Regional Tier for the Kingdom of Buganda was refused many years ago.


 With such an arrangement there is no need to have a lukiiko , or use the name Katikkiro or refer to Kabaka.







M/s Mpanga of Buganda Kingdom



They can call him Governor or District Head and seat him anywhere but not in Bulange.


We may be back to the same old arguments.



On 15 Feb 2017


By Haji Ahmed,

  1. Central gov't will cede specified powers and rights to the Buganda Kingdom.
  2. The citizens of Buganda Kingdom (who are these?) will elect a Lukiko (parliament) which will make laws to govern Buganda Kingdom.
  3. The Lukiiko will appoint the Katikioro (Prime Minister or President) who will head a government or administration. .

4.The Katikioro  is accountable to the Lukiiko, and the Lukiiko is accountable to Uganda Parliament.


So where does this leave the Kabaka? What are his constitutional roles: are they spelt out in the Constitution you keep going on and on about?



Buganda Government should be restored first with a Katikkiro with

executive powers and Lukiiko with legislative powers, which shall form

a Buganda Land Board, in accordance with the constituion, which will

manage Lubiri on behalf of the Kabaka, who, according to 1955

constitution holds official mailo and public land in Buganda, in

people;s trust.


 Mayiga is already a walking "former " Katikkiro.  A lot has happened!


 "In tribute to the United Kingdom and the Republic of Uganda, two bastions

 of strength in a world filled with strife, discrimination and terrorism."


*Buganda Lukiiko*,

 Katikkiro Mayiga seemed confident that members would rubberstamp his

 plans

 to lease the 132 year old national and cultural palace of the Kabaka of

 Buganda (*Mengo Lubiri*) to foreigners. He spent over an hour of reverse

 psychology, giving examples of how “naturally short-sighted Baganda” fail

 to appreciate any Katikkiro who introduces modernity to Buganda.  At the end, Mr. Mayiga confidently declared that, ultimately, nothing will stop

 his plans. However, his confidence seemed to evaporate when one Mrs.

 Joyce

 Mpanga got the microphone.

 In his marathon speech, Mr. Mayiga made a few highly contradictory

 statements that may have disturbed Mrs. Joyce Mpanga.  For example, as

 usual, Mayiga claimed that Kabaka Mutebi made the decision to lease Mengo

 Lubiri but, sensing negative reception, he later changed to, “The

 decision

 to re-develop Lubiri was made by the *Bataka Supreme Council* at the time

 government returned it.” Also, he aggressively defended construction of a

 hospital and conference facilities in Lubiri but later insisted that

 everything presented by Mengo so far were just concepts, not real plans.

 He

 blamed the press for saying that the project photos that Mengo

 distributed

 in Serena Hotel or on its Facebook page were real plans. He explained,

 “Those picture were just images downloaded from the Internet; one was, I

 think, the American white house.”

After Mayiga finished his long speech, one of the most intelligent,

 well-educated and knowledgeable Baganda alive, Mrs. Joyce Mpanga, threw

 down a “roadblock” against his scheme. When she got a chance to respond

 to

 Mr. Mayiga’s speech, Mpanga systematically, and with some humor,

explained

 why the Katikkiro’s  plans for Mengo Lubiri were poorly reasoned, not

 well

 informed by Buganda history or culture and are dangerous, even to Kabaka

 Mutebi’s reign.

 In his speech, Mr. Mayiga had spoken in the style of a non-Muganda when

 he

 said, “I can never understand Baganda” and claimed that Baganda are

 short-sighted because they opposed former Katikkiros Kawalya Kaggwa “for> bringing electricity” and “killed Martin Nsibirwa for donating Buganda> land> for the now glorious Makerere University”.  He even claimed that the same

 short-sighted Baganda complained when Ssekabaka Muteesa II brought horses

 to Mengo Lubiri, since they were used to cows.

 Mrs. Mpanga, mother of Buganda Attorney General David Mpanga and Kabaka’s

 Private Secretary Peter Mpanga went straight to the point after thanking

 the Lukiiko speaker. She opened with, “People tell me, sometimes in

 whispers, and others keep phoning me, some anonymously, saying that I

 must

 stop my lawyer sons from selling Kabaka’s palace. They tell me that the

 Katikkiro is my son, the second Katikkiro my son and the other lawyers

 are

 also my sons.

 “It appears that some of these people think that I have easy access to

 Kabaka, which [these days] is impossible. One even warned that [Baganda]

 may replace Kabaka Mutebi, as they have done to other Kabakas in the> past.

 And one of these people wrote to remind me that Baganda forced Ssekabaka

 Muteesa II to have his widowed mother to resign and get replaced as Namasole* (Kabaka’s mother) [when she decided to marry a commoner]. They

 told Muteesa that if his mother did not resign, he would have to go too.”

Pointing out that she was a member of the Bataka Supreme Council (which

 Mr. Mayiga said made the decision to lease Lubiri), Mrs. Mpanga informed

 the Lukiiko that, when they first re-established the Buganda Lukiiko, it

 was designed to ensure that ordinary Baganda were well consulted by their

 representatives and issues were strongly debated before major resolutions

 were passed.

 She complained, “But now, the Buganda Lukiiko is only a rubberstamp

 because there is no debate. The Katikkiro comes here and speaks for over

 one hour. Then the members are given two minutes to make comments. Next

 day, the lady who is minister for Lukiiko publishes resolutions that we

 never debated or agreed on at all.”

