax issues were delaying the oil pipeline project.  

“We are late. We are still sleepy,” said Magufuli. He made it clear that Uganda should sacrifice some of the short-term gains for the long-term and the Uganda Revenue Authority officials should not delay the project for the benefit of a large population.

 
Plans to sign the much-awaited Final Investment Decision (FID), which is needed to unlock nearly $10 billion for the development of Uganda's Tilenga and Kingfisher oil projects, and the East African Crude Oil Pipeline came to an abrupt halt after Tullow Oil's failed to sell 21.5 per cent of its stake for $900 million to its partners - France’s Total E&P and China’s Cnooc – collapsed late last week.
 
At the heart of the dispute was the definition of the amount of money that Tullow Oil was to get from the transaction. Tullow Oil announced that out of the $900 million it would get from the sale of 21.5 per cent of its stake, $700 million would be reinvested in the development stage of Uganda’s oil industry as part of its share of the contribution.

Government, on the other hand, looked at the $700 million as an earning and, therefore, imposed a capital gains tax on it. This difference in opinion would stall the negotiations for a while.

"Actually we wanted the pipeline to be named Kaguta Pipeline when it opens,” Magufuli said, drawing laughter.  

 

Uganda chose Tanzania port of Tanga over Kenya for its pipeline route in 2015. Since then, government have been in negotiations with oil companies, asked partner countries to buy a stake in the project but also finalise agreements with Tanzania as a host government for pipeline.  

Following the collapse of the oil deal, Total E&P and Cnooc suspended all activities and tenders on the East Africa Crude Oil Pipeline until further notice. Magufuli told Museveni that if he needed to move forward, he has to “sacrifice short term gain and go for long term gold.”  

“Let us do the pipeline and create jobs,” said Magufuli. He added that in order to reach a FID, it is crucial that key project documentation, such as the Host Government Agreements and Shareholders Agreement for the EACOP project, are finalised and put in place.

The pipeline between Uganda and Tanzania will be the longest heated oil pipeline in the world at 1, 445km. Uganda chose Tanzania because it wanted to speed up the process to get the project done. It was envisaged that Tanzania didn’t have land compensation issues that Kenya had which delay the project. 

But now, it seems Uganda is delaying her own project as it tries to extract more taxes from the oil companies. Uganda was supposed to start oil production in 2020. That target date has been moved to 2023. The country has up to an estimated 1.4 to 1.7 billion barrels of recoverable oil from the 6.5 billion barrels confirmed in the country.

Nb

Well if Uganda did not want to use Kenya because it did not want to compensate the land system of Kenya, what then is the difference with using the territory of Tanzania. Tanzania is going to charge Uganda for using its territory of about 1,000 Kilometres until Uganda has finished all its oil from the Western Rift Valley. Because it is now clear to most citizens of Uganda that Uganda has no technology and the ability to refine crude oil for the next 30 to 50 years.

 

With the global Environment pressure the Friends of Earth are putting to African leaders like these ones, their citizens should be better informed. At the current price of crude oil being 66.83 dollars the marketing of crude oil from the centre of Africa all the way to the countries that know best how to refine crude oil and use it for their many industries, Uganda's benefit is about 6 to 16 dollars per barrel of crude oil. These expensive countries are over 7000 Kilometres away!

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 Public hearings on drilling oil in Uganda is sending mixed signal for the Kingfisher oil project:

 

June 27, 2019

 

Written by BAKER BATTE

 

Cnooc officials and locals at the public hearing

CNOOC officials and locals at the public hearing concerning the drilling of oil right in the middle of the vast continent of Africa.

 

With just about three years to first oil from the Albertine graben, locals in Bunyoro remain uncertain about how it will change their fortunes.  But those in charge of the sector like the Petroleum Authority of Uganda (PAU) and National Environment Management Authority (Nema) continue to reassure the public that efforts are in place for all Ugandans to benefit from the oil, writes BAKER BATTE LULE.

Speaking at a public hearing organised by PAU in Hoima and Kikuube districts to disseminate and discuss the Environmental and Social Impact Assessment [ESIA] report, government officials in charge of oil management and the China National Offshore Oil Company [Cnooc] that is developing the Kingfisher  oil project said  Uganda’s oil shall never be a curse.

The Kingfisher development project has about 30 oil wells. The project also includes the oil refinery and the Hoima international airport. Speaking at the hearing at Rwemisanga primary school in Kikuube district, Peninah Aheebwa, PAU’s director for technical support services who represented Ernest Rubondo,  the executive director, said they want to make sure that oil activities are not detrimental to the environment and people’s wellbeing.

 

“Our role is to ensure that international oil companies (IOCs) adhere to the country’s legal and regulatory framework and international best practice. This includes ensuring that all the oil and gas projects are implemented in a manner that does not degrade the environment and cultural heritage of the people of Uganda, but improves their wellbeing. I, therefore, call upon all of you to express your opinions openly and objectively,” Aheebwa said.

Robert Kasande, the permanent secretary of the ministry of Energy and Mineral Development who represented Irene Muloni, the minister, said the public hearing was an important step towards first oil.

“This public hearing brings us closer to what everyone is waiting for. One of the precursors to the Final Investment Decision (FID) being taken is proper documentation of both the positive and negative environment and social impacts of the projects, and the mitigation measures. FID will usher in the engineering, procurement and construction phase where many benefits for the country will be realized,” said Kasande.

The ESIA was conducted by Golder Associates, a UK firm, and Eco and Partner Consult from Uganda on behalf of Cnooc Uganda Limited that was awarded a production license by the government in 2012. The ESIA presents a description of the project facilities and the potential positive and negative impacts and mitigation measures during the construction, operation and decommissioning phases.

Cui Yujun, the vice president of Cnooc Uganda Ltd, presented the ESIA Report on behalf of the company that is the lead developer of the Kingfisher Development Project. Meanwhile, Jane Mbabazi Byaruhanga, PAU manager in charge of Environment, said people should also be more proactive if they want to maximize benefit from oil production.