 As the clapping and cheers grew, Mrs. Mpanga continued her attack. She

 accused Mayiga and his partners of bringing the topic of Mengo Lubiri to

 the Lukiiko only after they faced serious public opposition. She said it

 was obvious to her that they had already made their decisions and were

 now

 looking for cover from Buganda Lukiiko. She questioned why, when Kabaka

 is

 supposed to have so much land, Mengo should offer Mengo Lubiri to

 foreigners and not some other land.

 “Mr. Katikkiro, you keep talking about putting Buganda’s issues first (

 *okusoosowaza*) and they include *Federo*. What kind of Kabaka are we

 going to have under a Federo where his palace is leased by foreigners?”

 she

 asked. She pointed out that [Kabaka Mutebi] is not supposed to be the

 last

 be Kabaka in Buganda. “What if a future Kabaka wants all the space in

 Mengo

 Lubiri? Are we then going to beg the foreign investors for the space

 our Kabaka needs?” she asked. Adding, “Some say that we got *Byooya bya

 nswa *(ant feathers for a Kingdom), are we going to accept that and also

 lease our Lubiri to foreigners?”

 Fearing that the situation was getting out of hand, one of Mayiga’s

 strongest supporters in Lukiiko, a man called Kasakya, requested the

 speaker that further discussion of the topic be continued in “sessional

 committees” since it was sensitive.

 A day later, the official Buganda Government website, www.

buganda.or.ug,

 only reported that “The Lukiiko agreed that, there is need to develop the

 Mengo palace but with utmost care without tempering with the tradition.”

 All 5 Mayiga watchers that BugandaWatch has contacted since February 1,

 2017, agreed that the “Joyce Mpanga roadblock” did serious damage but

 Mayiga will probably keep trying. In the meantime, Katikkiro Mayiga’s

 contract ends only 3 months away in May 2017.

 Below is additional BugandaWatch reporting on Katikkiro Mayiga’s scheme

 to

 lease Mengo Lubiri to foreigners, since February 25, 2015.

The European Union joins the Ugandan political opposition for Electoral Reforms

 

The EU Ambassador Kristian Schmidt (pictured) 

 

File photo 

By Solomon Arinaitwe


Posted  Thursday, March 26  2015 

 

Kampala.UGANDA. The European Union has become the latest group to rattle government, saying it shares the concerns of the Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC) about delays in passing electoral reforms.

In a statement on Wednesday, EU Ambassador Kristian Schmidt signalled that with less than 12 months before the February 2016 poll, time was running out, backing a view taken in the latest UHRC annual report. 

“With less than a year left to the next elections, electoral reforms need to be prioritised and implemented if they are to be effective and credible. The report is an important and highly relevant contribution by an independent body to the electoral reform debate,” Mr Schmidt said.

The EU is among Uganda’s leading development partners. 

The envoy also observed that in the last 12 months, it was pleasing to witness vibrant public debate on electoral reforms which has resulted in a number of concrete proposals.

Mr Schmidt’s statement came hours after a government reaction suggested it was reeling from the hard-hitting report by the UHRC.

“The EU, therefore urges the government to act promptly on the proposed reforms to ensure a level playing field and transparency in the 2016 General Elections,” the statement said. Government spokesperson Ofwono Opondo, who had on Tuesday said the report was “shallow and unfortunate”, again took a dim view of this latest in a rising chorus of criticism about the handling of the run-in to the 2016 election. 

“If you fast-track electoral reforms, what evidence is there that there will be consensus building and a good outcome? There is no guarantee that if we introduce the electoral reforms now there will be positive response,” Mr Opondo said.

But with the pressure for reforms building, government seems to be flip-flopping on when it will table them. Premier Ruhakana Rugunda last week back-tracked on a promise, saying it would be “erroneous to make false deadlines”.

Shadow Justice Minister Medard Sseggona yesterday indicated that the Opposition has now learnt of a plot by the government to shoot down Opposition plans to table a Private Members Bill on the constitutional amendments to ensure reforms.

“They have taken that decision that they will use their numbers to block us from taking leave of Parliament to prepare our Bill and that we will not be given a Certificate of Financial Implications (a key technical requirement for Bills). We are not deterred. We are preparing our Bills and will cross the bridge when we get there,” Mr Ssegona said.

sarinaitwe@ug.

nationmedia.com


Sijja kukkiriza baleeta ffujjo mu byakulonda kwa 2016 - Museveni asabye Tonda MU KKANISA:
Dec 27, 2015
Pulezidenti Museveni ne mukyala we, Janet ne bannaddiini oluvannyuma lw’okusaba ku Ssekukkulu mu kkanisa ya St. Luke e Nshwere mu disitulikiti y’e Kiruhura.

Bya MUSASI WA BUKEDDE

 


PULEZIDENTI Yoweri Museveni alabudde abatiisa okuleeta obutabanguko mu ggwanga mu kiseera ky’okulonda n’agamba nti tajja kubakkiriza.

Yabadde mu kkanisa ya St. Luke Church of Uganda e Nshwere mu disitulikiti ye Kiruhura ku Ssekukkulu. Yasuubizza nti abantu tebasaanidde kutya nti eggwanga liyinza okufuna obutabanguko okuva mu kulonda n’abagumya okusigala nga bakkakkamu.

Yabadde ayanukula Muky. Esther Magagga, eyategeezezza nti mu kiseera kino abantu abamu bali mu kutya, olw’enjawukana mu bantu abawagira ebibiina byobufuzi ebyenjawulo. Museveni yagambye nti abalowooza okutabula emirembe bajja kukolwako.