“People’s lives have changed significantly compared to five years ago; they are starting businesses that are currently benefiting from oil activities but we encourage them to register with the national supply database because when you are together, it increases your visibility and chances of being selected,” Byaruhanga said.

She added that for the last one month, they have been having a national content drive training people in the oil districts of Buliisa, Nwoya and Hoima on how to benefit from national content. They are also to go to all the districts where the oil pipeline will pass through to Tanzania.

No crude oil sales

Gloria Sebikari, PAU’s manager for Corporate Affairs and Public Relations, disputed social media allegations that crude oil is already being shipped out of the country. She said those alleging thus have no understanding of how the oil sector works. 

“In order for you to start oil production, you require infrastructure to pump it out of the ground. You need to drill both development and production wells and infield pipeline to transport it. When oil comes out of the ground, it’s mixed with sand, water, gas, and soil and no one can use it. Therefore, you need a central processing facility to clean it up. Then you need a refinery if you want to use for cars. All these facilities are not yet in place; therefore, there is no oil being sold anywhere,” Sebikari said.

She added that the burden is now on them so that the public can clearly understand how the sector works. Sebikari explained that the 40,000 barrels of test oil that was mined is still in the field at Kasemene and Njiri awaiting a final decision from  Uganda National Oil Company (Unoc).

“We used to do flaring of the test crude oil but because we are working in communities, government prohibited flaring; so, the oil that was produced was put into tankers and is still in the field. Uganda National Oil Company is trying to find companies that can stabilize it and use it for generation of power but it’s not of commercial value,” Sebikari said.

Weary locals

Pius Wakabi Atwooki,  a member of parliament representing Bugahya county where Hoima airport is going to be, said their people have been left out of employment in the oil sector.

“We thank God who gave us this oil in our area and I thank our people for being peaceful even when they have not been treated very well. I have been moving in Hoima town but when you go in social gatherings, the language has even changed from Runyoro to Luganda which means that most of the people working in the oil-related activities are people from Kampala. If this oil was in Buganda, I’m very sure the process would not even begin; they would have a lot of political interference, they would be asking for even 50 per cent share. If they can fight for mere sand in Lwera, how about the oil?”

bakerbatte@observer.ug

Nb

One fails to understand Mr Wakabi and how he understands economics. In short it is:

1. the branch of knowledge concerned with the production, consumption, and transfer of wealth.

2. the condition of a region or group as regards material prosperity.

Nothing to do with Buganda or M7 declaring that all that oil in the Abertine region is his! 

And if tomorrow Bunyoro wakes up and in 2050 it has no oil and no wealthy to show, well Bunyoro will start to blame who?
 

Wakabi, one wants to remind you that King Suuna of Buganda when he was in reign over the Kingdom of Buganda 1820/60 he made sure that no one ever crossed the Northern plains of the land of Buganda into Bunyoro. 

It was no go zone. A no man's land.
 

China is using those gullible and desperate corrupt leaders of Africa to exploit African's resources. 

With it's over 2 billion populations to feed and care for, Africa is now the "food basket" of China.That is why it always caters for the African dictators. Oil is a curse and only time will tell. 

Countries have always gone to wars over oil, land and water and other natural resources. When that oil starts flowing out (not very soon) things will change.
 
 
 
 
 

The Government of Uganda wants to approve environment studies on Tilenga oil drilling:

April 26, 2019

Written by John Vianney Nsimbe

 

The oil companies operating in the Albertine graben in western Uganda have moved closer towards the production stage after getting government approval for the environmental report for the Tilenga project.

 

In a joint statement issued yesterday, Total E&P said “The Uganda National Environment Management Authority (NEMA) has approved the ESIA (Environmental andSocialImpact Assessment) report for the Tilenga project and subsequently issued a certificate to Total E&P Uganda B.V and Tullow Uganda Operations Pty Limited for the development of six oil fields, an industrial area, buried infield pipelines and sup- porting infrastructures, including camps.”

The statement noted that “the certificate of approval has been issued with a validity of 10 years.”

 

The two oil companies described the approval as “a key milestone in the progress towards the development of Uganda’s oil resources.”

The companies explained that the ESIA approval is also “a key prerequisite for the Final Investment Decision (FID) which will trigger the project execution and construction phase.”

The Tilenga project is a massive $4 billion project that is going to create employment opportunities in the area.The project is important for the exportation of crude oil through the oil pipeline to the Tanzanian port of Tanga.

The ESIA report, according to the Total E&P and Tullow Oil, describes the main characteristics of the project, the potential environmental and social impacts as well as corresponding mitigation measures that will be implemented to avoid and minimise potential negative impacts and enhance positive impacts.

The approval of the ESIA for Tilenga has not come easy. The ESIA report faced some opposition, mainly from the project-affected persons.

In their own report reacting to the ESIA, which they released late last year, the project-affected persons said that the “project seeks to destroy a Ramsar site. The Victoria Nile delta and wetland established under the United Nations Convention on Wetlands of International Importance. It has the most diverse and unique birds, fauna and flora in the world.”

The project-affected persons also noted that in the ESIA, “there is no complains mechanism” where they could issue out their grievances. Like many other infrastructure projects, the project affected persons said their compensation mechanism was not fair.

“There is no monitoring and evaluation mechanism on the stages of compensation and resettlement and the mitigations thereby. That is why the proponents of the project cannot specifically state who has been paid and when the rest will be paid.”

It, nevertheless, appears that with the approval of the ESIA, a number of these issues were resolved. The review process for the Tilenga ESIA began on June, 8 2018.

The companies held two public hearings on 12th and 15th November, 2018 in Buliisa and Nwoya districts where the project facilities will be located.The purpose of these meetings was to bring all the stakeholders up to speed on the possible effects of the project.

Nb

There is new evidence that the African continental plate is in the process of breaking up alongside the mountains of Ethiopia, down to Somalia, through the Albertine region and down to Zimbabwe, Malawi and South Africa. 

Even if this break up might take up to 100 years to form, these drilling activities might accelerate the tipping point for the environment of these regions to change for the worst. 

By then much of this oil will have been exported to the well developed countries of the world to leave these African regions as desolate as the African Sahara and the Saudi Arabian deserts.

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Speaker of the Parliament of Uganda has disagreed with the President of Uganda over commercial laws concerning oil production in the country:

 


The Speaker of the Parliament of Uganda, M/s Rebecca Alitwala Kadaga 

As the clocks runs down on the production of the first oil drop in the country, President Museveni hopes to wring more oil law concessions from parliament to attract more sector investors.

Two weeks ago, government and oil sector investors agreed new timelines for the production of Uganda’s first oil despite cabinet-parliament-level disagreements over the existing oil laws.

 

President Museveni is unhappy with some clauses in the oil laws passed in 2013. He insists they are unfavourable to the interests of investors. To force a parliamentary rethink, the president has met with speaker of parliament Rebecca Kadaga to persuade her to push her MPs to review the laws and clauses  that, in the president’s view, are turning away investors.
Museveni is rattled by the provisions that call for state participation and national content.

Last Friday, Kadaga, in a speech before MPs at a three-day conference on the oil and gas sector at Serena Lake Victoria resort, revealed titbits about her talks with Museveni.

“I had a meeting with the president and he told me that he is not happy with the local content laws because investors are not comfortable with them, he said, ‘I am going to send them back to you’ but I told him that; your excellency, you bring them back, we shall send them back to you the same way they are,” Kadaga said.

 

According to the minister of Energy and Mineral Development Irene Muloni, Museveni’s discomfort relates to the possibility of the laws holding back the production of the first oil drop.

“The law requires that for a company to do business in the oil sector, they should have at least 48 percent shareholding by Ugandans. Ugandans have to build capacity in order to own 48 percent shares [in] a company doing business of so many billions of dollars, but we don’t have the money,” Muloni told The Observer on the sidelines of the conference.

The entire process leading to the production of the first oil requires a capital investment of at least $20 billion (Shs 72 trillion).

“The president recognized that our own people may not have that capacity, and he does not want to hold back the work. Instead, he said, let us encourage our own people to partner [foreign investors]; when you are weak, you get a strong partner to support you,” Muloni said.

But Kadaga throws the blame squarely back on government, which she says has not done enough to prepare Ugandans to do business in the oil and gas sector. For instance, Kadaga says, the sector promises to offer more than 25,000 jobs for Ugandans but not enough training has been done for them to qualify for the jobs. She said the jobs may end up being taken by non-Ugandans.

“It is important to upgrade some of the institutions like [Uganda Petroleum Institute] Kigumba... we must find an avenue for Ugandans to train so that they are ready when the right time comes,” Kadaga said.

FIRST OIL DROP

To further underscore government’s reluctance, Kadaga pointed to the ever-changing timelines for the commencement of oil production.

“The first time we heard, it was 2014, then 2017, now 2023...eh!” Kadaga said.

But Muloni said that following an agreement reached two weeks ago between the sector investors and the government, the first oil drop is expected in 2022.

“We discovered that the investors were not ready; they were not well prepared [yet] we needed assurances from them about their capital investment. You are looking at about $20 billion, and about three years of preparation,” Muloni said.

“All the companies have agreed that by mid this year, they are going to tell us that we are ready; construction will begin, [and] if we can have many teams constructing the pipeline at the same time so that it gets ready quickly, and also the equipment gets fixed quickly at the wells in Hoima, we are giving ourselves a period of three years to see the first oil, that is why we are looking at utmost 2022,” she added.

Construction of the 1,445km pipeline from Hoima to the Tanzanian port of Tanga is expected to commence in July this year. For each barrel of crude oil that will be pumped, government will pay the investor (Total E&P) not more than $12.77 (Shs 45,972).

sadabkk@observer.ug

Nb 

The investor will be paid 12.77 dollars. One hopes Tanzania will be paid 8 dollars for the pipeline to pass through its territory.

The crude Oil European transporters will get 15 dollars per one barrel of oil. In Nigeria, an oil tanker parks and as corruption goes, it is filled up with crude oil at a cheap price without putting figures in the accountant's books. So with African corruption it will cost 10 dollars per one barrel of oil.
 
All together that is 45 dollars of costs on a barrel of crude oil that has arrived on the international market of Crude Oil in very rich countries.

The current price of crude oil is 53.66 dollars a barrel of oil. Therefore what Uganda might earn from exporting crude oil is in the single figure of 7.89 dollars on one barrel of crude oil. 

 

So as crude oil is a resource from the Ancient African Empire of Bunyoro, how much dollars is this Empire going to contribute to the great development of Uganda, East Africa and the Continent of Africa in terms of Pan Africanism? Let us all say 4 dollars. The rest of 3.89 dollars must develop Bunyoro so that when the oil runs out, this country will be able to have a different income that will sustain it for its children and grandchildren.

 

 

 

 

 

In Uganda, the Presidential State House is turning against the Minister of Finance, Mr Kasaija over the increased corruption in the country:

November 21, 2018

Written by Alon Mwesigwa

Minister of Finance Matia Kasaija

Minister of Finance Matia Kasaija

 

Minister of Finance Matia Kasaija has come under increasing pressure to name the public officials whom he says are hiding billions of shillings stolen from public coffers in their homes.

A week ago Kasaija told an accountants’ meeting in Kampala that he knew of people who had “stolen [in government] and even in their own private companies. Somebody was telling me people keep billions of shillings in their houses; what if thieves break in the house or if it catches fire?”

A senior State House official last evening accused the minister of abetting the theft of taxpayers’ money when he withholds such key information about individuals who are looting from Ugandans.

James Tweheyo, head of a new Anti-corruption unit appointed by President Museveni in July to work under State House, told The Observer that he was “not ashamed to say the minister is condoning corruption if he cannot name” the officials he says are stealing money.