Mu kwogera kwe, era Pulezidenti yawabudde abalunzi mu kitundu okwewala omujjuzo gw’ente, n’ategeeza nti ng’oggyeeko okukosa ente zennyini, kyonoona n’omutindo gw’ettaka. Yabakuutidde okwawula mu ttaka lye balina, balundire ku limu okumala ekiseera ekigere.

Yasuubizza okukola okukola oluguudo lwe Nshwere.

Ate Muky. Janet Museveni yasabye Bannayuganda okwongera okuwagira gavumenti ya NRM, kuba y’esobodde okuleeta obumu mu bantu bonna. Yasabye wabeerewo okutabagana mu bantu abalina wadde balina endowooza z’ebyobufuzi za njawulo.


Museveni ng’akutte mukyala we Janet ku mukono.


Bamuseveni nga bayimba mu kusaba ku Ssekukkulu.

Museveni nga tannaba kugenda Kiruhura kukuza Ssekukkulu, yakubye olukuhhana lwa kampeyini ku ssomero lya Nakalama Primary School e Kigulu South gye yasuubirizza abantu b’e Iganga  bw’agenda okussa essira ku kutumbula eby’amazzi n’okukola enguudo mu kisanja ekiddako.

Yasuubizza okwongera okusima nayikondo mu byalo, kuba obubuga bungi nga Namagera, Ndodwe, Nambali, Idudi, Namungaalwe bugenda kufuna amazzi ag’emidumu. Waakugattako okubunyisa amasannyalaze mu kitundu kya Kigulu South kyonna. Yategeezezza nti oluguudo lwa Iganga-Tirinyi-Mbale lukolebwa ku buwumbi 73. Yasuubizza okukola olupya oluva e Iganga okuyita e Kiyunga okutuuka e Bulopa.

Olwaleero, Pulezidenti Museveni azzeeyo e Busoga ayigge akalulu akamuzza mu ntebe y’obwapulezidenti mu 2016. Eggulo ne ku Ssekkukulu yabadde awummuddemu eby’okunoonya akalulu.


1980-86 Ani oyo eyaleeta efujjo mukulonda nemukufuga kwa Uganda ate no nga obululu bwe nga omukulembeze tebubbiddwa?

 The government of Uganda has procured armoured police vehicles for the 2016 General Elections.
 

For whom are the youths in UGANDA trained in Masindi at,

 08 SEPTEMBER 2014

In January, about 700 Makerere University students were trained as crime preventers at the same school. The criterion used to select these students is not elaborate and is exclusive to those who are either in the patriotic clubs or the youth league of the National Resistance Movement (NRM).

Several student groups have attended these courses at Kabalye. Another one of about 2,400 students from several universities and tertiary institution was passed out last week.

We are told the course content includes ideological orientation, self-defence, martial arts, and security skills, among others. I am not sure of how this programme is supposed to add value onto the lives of students, and Ugandans as a whole! Further, I don’t know whether the police budget should be diverted to this kind of exercise.

What exactly does a crime preventer do? Is he/she a security operative who gathers information on certain offenders and then confront them? Is this a voluntary exercise or it is a paid- for, job? If so, it, therefore, calls for certain regulations, obligations and responsibilities.

Is this an auxiliary group to the security organs? Are these students specifically trained to prevent crimes in universities or in the entire country? Sometimes, armed people commit crimes. So, will the crime preventer be armed in order to counter any armed attack?  It is not clear whether all the national tertiary institutions will be equipped with crime preventers. Once, the dubious Kiboko squad described itself as crime preventers.

So, should Ugandans worry that another dodgy group is being prepared, perhaps for the expected intense political activity in 2016?

What is the relationship between these crime preventers and the police, army, and other security agencies in the country? Many of these questions still remain unanswered.  Inspector General of Police Kale Kayihura says the course is good because it has equipped the young people with ideological direction.

The Oxford Advanced Learners Dictionary defines ideology as a system of ideas and ideals, especially one that forms the basis of economic or political theory and policy. It further defines it as the ideas and manner of thinking characteristic of a group, social class, or individual. So, if the course is supposed to orientate the students in ideology, in whose ideology are they inculcated? Who determines the correct ideology, and anyway, what ideology was being marketed to these students?

Again, there is a trend that one cannot be a complete cadre or patriot without being equipped with military skills. Everything in Uganda is being militarised. Agriculture has to be run by the military. The police have to be steered by a military man. The immigration and national identification process has to be conducted by the military. A military man runs the highest office in the land.

Ruling party MPs have to conduct their annual retreat in a semi-military camp. Early this year, they (MPs) were all clad in attires that resembled military uniforms! Even the beauty contest is a candidate for military takeover! At their pass-out, the youths gleefully displayed their skills of dismantling and assembling guns. Others performed martial art drills.

Some of these youths are, actually, mere opportunists. They are using this training as a pedestal to clutch on better things in future. Many of them have realised that keeping closer to the party means instant wealth. They have seen how those youths who originally backed Amama Mbabazi for president, but later crossed to President Museveni’s camp, have become instant millionaires.

They know that when time comes for recruiting mobilisers for votes in 2016, priority will be given to those who trained at Kabalye.  Instant, and sometimes unexplained, wealth has become the major motivation of joining NRM programmes. I don’t know the exact ideological direction of the NRM. Even if one asked these youths what NRM’s ideology is, the likelihood is that the answer would not be given. And if it is given, the one who asks the question would remain uninformed.