“It is not enough to say I know and then keep the information to himself…,” Tweheyo said. “It is not fair. He should better come out and tell us if he knows so that they [corrupt officials] can be prosecuted.”

Tweheyo also said: “First of all, let him withhold the signatures or block the chain [for the money going to corrupt ministries or officials]. We shall reach him to see if he can be supportive."

Hours before State House had weighed in on the matter, anti-graft activists were already baying for Kasaija’s blood, saying he should resign if he cannot name public officials. Anti-corruption warrior and head of the Anti-Corruption Coalition of Uganda, Cissy Kagaba told The Observer on Tuesday that it was shameful to see a senior minister lamenting almost helplessly about a vice which is eating up the country.

“It is an embarrassment and the best thing to do is to resign. What this means is that the corrupt are high up there. I mean if he can’t name them, then it means they are not ordinary people like you and me. They are high up there.”

This is not the first time Kasaija has said he knows the corrupt officials or ministries. In May, while appearing before the Justice Catherine Bamugemerire-led commission of inquiry into land matters, Kasaija said a lot of government money is finding its way into the wrong hands illegally.

“There are some ministries where if I am signing off their money, I sign when my hands are shaking because I don’t know whether the money will reach where it is supposed to be,” Kasaija said, sending commissioners into a bout of laughter.

When he was asked to name the thieving ministries, Kasaija declined to name any publicly but promised to expose them in camera. The minister further said that despite his efforts to plug the holes, money continues to leak out.

To-date, Kasaija is not known to have revealed the identities of colleagues in government he believes are robbing from the nation. Earlier in February, Kasaija had said during a high-level meeting in Entebbe that he was “amazed by people wanting to get rich overnight, others wanting to take things by force.”

He said systems allow stealing money because there is a weakness somewhere. To Kagaba, this admission shows that the corrupt were probably more highly placed than Kasaija within government, probably the reason the minister was finding it hard to name them.

It also showed, she said, that this whole “talk of fighting corruption is a delusion, hoodwinking Ugandans.”

Tweheyo’s State House unit was formed after President Museveni expressed frustration at the way the Inspectorate of Government was handling corruption cases. Museveni said during the state-of-the-nation address in June that he thought the IGG was not doing enough to end corruption.

The president has repeatedly made declarations of zero tolerance to corruption a part of his election manifestos. However, despite such public rhetoric, graft continues to fester in a government he has led for three decades.

The IGG, Irene Mulyagonja, responded immediately telling Daily Monitor in June that the corrupt and powerful ‘big fish’ were hiding behind Museveni to frustrate her investigations.

“I still have a lot to do in fighting corruption. There are people who present the front that we are not competent enough to investigate them. Maybe they think my officers are too junior to investigate them…,” Mulyagonja said.

An official in the IGG’s office told The Observer yesterday that in the instance of Kasaija’s remarks, they always encourage these officials to bring the information forward. This official could not, however, say whether Kasaija had shared with the inspectorate what he knows.

Repeated calls to Kasaija went unanswered as this newspaper sought to know whether he has handed his information to investigating agencies. The corrupt are known, at least going by public outbursts of senior officials in government.

Richard Todwong, the vice chair of the ruling NRM party, said this year that people in his party were stealing so much “Ugandans were disgusted”.

Former regime insider and one-time minister for the presidency, Dr Martin Aliker, writes in his recent book, The Bell is Ringing, that while negotiating the sale of Sheraton Kampala hotel with an Ethiopian investor during the 1990s privatisation hysteria, a senior government official in Kampala placed a gun on the negotiating table, and asked the investor to pay them a bribe of $3 million. Museveni was told of the incident and the officials. He was annoyed, Aliker writes, but he did not act because they were his friends.

In September, Museveni gave out a toll-free number and that of Major Edith Nakalema, a State House aide, through which he said the public can report directly those involved in corruption. But one of the numbers which had been in use at Uganda Investment Authority had spent a year without receiving any complaint.

Corruption is a serious problem for Uganda, with the country scoring 26 on the Transparency International 2018 index. Zero is the most corrupt while 100 is the cleanest. This places Uganda among the most corrupt countries in world. The country ranks 151st out of 180 countries ranked by the organisation.

Transparency International said the key ingredient that the top-performing African countries have in common is the political leadership that is consistently committed to anti-corruption -- they go an extra mile to ensure implementation of anti-graft measures.

Kasaija himself admitted before Bamugemerire commission: “This problem [corruption] is a problem that touches all of us. These people who want to be rich quickly by looting the state in broad daylight must be dealt with quickly. If we don’t, it will become ugly.”

At a high level, corruption is a patronage tool, according to analysts, and the most powerful corrupt individuals might walk scot-free because of support they offer a standing government.

Widespread corruption is one of the major causes of poor delivery of public services across sectors, with education, health services, local government, infrastructure projects and public procurement particularly hit.

amwesigwa@observer.ug

Nb

Interesting that State House wants this Minister from Bunyoro soil that has so much oil, to give names. One understands the minister of finance's frustration with corruption because the revenue from Oil in his home land region might disapear the same way! 

 

 

 

 

 

In the state of Uganda, it’s highly unlikely that Cosase probe into the corrupt national Bank of Uganda will yield anything:

Governor Mutebile and his team were on 1st November, 2018 facing Cosase, to answer various queries on closure of commercial banks. PHOTO ALEX ESAGALA 



Victoria Nyeko

M/s Victoria Nyeko  

Investigations into Bank of Uganda’s (BoU) alleged irregularities in the closure of commercial banks have started.
Parliament’s Committee on Commissions, Statutory Authorities and State Enterprises (Cosase) is spearheading the investigations into irregular operations at BoU, including the mysterious and controversial sale of more than seven commercial banks.

Auditor General John Muwanga’s recent forensic report highlighted alleged corruption and suspicious activities at BoU, including unaccounted for money, missing land titles, disputed payments to external lawyers and customer loans that were inherited from closed banks and then sold at undervalued rates without justification, thereby misappropriating billions of shillings of taxpayer’s money.