This exercise in Kabalye is as inoperable as the youth representation in Parliament. The lives of the youth in Uganda have not improved as a consequence of being represented in Parliament. I have not seen bills being sponsored by youth MPs, specifically targeting issues that youths grapple with.

The irony is that the very youths who have trained in crime prevention may be the harbingers of crime. There is a temptation to look at crime as mainly a physical thing such as murder, treason, theft and rape. We forget that there is an unemployed youth likely to engage in forgery in order to access someone else’s account in the bank.

And more threatening is the fact that honesty is no longer something taken seriously, as the strength of youths. So, the economic pressures, which Kabalye never addressed, may turn these cadres of crime prevention into victims of the very mischief they intended to cure. It would be stretching the restraint of a hungry hyena to entrust it with the servicing of a loaded butchery. 


pmkatunzi@

observer.

ug

Twitter: @piuskm

 

I'm lucky to be alive - Ongwen

Publish Date: Jan 15, 2015

Dominic Ongwen 


The captured Lord's Resistance (LRA) commander, Dominic Ongwen, revealed to the African Union contingency in the Central Republic of Africa (CAR) that he is lucky to be alive, according to army spokesperson, Lt. Col. Paddy Ankunda.


Ankunda has told New Vision that Ongwen looks psychologically settled for being in safe hands now and assured of justice at the International Criminal Court (ICC).


"The man has been in the bush for most of his life fighting and eating rats but now he is in our (UPDF) custody eating chicken. He is happy that he will get justice at the ICC," said Ankunda when asked about Ongwen's situation.


"What we are waiting for now is for the CAR government to hand him over to the ICC. When they (CAR Government) ready, they will let us (UPDF) know," added Ankunda.


Ongwen was handed to the AU contingency in CAR by the US Special Forces on Wednesday and he was received by UPDF CAR contingent commander, Col .Michael Kabango, at Obo.


In the picture taken with Kabango, Ongwen is seen in a jolly mood, not reminiscent of a man who has been through thick and thin of Africa's jungles fighting for most of his life.

 

Kasibante

Member of Parliament on tension over Beti Kamya's return for the 2016 national election:

Rubaga North MP Moses Kasibante.

 

By Monitor Reporter


Posted  Tuesday, January 27  2015 

 
Uganda Federal Alliance (UFA) leader Beti Kamya is plotting to return to Parliament in 2016. Political Xtra understands that Ms Kamya, who is also the former Rubaga North MP, took the decision after her supporters reportedly advised her against “chasing shadows”. 

They reportedly told her to admit that she miscalculated when she took the decision to contest for the highest office and asked her not to waste time again. Ms Kamya was a contestant in the 2011 Ugandan presidential elections.

However, Ms Kamya, who accepted to contest for Parliament next year, is said to have told her supporters that she participated in the 2011 elections not to win but to launch the federal ideology outside Buganda; she calls it ‘Ugandanisation’ of federo. 

Apparently, Ms Kamya’s return has taken current Rubaga North MP Moses Kasibante by surprise since he thought the former FDC strong lady would contest for presidency again.

‘Sleepless nights’

Sources close to Mr Kasibante told Political Extra that the UFA leader is giving him sleepless nights. The MP nowadays frequents his constituency and quietly meets voters in order to galvanise his support and has reportedly vowed to give Ms Kamya “a bloody nose” in next year’s parliamentary contest. 

Following the 2011 elections, the former journalist with the help of Kampala Lord Mayor Erias Lukwago and other Opposition sympathisers went to court, challenging NRM candidate Singh Katongole’s disputed win. Mr Katongole, who won the seat through a disputed re-counting process, was ejected by court, allowing Mr Kasibante to reclaim what belonged to him. But it appears what belonged to Mr Kasibante, once belonged to Ms Kamya and she is determined to have it back.

 

America advises Uganda on oil refinery deal with a Russian trade company. 

  Mr Scott De Lisi 

 

By FREDERIC MUSISI


Posted  March 1   2015 

 
KAMPALA, UGANDA:

The US Ambassador to Uganda Scott DeLisi last week expressed disapproval of the awarding of $4b (about Shs11.5 trillion) oil refinery project to the subsidiary of a Russian state conglomerate that also deals in arms and whose chief executive is under heavy US and EU sanctions. He warned that this venture is “not a done deal.”

“On the issue of the sanctions, these are issues I am sure the government will have to look at carefully. They have designated a Russian company as the first on the list, absolutely, but they still have to negotiate a variety of issues that will go to financing and the rest. I would suggest that you wait and see how that all plays out,”

DeLisi was speaking during a 45-minute interface with selected journalists at the US embassy in Nsambya, Kampala, on Wednesday. 

“They [problems] maybe because of the sanctions imposed upon the parent company.

“There may be problems in terms of financing, inability to operate but we will see how all that plays out,” he added.

Last week, the Uganda government awarded the contract for the refinery project to RT Global Resources, a consortium managed by Russia’s Rostec, a defence and technology corporation whose businesses include manufacturing and selling weapons such as the AK-47/Kalashnikov rifles.

In 2013, the government started the search process for a lead investor to undertake construction of the 60,000 barrels-per-day (bpd) oil refinery. About 75 companies picked the Request for Qualification documents and only eight made it to the last submission round. Later, four companies pulled out for diverse reasons.

The four that reached the last round included, RT Global Resources, Japan’s Maruben Corporation, China’s Petroleum Pipeline Bureau (CPPB), and the South Korean SK Group.

Mr Sergei Chemezov, Rostec’s chief executive, is a former officer in the Russian spy agency KGB and close ally of President Vladimir Putin. He has US sanctions on him, which include freezing his assets and barring US companies from dealing with him since 2014.

The sanctions are in response to Russia’s annexation and military adventures in Ukraine.

“It is not my job to tell the government of Uganda with whom they can engage but it is my job to share with the government the US policy, its concerns if there is any and to define the nature of our partnership. So that is what we focus on, but I wish them well even in other dealings but we will see how that all plays out,” said Ambassador Mr DeLisi

The refinery project manager Robert Kasande told Sunday Monitor that they are cognizant of the sanctions against Sergei Chemezov but added that these are issues he cannot comment about or are rather beyond him.

He however revealed that they finalised the issues of financing with the Russian company.

President Museveni has in the recent past scolded Western countries for what he called arrogance, and said China and Russia were available as alternatives because they do not meddle in internal politics of other countries.

musisif@

ug.nationmedia.

com

 

Abavubuka abatalina mirimu mu kibuga Kampala babona bona nokweyiya:
Kampala, Uganda
Mar 11, 2015
 
Bya MARTIN NDIJJO NEJOSEPH MAKUMBI

LABA jjaamu wa Kampala watutuusiza!

Jjaamu kye kimu ku bizibu ebikyabobbya Bannakampala omutwe.

Abantu abamu ne batuuka n’okwenyiwa ekibuga ky’eggwanga ekikulu.

Buli ku makya abantu abangi ekibuga bakiyingira balajaana olwajjaamu abaleetera okukeerewa ku mirimu ate bwe ziwera ssaawa 11:00 ez’akawungeezi emitima ne giddamu okubewaanika ng’abalina ebidduka beebuuza waakuyita okudda eka ate abalinnya takisi balowooza ku budde bwe bagenda okumala ku nguudo .

Wadde aba KCCA bagezezzako okulwanyisa omugotteko gw’ebidduka mu Kampala, bamenya n’okugaziya enguudo wamu n’okukola agamu ku makubo agabadde mu mbeera embi nga bayambibwako n’ebintongole ebirala nga poliisi ebibeera ku nguudo okulaba ng’abantu n’emmotoka zitambula bulungi.

Bano bakyalina omulimu munene olw’akalippagano k’ebidduka akalemedde ku nguudo z’omu Kampala eziyingira n’ezifuluma nga Jinja Road, Ntebe Road, Bombo Road, Nateete n’enddala. Jjaamu ono avaako ebizibu bingi eri abantu

baabulijjo olwo abakedde n’essanyu ne batuuka okudda eka nga banyiivu.

OKUKONKOMALIRA KU NGUUDO

Buli lwe ziwera ssaawa 11:00 ez’akawungezi abantu abalinnya takisi ne kosita ng’emitima gibeewanika. olwa jjaamu ku nguudo.

Baddereeva abamu basalawo okusimba mmotoka ne bawummuliramu nga bwe balinda n’omugotteko gw’ebidduka okukendeera ku nguudo.

Ate abamu batya okutuuka mu ppaaka ne mu bitundu by’ekibuga ebimu olw’abasaabaze ababa babalindiridde ne bakonkomalira ku nguudo ne mu ppaaka ssaako okulwanira ezo mmotoka entono eziriwo

Wano aba takisi abamu bagufuula mugano okwongeza ebisale okugeza emisana w’otambulira 1,000/- akawungeezi oba ku makya basaba 1,500/- oba 2,000/- embeera eno y’evaako abantu abamu okubuukira mmotoka za kabangali, loole n’abamu

okwegayirira ab’obumotoka obutono okubatwalako ssaako okulinnya ‘bodaboda oba boda ggaali. Olw’obukoowu okuva ku mirimu ssaako okuyimira okumala ebbanga nga balindiridde mmotoka kivaako abantu abamu okwetamwa ekibuga n’abamu okuggyamu obulwadde n’abalala okuzirika.


OBUBBI

Abamenyi b’amateeka naddala ababbi mu bitundu ebimu beeyambisa embeera ya jjaamu okutuukiriza ebigendererwa byabwe.

Waliwo abavubuka abamanyi okubaza mmotoka bw’oba togisibye ne bagigula naddala mu jjaamu ne bakusikako ensawo, essimu, laputoopu n’ebintu by’omugaso ebirala ne babitwala. Waliwo abeefuula abasabiriza ku nguudo kyokka nga bakola kimu kya kubaza abatudde ku madirisa oba ebintu ebiri okumpi ne ddirisa okubinyakula.

OBUBENJE BWA BODABODA

Olw’akalippagano ate ng’ abantu abamu bali mu bwangu bangi basalawo okulinnya bodaboda ezaakazibwako erya ‘boda takisi’. Zino zisiweka abasaabaze abasuukka mw’omu kyokka nga zidduka kubanga baba ku mugano ng’ayagala okutuusa amangu batwala asobole okudda atwale n’abalala era embeera eno evuddeko obubenje bwa bodaboda ng’abagoba baazo nga bawaganya n’okuyita mu bifo ebikyamu. N’emisana bangi

bettanira bodaboda olwa jjaamu.

Mmotoka zifuna ebizibu. Mu jjaamu abavuzi b’emmotoka bangi bafuniddemu ebizibu omuli okukola obubenje nga bakooye, mmotoka ezimu zigaana okusiba ate abalala amafuuta bateekamu ‘bwendo’ era olugwa mu jjaamu avugamu wano ne wali nga mmotoka esika.