The committee is expected to summon various stakeholders including governor of BoU Emmanuel Tumusiime-Mutebile, his deputy Louis Kasekende, former BoU director in-charge of banks supervision Justine Bagyenda, dfcu managing director Juma Kisaame, former owners of closed banks as well as Finance minister Matia Kasaija.

The course of action being taken by Cosase is welcome. However, there is already suspicion among members of the public that should any of the BoU officials be found culpable, then they might walk away scot-free since Parliament’s recommendations on matters like this are never implemented by the Executive.

As such, many people are wondering as to what the real purpose of the Cosase investigations into BoU is. Since 1986 when President Museveni’s administration came to power, there have been numerous corruption scandals, one after the other as though in competition with each other.

What is striking about all these corruption scandals is that the elite and those connected to the centre of power are always protected. Since 1986, only one minister was ever convicted of corruption, although the sentence was overturned on appeal. Furthermore, government also paid for the defendant’s legal costs!

As Ugandans’ confidence in public institutions is at its lowest and corruption at its peak, some citizens say the NRM government has steadily encouraged corruption during its 30-year rule. 
It is painfully obvious that government’s message against corruption is very different from government’s actions against corruption.

There is a growing perception that President Museveni and the ruling NRM party have failed to root out corruption as they have always promised.
The 2018 Transparency International World Corruption Index categorises Uganda as a highly corrupt destination, being the third most corrupt country in East Africa, Rwanda being least corrupt in the region. Uganda is placed at 151 out of 180 countries, with Nigeria close by at 148 in the Corruption Index.

In 2017, Interpol in collaboration with Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) member states and multilateral agencies stated that, “for Nigeria, the institutions are simply not working”.

Revelations of the billions of dollars being stolen from multiple government sources under the Goodluck Jonathan government exposed connivance by the banks. Evidence given by bankers in court supported Interpol’s conclusions that banks’ reporting procedures and information sharing rules were routinely compromised.

In Uganda, the parliamentary committee may have the best intentions. However, it is doubtful if their investigations will yield desirable outcomes with any implicated wrongdoer facing justice, imprisonment or returning taxpayers’ money.

Ms Victoria Nyeko is a media commentator. 
nyeko.victoria@yahoo.com
Twitter:@VictoriaNyeko

 

 

 

 

 

The French oil company, Total, wants a connection with the Kampala-Dar pipeline route for the Kenya oil supply: 

SUNDAY AUGUST 27 2017

BY Allan Olingo

Oil storage tanks for Kenya oil

Such a decision, still at the wishful thinking stage, would have far-reaching implications for Kenya’s grand infrastructure project — the Lamu Port-South Sudan-Ethiopia-Transport Corridor (Lapsset) — which includes an oil pipeline.

On Monday, Total announced that it had acquired 100 per cent equity stake in Maersk oil and gas in a share and debt transaction worth $7.5 billion.

Already, the company increased its shareholding in the existing Lake Albert assets in Uganda in January, after buying out Tullow’s 21.57 per cent stake worth $900 million.

 

Total chief executive Patrick Pouyanne said at a press conference in Paris that the acquisition of Maersk would not have any impact on the plan to build the long-delayed export pipeline from Uganda across Tanzania to the Coast.

“We want to sanction this project in the first half of next year, following an inter-governmental agreement between Tanzania and Uganda earlier this month.

However, it might be possible to combine transportation of the Kenyan assets, a subject to be discussed with partner Tullow Oil,” Mr Pouyanne said, adding that the progress has been good, with an agreement already signed between Uganda and Tanzania early this month.

Total said the acquisition of Maersk could now allow the firm to participate in the development of the Kenyan assets.

Last year, Total used its influence, through several high level meetings with the presidents of both Uganda and Tanzania to successfully convince the Dar es Salaam and Kampala administrations to choose the Uganda-Tanzania route over Kenya’s route.

 

Kenya had sought to convince Uganda to move its oil through the Lamu Port, but after it lost out to Dar es Salaam, it announced that it would still proceed with the Lamu pipeline project. It is estimated the project would cost $2.5 billion with the government expected to offset part of it.

“We will now have to do the needful by identifying where this pipeline will pass and also address the financing question. We are only getting 20 per cent of the funding from the Exchequer. This means that the difference has to be funded under the public-private partnership,” Kenya’s Energy Cabinet Secretary Charles Keter said then.

Tullow Oil, which holds a 50 per cent interest in Lokichar exploration and the Kenyan government said it would be forging ahead with construction groundwork with works set to conclude in 2021. However, both have been quiet on the progress of this venture.

Total’s plan, if sanctioned, could save Kenya the $2.5 billion. But this would be at the expense of both national pride and the LAPSSET project, which had been envisaged to open up the northern part of the country that has remained underdeveloped.

 

Kenya says it is unaware of any preference by Total for the Kenyan oil to be moved through the Uganda-Tanzania pipeline.

“We are yet to get any notification from our oil development partners on this suggestion over a preferred route, so I cannot give a response to that,” Kenya’s Petroleum Principal Secretary Andrew Kamau said.

It is expected that the French conglomerate, with millions of dollars in its research and development budget, will lobby Kenya and Tullow to choose the Ugandan pipeline route as a cheaper option.

“For Kenya, the discussions on using the Ugandan pipeline will be a difficult as it is also keen on achieving other development objectives within its territory.

  

The French oil giant now effectively sees it as a partner in Kenya’s blocks 10BB, 13T and 10BA where it will now own 25 per cent interest, while Tullow retains a 50 per cent interest in the blocks, Africa Oil’s stake remaining at 25 per cent.  

However, if it can manage to have both the pipeline and production from the same company, then it has a best bet on price, especially when the revenues starts flowing in,” said Eric Musau, an analyst at Standard Investment Bank.

Uganda and Tanzania, together with the oil firms are working on the projects financing blueprint that will see the two countries raise 70 per cent of the total costs from international lenders.