POLIISI EYOGEDDE

Omwogezi wa poliisi mu Kampala n’emiriraano, Patrick Onyango agamba nti nga poliisi, egezezaako okulwanyisa ababbira mu kalippagano k’ebidduka n’okulaba ng’abantu batambula bulungi, bwe batadde abaserikale kumpi buli kafo akabeeramu akalippagano ne mu makoona mu Kampala n’emiriraano.

Onyango yagasseeko nti, kino baakikoze okulaba nga akalippagano k’ebidduka kaggwawo ku nguudo zonna

eziyingira n’okufuluma ekibuga.


Ku nsonga y’ababbira mu jjaamu, Onyango yategeezezza nti bano bamazeeko abasaabaze emirembe era bakoze ebikwekweto mu bitundu bya Kampala okuli Kibuye ne Nsambya ne bakwata abavubuka abawerako ababadde bateega abantu mu jjaamu ne bababbako obusawo, emikuufu, essimu n’ebirala.

“Tubamanyi bulungi ababba abantu mu jjaamu era ebikwekweto byaffe bikyagenda mu maaso mu kaseera katono tujja kuba tubamazeewo bonna.” Onyango bwe yagasseeko.

Abakyala nga basindika mmotoka eweddemu amafuta mu Kampala.

KCCA ereeta bbaasi ne tuleyini

OMWOGEZI wa KCCA, Peter Kaujju ategeezezza nti, pulaani yaabwe ey’okumalawo akalippagano k’ebidduka teri mu

Kampala wakati mwokka wabula mu kibuga wonna nga muno mwe muli okuleeta bbaasi ne tuleyini egenda okutandika okukola mu mwezi guno.

Agattako nti baatandika dda ku kaweefube ono era nga mu bye baasookerako mulimu okutereeza enguudo, okutereeza

entambula ey’olukale omuli bbaasi ne tuleyini egenda okuvanga e Namanve okutuuka ku kitebe ky’eggaali y’omukka mu Kampala wakati n’oluvannyuma bakwate ku luguudo lw’eggaali olugendaokudda e Kyengera ne Portbell.

“Tuleyini ne bbaasi bwe zinaaba zitandise okukola, tujja kuba tukendeezezza ku muwendo gw’emmotoka eziyingira mu

Kampala ne bodaboda nazo twaziwandiisa buli emu ne tugissa gy’erina okukolera era nga tuli mu nteekateeka okukakasa nti gye twabateeka gye bakolera.” Kaujju bwe yategeezezza.

Agattako nti, bakoze enguudo okwetooloola Kampala era mu bbanga ttono, ebyentambula bigenda kugojoolwa mu Kampala yenna.



The Electoral Commis

sion begs the media not to incite violence as the 2016 National elections approach


By Fred Muzaale

Posted  Thursday, April 2  2015

Luweero in the State of Buganda, Uganda.

The Electoral Commission (EC) chairman, Mr Badru Kiggundu, has cautioned the media to desist from reporting sensational and unbalanced stories that can instigate violence.

In a speech read for him by the EC director of finance and administration, Ms Jovita Byamugisha, during a regional media workshop on the 2016 general elections, in Luweero Town on Monday, Mr Kiggundu said the media should promote peaceful campaigns and support conflict prevention.

“You should study the road map and internalise its content so that you are able to follow the progress and report from a point of knowledge,” the EC boss said.

Study the road map

He added that journalists should acquaint themselves with the EC’s road map for the various electoral activities so that they report from an informed point of view.

The workshop was attended by journalists from Kayunga, Mityana, Luweero, Nakaseke and Kiboga districts.

The EC senior public relations officer, Mr Paul Bukenya, said the 2016 general election will not be free and fair if it does not receive a free and fair media coverage.

fmuzaale@ug.

nationmedia.com


Health workers at Lyatonde Hospital have gone on strike protesting nonpayment of salaries for five months now.


The strike has left hundreds of patients stranded without any assistance. The most affected departments include; surgery, children's, maternity and causality wards.


The health workers are demanding for at least a package to take them through the Christmas season if their salaries of five months are to delay further.


The strike began this morning after receiving communication from Christopher Okumu the Chief Administrative Officer that their accounts would be credited after Christmas or in January 2016.

Stranded patients at Lyantonde hospital

Led by the hospital Medical Superintendent Dr Billy Ssebunya, the health workers stormed the CAO's office after receiving the communication but found it locked.


As a result, they stormed RDC Sulaiman Tiguragara Matojo's office seeking an explanation. Matojo held a closed door meeting with the aggrieved health workers but the meeting did not yielded any positive results.


The health workers stormed out in protest accusing Matojo of being incompetent in managing the affairs of the district including issues of health workers.


Dr Ssebunya says his staff has often complained about the lack of payment and have lost the morale to attend to the patients.


According to Ssebunya the CAO earlier claimed that a cheque was banked in November this year and that all their accounts were to be credited but that has not happened.


When contacted, Okumu said that his office was handling the matter and the workers would get their salary by the first week of January. He however could not explain the delay.

Presidenti Museveni owa Uganda asiimye ab’e Sheema okulonda Kibaaju owa NRM mubiseera bino nga abaloonzi ba Uganda tebakyayagala kulonda NRM:

By Musasi wa Bukedde

 

Added 9th December 2018

 

Museveni asiimye ab’e Sheema okulonda Kibaaju.