Uganda has indicated that it will be able to determine its pipeline’s final cost before the end of this month, even as it emerged that one of the project’s lead financial advisers — Standard Bank Uganda [ a joint financial adviser with Japan’s Sumitomo Mitsui Banking Corp] — was already planning to raise $3 billion by the second half of next year. 

“We are finishing on the details of the financing that will be contained on the Front End Engineering Design study which will be ready by the end of the month. Once we have the actual cost, then we will task our financial advisers to assist with fundraising,” Energy and Minerals Minister Irene Muloni said.

 

The East African map showing how the African oil will be exported out of the continent for the customers who need it most.

In Uganda, the Chinese sand miners and most probably gold miners too, are protected by ‘big people’– Wakiso police is being told.

March 11, 2017

Written by observer. co. ug

Parliament has summoned Chinese sand miners to appear before the natural resources parliamentary committee next week amid increased concerns of unpredictable weather patterns and environmental degradation. 

The chairperson parliamentary committee on natural resources Alex Byarugaba summoned all the Chinese working with Only for You International Ltd following physical altercations between the miners and Wakiso district chairperson Matia Lwanga Bwanika last week.

Bwanika, with other district officials attempted to arrest the miners for illegally excavating sand from the Lake Victoria at Nangombe landing site in Kasanje sub-county last week. The Chinese attempted to physically assault the chairman, telling him they had been cleared by 'authorities' in government and State House to excavate sand in the area.

The MPs on natural resources committee with district environment authorities at the sand mining site

“We have summoned all Chinese and the owners of the land, George William Mulo because we need to know all the people involved in this deal from the top officials who told the Kasanje residents they work with State House. The same people told the Kasanje residents that the sand was used to build the Entebbe international airport but we expect these people to appear in Parliament next week” said Byaruhanga during a field visit on Thursday.

Byarugaba was accompanied by committee members including MPs Kefa Kiwanuka (Kiboga), Aja Baryayanga (Kabale municipality), Herbert Ariko (Soroti municipality) and Geoffrey Dhamuzungu (Budiope East).

Byaruhanga also ordered for the arrest of Patrick Muwanguzi, one of the drivers who operate the graders at the sand mining site in Nangombe. He said the reason why they arrested him is because he failed to hand over the keys for the graders which they wanted to park at Kasanje’s police for security purposes until the Chinese appear before Parliament next week.

“This man has keys for these graders but he has failed to hand them over to us and we have arrested him but we’re taking him with us up to Parliament because the Wakiso district chairman Matia Lwanga Bwanika told us how DPC Entebbe police Division has released the rest of the suspects. Now let’s go with this one and he will help us find the rightful owners of this illegal business” he added.

Natural resources committee chairperson Alex Byarugaba (R) helps Police arrest the driver Patrick Muwanguzi

 

He also said the Parliament is also going to investigate the National Environment Management Authority (NEMA) officials who have been visiting the site without arresting the Chinese.

“People on the ground have told us that NEMA officials have been coming here but they have been ‘eating’ the Chinese’s money and this has stopped them from arresting them. However, for us we shall arrest them and we need also to look at their working permits because I don’t think these people were accepted by our government to operate in Uganda” he added.

The district environment officer, Mpoza Esau told the MPs that he had earlier issued the Chinese with the warnings and stopped them from excavating sand from the lake, but they adamantly continued with their illegal activity.

“Their act of continuing excavating sand illegally from the lake forced me with the district chairman and other district officials to visit the site and take action on these people which we did and that’s why they have even abandoned the site which has helped us to save our environment and very soon it will be restored“ said Mpoza.

The MPs also visited the Kasanje police station and the OC station Amir Magulu said the miners are well protected by some ‘powerful people’ in government.

“You Hon. Byarugaba I am still new in this position, and I have nothing to do for you, unless when you call my supervisor DPC Entebbe division. But I can’t do anything because we also receive calls intimidating us and we can’t even tell who these people are” he told MPs.

Meanwhile, Uganda Local Government Association (ULGA) chairperson George Mutabaazi has hailed Bwanika for his fight against the illegal sand mining, saying that the illegal sand mining is not only in Wakiso but is also happening in his district (Lwengo) and even Masaka.

“You have been saying the opposition is fighting the government but some of the opposition leaders like Bwanika are doing good things...that’s why we have suggested as district chairmen to join Bwanika and fight these sand miners from Wakiso, Masaka , Lwengo and other areas to protect the country’s environment" said Mutabaazi.

Inside the business community in Uganda, Kampala, Capt Roy is loosing money and property that has been sitting in the Crane bank:

March 10, 2017

Written by Derrick Kiyonga

Now troubled businessman goes to court to save Conrad House

In taking over Crane bank on January 27, 2017, Dfcu bank perhaps pulled off the second largest bank acquisition in Uganda since Standard bank of South Africa bought Uganda Commercial Bank (UCB), now Stanbic bank, in 2000.

But as DERRICK KIYONGA reports, the historic acquisition has brought lots of attention and baggage to the bank.

Now, Dfcu is being sued over loan transactions done by Crane bank. In a suit filed on February 27, 2017, Captain Joseph Charles Roy argues that he owns Conrad House Limited, plot 30 on Jinja road, which he paid for in installments worth $15m with loans from Crane bank, which was previously owned by businessman Sudhir Ruparelia before it was taken over by Dfcu in January.

Conrad Plaza along Entebbe road

Captain Roy argues that he has repaid over $19m over the years but surprisingly the money is not reflected on the accounts of either Crane bank or Dfcu, which, according to him, smacks of fraud.

Through Omongole and Company Advocates, Roy says he has been out of the country for about five years during which time no bank statement or loan statement were sent to him. At least ten years ago, Capt Roy was regarded as one of the richest Ugandans with interests in air transport and real estate, among other sectors.

But that was before his empire started crumbling under the weight of bank loans. According to Roy, his ranch which had rhinos located in Migyera, Nakasongola district, was sold off in 2009 at about $12m and the money was deposited in Crane bank, now Dfcu, in a bid to offset the loan facility but there is no evidence to show the money went to the settlement of the said loan.