 

 

Sh1 703x422

 Presidenti wa Uganda nga yesanyusamu naba NRM olwokuwangula akalulu ke biseera bino nga abalonzi ba Uganda bangi tebakyayagala kulonda kibiina kya bufuzi ekya NRM.

 

 

PULEZIDENTI Museveni yeebazizza abantu b’e Sheema North olw’okulonda Naome Kibaaju owa NRM n’ategeeza nti kino kyakubawa omukisa okumanya ebizibu byabwe butereevu. Yasinzidde ku mukolo Kibaaju kwe yeebalizza abalonzi ogwabadde ku kyalo Kigalama ku Lwokusatu.

 

Pulezidenti yagambye nti ababaka ba NRM babeera ba nkizo kuba basobola okumutuukako mu bwangu okusinga ab’oludda oluvuganya abamala ebiseera mu kumuvuma. Abantu b’e Sheema yabasiimye olw’okulonda aba NRM bokka okuli Dr. Elioda Tumwesigye (Sheema Munisipaali) ne Kibaaju owa Sheema North.

Yennyamidde olw’abantu be Buhweju abaalonda Francis Mwijukye n’agamba nti eno baasalwa nnyo kuba omubaka waabwe abeera ku kimu kya kumuvuma.

 

Museveni era yalabudde nga bw’agenda okukangavvula abakozi ba NAADS olw’okuweereza ensigo mu balimi nga sizoni eweddeko. “Mbalabula abakozi ba NAADS, singa muddamu kino sijja kukigumiikiriza kuba gavumenti ya NRM erwana okuggya abantu mu bwavu ate teyinza kutunuulira muntu alwana okubaavuwaza,” Museveni bwe yalabudde.

Minisita w’ebya ssaayansi ne tekinologiya, Dr. Elioda Tumwesigye n’ewebyobulambuzi, Polof. Ephraim Kamuntu baagumizza Pulezidenti nga bwe batayinza kuganya FDC kwegiriisiza mu kitundu kyabwe era nga bakola buli ekisoboka okulaba nga NRM bagituusa ku buwanguzi.

Baamusabye okutuukiriza obweyamo bwe yakola eri abatuuze obw’okubakolera oluguudo okuva e Bwizibwera-Nsiika-Buhweju- Kabwohe-Kitagata-Rukungiri. Yabagumizza nti kino kyatandise dda okukolebwako era aba UNRA baatandise dda okukikolako. Omuyimbi Catherine Kusasira yabaddewo nnyo ng’asanyusa abantu.

Nb

Mukirize okuvumwa kubanga ye democracia eyalwanya aba NRM okuleeta mu Uganda. Okusinga okuwereza aba military police nebajja ne tear gas, emiggo, nemundu okukangavula abavuganya governmenti ya NRM nga mubagoba mubitundu byabantu bammwe abagala enyo NRM. Mukirize mujje bangi muwulirize abalina endowooza endala etali ya NRM naye oluvanyuma akalulu mukawe abo bemwagala. Obwo bwebuntu bulamu, civilization, nokwaniriza abagenyi mumpisa z'Africa.

 

 

 

 

 

Musajja Mivule ayomba olwokulonda okubi okuli mu Uganda. Kulimu kyekubira omuyitirivu. Asekerera Dr Besigye:

 

6 January, 2019

 

By World Media

Dr Besigye alimba abalonzi. Alina okwetonda.

Politics ali mu Uganda NRM gweyalwanirira wa kulya sente(monetized):

 

 

 

 

 

 

In Uganda, the ruling political party of the NRM is trying to buy off the rest of the political parties in the country, so that they can accept to participate in the next General Election of 2021:

By Umaru Kashaka

 

Added 7th December 2018 

 

The items on the agenda include constitutional and electoral reforms, strengthening political parties, inclusiveness and bolstering democratic governance, human rights and the rule of law.

 

 
 
 
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(NRM) secretary general, Justine Kasule Lumumba. Photo/File

POLITICS

 

 

UGANDA, KampalaThe National Resistance Movement (NRM) secretary general, Justine Kasule Lumumba, has said everything is set for the summit of five major political parties under the framework of the Inter-Party Organisation for Dialogue (IPOD) on Wednesday next week.

The meeting that President Yoweri Museveni last month agreed to attend at Speke Resort Munyonyo in his capacity as NRM’s national chairman and not as the President will be organised twice annually.

Lumumba told New Vision on Friday that they had already agreed on the agenda as IPOD.

“So everything is set. Let’s present ourselves as IPOD Council and summit to Ugandans to show that we can serve as parties and leaders of this time. It is our responsibility as current leaders to nature multiparty practices in Uganda now beyond ourselves despite the challenges,” she said.

The items on the agenda include constitutional and electoral reforms, strengthening political parties, inclusiveness and bolstering democratic governance, human rights and the rule of law.

Some of the invited guests include former President of Tanzania, Benjamin William Mkapa.

IPOD was set up in 2010 to bring together leaders of all political shades in the country to foster a strong and vibrant multiparty democracy in Uganda based on peaceful co-existence of all citizens to work harmoniously.

Political parties with representation in Parliament include NRM, Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), Democratic Party (DP), Justice Forum (JEEMA) and Uganda People’s Congress (UPC).

NRM hits back at FDC, DP 

Meanwhile, NRM has hit back at FDC and DP for withdrawing from the IPOD summit.

Richard Todwong, the NRM’s deputy secretary general, told New Vision that the U-turn by the country's top opposition political parties was hardly surprising given their history.