Roy further states that his properties were sold and the proceeds held by Crane bank, but the same are neither reflected on the bank’s accounts or loan statements.

According to court documents, these properties include; Conrad Plaza on plot 22 Entebbe road, which was sold at $6m; plot 22 on Kampala road, which was swapped at Shs 860m; and his shares in Das/Rokabond, which were sold and all the proceeds held by Crane bank on the loan account.

Roy adds that $8.9m was paid to Crane bank from his shares in Rwenzori Commodities. Armarali Karmali (AK), his company, paid $2.4m from Barclays bank to Crane bank, and Mukwano Industries paid $400,000 from his shares, all to clear the loan but all are not reflected.

Roy ran to court after he learnt Dfcu was in the process of selling off Conrad House on plot 30 Jinja road, in order to offset the said loan.

“The plaintiff [Roy] was informed of the sale [of Conrad House] by the executive director of the defendant [Dfcu] and statutory manager of Crane bank in various meetings between 20 and 23 February 2017, in which he was asked to officially bring the above matters to the attention of the defendant…,” the suit reads in part.

Roy insists that he is not indebted to the bank, having had all the mentioned properties sold and the proceeds channeled towards settling the loan.

“The plaintiff also contends that the interest rate charged on the loan at 36 percent, plus 27 percent as penal interest, is very high and excessive and was not the rate agreed to in the loan agreement, and amounts to unfair enrichment,” the plaint goes on.

Efforts to reach dfcu’s legal officer, Agnes Isharaza Tibayeita, proved futile as she wasn’t taking our phone calls. On January 27, 2017, Bank of Uganda confirmed that assets and liabilities of Crane bank, which had been put into receivership, had been transferred to Dfcu.

Before that, Bank of Uganda had taken management control of Crane bank because it lacked sufficient capital and posed a systemic risk to the financial system. According to Bank of Uganda, external auditors found Crane bank’s liabilities exceeded assets, rendering it insolvent.

dkiyonga@observer.ug

 

In Uganda will the citizens ever know in details why the Crane Bank was taken over?

When Greenland Bank failed, the details were more forthcoming than now, is it because for Greenland Bank it was a total failure of the bank whilst with Crane Bank it is a mere take over?

Sunday November 13 2016
By Mr Nyombi Thembo, a former long serving Minister in the current NRM government:

The history of banking is awash with bank failures. Since Mr Giovani Medici founded his bank, the Medici Bank in Italy in 1397, banking has been one of the most profitable but risky and regulated business in the world.

England, the father of modern banking as we see it today, has had more bank failures than any other developed economy. Indeed, all developed economies have had bank failures whether in bad or good economic times.

As I write this article, the biggest bank in Europe, the Deuche Bank, is under serious troubles despite the fact that Germany is a star economic performer in Europe and the best performing economy in the world.

Uganda’s situation
In Uganda, we are proud to have the Bank of Uganda that has developed unmatched regulatory capacity on the African continent.

All that said, banks can be very profitable businesses as all of us use banks in one way or another in our day to day transactions. For the case of Uganda, the last one year has not been good for business, and indeed the first causality of a slack in business are banks, hence most of them made losses or lower profits last year.

However, a snapshot look at the financial results as published by all banks did not give a doomsday picture, not until recently when one among the top four, Crane Bank, was taken over by the Central Bank.

And we continue to hear that most banks are stressed, although the Central Bank has insisted that most banks are financially sound – and for obvious reasons, that is what a regulator does, lest a risk run on the banks and eventual financial meltdown.

So what could have happened to Crane Bank, a bank that according to the financial results released this year, had a very impressive capital base of more than Shs210 billion, which is nearly 10 times the regulatory minimum of Shs25 billion.

Much as Crane Bank had provided for impairment losses on loans and advances of Shs50 billion arising out of non- performing loans, and made a loss of Shs3 billion, looking at its investments in government securities of Shs150 billion, investment in a subsidiary of Shs34 billion and a very impressive cash flow statement – this is a going concern that looked healthy just facing normal disturbances from the macro-economic environment that had afflicted most businesses in the country.

The devil, however, as the saying goes, is always in the details, the details that we never get.

Let us, for example, note that the total customer deposits of Crane Bank, by closure of 2015 was Shs1.3 trillion, out of which Shs971 billion had been given out as loans and this had increased from Shs844 billion in 2014, a net increase of Shs127 billion (15 per cent increase) against a depositor base increase of 7 per cent.

A breakdown on the performance of individual loans is something that most of us would love to look at, as here is where I see a risk where the Central Bank could have used their own informed assumptions on the performance of these assets and concluded that the capital base of the bank was under immense risk under the Crane Bank board of directors as it was constituted before take over.

If this is the case, why shouldn’t the regulator come out clearly and tell the public as such.

The translucence with which this matter has been handled has produced gossip of all kinds, making cannon fodder out of politicians: White Sapphire (one of the owners of Crane Bank, owning a stake of 47.3 per cent) is now owned by every politician in this country.

The Shs200 billion that was appropriated by Parliament to capitalise Bank of Uganda, is now money given to Crane Bank to cushion the “invisible owners” of the bank.

The ambition to refine African oil is a new challenge for the country of Uganda:

 

Museveni (3rd left) is briefed about the operations of an oil refinery in Chad over a blue print model.

 Oil refinery seems all commercial trouble much more than military trouble: The long serving President of Uganda, Mr Museveni is being  pushed into a very tight corner:

A shadowy international company registered in the British Virgin Islands (BVI), a major international tax haven is high up on the list of companies government is courting to invest in the $ 4 billion oil refinery, investigations by The Independent have found. While tax havens are legal, many companies that operate there tend to be shrouded in secrecy and engage in doubtful business dealings. The company the government is negotiating with to build the oil refinery, for example, seems to be involved in unclear businesses.

I n a major investigation, The Independent reveals that the company is registered in a tax haven, and at its forefront is a Nigerian of unclear identity, who goes by the name Henry Henry on the social networking service, Linkedin.

While the company that has expressed interest in the deal is called Burj Petroleum. There is no known company that is called just Burj Petroleum.

But there are two entities—Burj Petroleum International Corporation (BVI), which has a website—www.bur – jpetroleum.org—and maintains offices in Dubai-UAE and London. The other entity is Burj Petroleum Africa Ltd, whose directors say they are based in Dubai-UAE, London and even Nigeria.

 

The company on the ministry documents is called Burj Petroleum, which doesn’t exist.

Critics have pointed to where the company is registered as a major concern for transparency and prudent sector insiders say by dealing with such an unclear company, President Yoweri Museveni is showing how he has been boxed into a tight corner and is struggling to find a serious investor for the refinery project that only two years ago, major Russian, Chinese and South Korean banks and companies worth billions of dollars were fearlessly fighting for.

There has been a lot of talk about how Ministry of Energy officials are reviewing hundreds of expressions of interests from multiple companies. However, according to an official list from the Ministry of Energy, a copy of which The Independent has seen, as of September 30, a total of 18 companies had expressed interest in the project.

According to the list The Independent has, seven of the 18 are Chinese, 3 are American, one is South Korean and two are Japanese. Of these, three companies appear serious in terms of the finances they control and refining experience. Burj Petroleum is not one of the serious ones.

But The Independent picked interest in Burj Petroleum after seeing correspondence between the company and government. Government officials at the Energy Ministry listed it among the 18 companies. It is putting in a joint bid with China Huarong Asset Management (HK) Co Limited according to both the list and the correspondence with government.

On the Website of Burj Petroleum International Corporation, which is registered in BVI, the company notes that it is “engaged in the sourcing, marketing and distribution of physical commodities on a global basis, taking advantage of opportunities in niche markets in Turkey, North West Europe, the Mediterranean, the Black Sea, Baltic Sea, Persian Gulf, Gulf of Guinea and Singapore”.

It also claims it was founded in 1995. China Huarong Asset Management (HK) Co Limited, on the other hand was founded in 2012. While Burj Petroleum says it was founded in 1995, our investigations show that its website was only registered in 2014 by a property consultant-cum company officer named Shahriar Lak of 97B Willow Vale, London. Lak is the registrant, administrator and technical con – tact of the company’s site.

Away from Lak, the company has no refining experience at all. On its website, it says it has a license to construct a refinery in Hamriyah, UAE, Basra, IRAQ and is currently in the feasibility stage of this endeavor. The refinery will process 20,000bpd heavy crude, and refined products will be delivered to the local market.

It also notes that it has a processing agreement with some refineries and can get allocation with some OPEC countries and off OPEC for producing oil products and will sign processing agreement with another refinery. With government struggling to find an investor, Burj Petroleum threw a bait— financing the refinery 100 % and giving government carried interest of 20 % for free—which appears to have thrown government off balance.

The Independent has seen a letter written on behalf of the Ministry of Energy Permanent Secretary, Kabagambe Kalisa and copied to the refinery project manager, where government is inviting the company for negotiations and seeking clarification on its interest.

 

Engeri Poliisi gye yayodde amasimu 150 amabbe ku Cooper Complex shopping mall, mukibuga Kampala, Uganda:

By Eria Luyimbazi

Added 3rd November 2016

 

POLIISI ya CPS ezinzeeko Cooper Complex  n'ezuula amasimu g’ekika kya Smart Phone agasoba mu 150 agateberezebwa okubeera amabbe  ssaako n’okukwata abantu 14 abagambibwa okubeera nga babadde bagatunda.

 

Kino kidiridde okufuna okwemulugunya entakera nga amasimu agabbibwa ku bantu mu Kampala n’emu bivvulu nga ababbi bwe bagatwal ku Cooper Complex ne bababaako bebagaguza.

 

 

Omuduumuzi wa poliisi ya CPS  Joseph Gwayido Bakaleke  yagambye nti okuvaayo okukola ekikwekweto kino kyadiridde abantu ab’enjawulo okwemulugunya nga bwe waliwo ssimu ezebeeyi ezitundibwa ku Cooper Complex  wabula nga bazitebereza okubeera nti zibbibwa ku bantu mu bitundu ebyenjawulo.

“Twasazeewo okukola ekikwekweto ku Cooper Complex  okusobola okuzuula amasimu agabbibwa ku bantu kuba wabaddewo okwemulugunya  okususse ku kifo kino era bwe twatuuseeyo twasobodde okuzuula amasimu agasoba mu 150 nga abasangiddwawo balemeddwa okubaako ne kyebanyonnyola abamu ne bakwatibwa” Bakaleke bwe yategezezza.

Yagambye nti  poliisi nga tennagendayo eriko abavubuka abateberezebwa okwenyigira mu kubba amasimu ku bantu nga bano be bagibuulidde gye bagatunda ne basalawo okugendayo ne bagayoola ssaako n’okukwata abantu 14 ng’amasimu agamu babadde bakagafuna kuba gabadde gavuga.

Yategeezezza nti poliisi mu kiseera kino eri mu kaweefube okulwanyisa obubinja obuteega amasimu ne batunda.

Yasabye abantu bonna ababbibwako amasimu mu kibuga wakti okugenda ku CPS basobole okwekenneenya amasimu agazuuliddwa okusobola okulaba oba mulimu agaabwe  nga bwe babab baggulawo fayiro ku poliisi  bayambe mu kunoonyereza okusobola okutwala abakwatiddwa mu kkooti.

 

  

Ye akulira ekibiina ekigatta abatunda amasimu ekya Uganda Phone Traders Yasin Bulinda yagambye nti poliisi eyongere okukola ebikwekweto okusobola okukwata nadala abalenga amasimu kunguudo kuba agasinga kugo gabeera mabbe nga basinga kubeera  ku Cooper Complex, Namirembe Road, Shop rite ne ku William Stree