“It is unfortunate that FDC and DP are behaving the way they always behave even when they were the ones who were looking for the moment of dialogue. They have confirmed that they are not reliable and that they are not for dialogue. The U-turn is a demonstration to that,” he said.

Todwong, however, said the meeting was on and nothing was going to change. “For us as NRM, we are ready to cooperate with them… But UPC and JEEMA are in for dialogue, so the meeting is there with or without them,” he stated.

FDC chairperson Wasswa Biriggwa told the media on Tuesday that they decided to make a U-turn because there had not been any ongoing negotiations between the parties’ leaders who, in his view, should only meet to endorse matters already agreed by their assistants.

“We do not have room for photo shows with [President Yoweri] Museveni. We shall not attend it (the summit), because we have not been in any kind of agreements for conclusion,” Biriggwa said.

DP’s spokesperson Kenneth Kakande also told the media during a weekly press conference in Kampala, “we are not comfortable at all to sit with NRM to discuss anything to do with the way forward for this country”.

“They do not have faith, instead they care about their stay in power. We state that as DP, in principle, we believe in meaningful dialogue but we cannot participate in a dialogue where its outcome is pre-conceived as window dressing,” he added.

The IPOD council was expected to meet today to decide on what to do for FDC and DP. “IPOD council members are going to meet to decide on what to do and we shall communicate to the country,” Todwong said.

 

 

 

 

 

In Uganda, the Katikkiro of Buganda is blaming the leadership of Kooki county for sabotaging the development policies of the Kingdom of Buganda:

December 5, 2018

Written by Sadab Kitatta Kaaya

Charles Peter Mayiga

The Katikkiro of the Kingdom of Buganda, Mr Charles Peter Mayiga

 

Before the Buganda Lukiiko (parliament) on Monday, Charles Peter Mayiga, the Katikkiro (prime minister), delivered a strong message to the Kamuswaga of Kooki Apollo Ssansa Kabumbuli II and some elements within the central government that he accused of fanning tensions between Buganda and the Rakai-based cultural institution.

Mayiga’s address to the Lukiiko came exactly a week after a combined force of the police and army blocked him at Hotel Brovad in Masaka for several hours in an attempt to stop him from travelling to Kooki county (Rakai district) on official kingdom duties.

Of Buganda’s 18 counties, Kooki enjoys a special status being the only county with a hereditary chief – owing to the 1896 agreement between then Buganda king Mwanga and his Kooki counterpart, Kamuswaga Kezekia Ndawula that placed the chiefdom under the authority of Buganda kingdom.

Until 2013, the Kamuswaga was loyal to the Mengo establishment, but in a surprise turn of events, he turned hostile, and attempted to block the launch of that year’s annual Masaza football tournament at St Bernard’s SS Mannya where 11 students died in an inferno last month.

Mayiga’s first stop last week was at this very school before he went on to visit coffee farmers under his coffee growing promotion campaign dubbed ‘Emmwanyi terimba.’ For more than six hours, he remained blockaded at Hotel Brovad where he had spent the night. Outside the hotel and along the road from Masaka to Rakai, heavily armed police and military personnel were on alert with armoured personnel carriers (APCs) commonly known as Mamba, water cannons and other riot gear were on deployment.

As tensions continued to build in Masaka, groups in Kooki threatened to riot in protest against the government’s closing of the roads to Kooki for Mayiga. Fearing that the tensions could flare out, security eventually cleared Mayiga to proceed to Kooki.

In 2009, deadly riots broke out across the kingdom after Mayiga’s predecessor, John Baptist Walusimbi, was blocked from travelling to Bugerere (Kayunga district) ahead of Kabaka.

Maj Flavia Terimulungi, the spokesperson of the Masaka-based armoured brigade, told journalists security forces had been told that Mayiga hadn’t sought the clearance of the Kooki cultural leadership.

The Kamuswaga had demanded Mayiga writes formally informing him of his visit to the area which, according to the Kamuswaga, is now an autonomous kingdom. The Kooki leadership’s demand for secession from Buganda followed the agreement that President Museveni entered into with Buganda in 2013 that literally recognized the hitherto non-existent cultural institutions in Bugerere and Buruli (Nakasongola district).

CHILDISH

On Monday, Mayiga used strong language against the Kooki cultural head though he did not directly mention his name nor title.

“It is surprising how someone can take up childish games against a program meant to develop the people,” Mayiga said. “I don’t partake in childish games, and I am not someone you can joke around with.” Mayiga further told the Lukiiko there are elements in Kooki that are focused at destabilizing the general security situation in the country.

“The same elements are also opposed to development; in fact, they don’t care about the ordinary people [that they claim to be their subjects],” Mayiga said.

Mayiga emphasized that Kooki is an area under the jurisdiction of the Kabaka of Buganda. “How else would I, a lawyer, leave a well-furnished office of the katikkiro to go and drive through Kooki’s dusty roads other than serving my king? And somebody comes up thinking that he can block me from going there, isn’t that being childish?” Mayiga wondered.

He claimed that the Kooki cultural leader is working with some elements in the central government to ferment confusion in Buganda.  

PROVOCATIVE

The Kamuswaga did not answer our calls but Stanley Ndawula, his spokesman, accuses Mayiga of being provocative. “He should stop his provocation and get politics out of cultural issues,” Ndawula said. “If we stopped the Kabaka from visiting Kooki for two weeks until protocol was observed, who is Mayiga who was blocked for a few hours?”

Ndawula adds Mayiga should have himself to blame for making the Kabaka to sign a ‘dubious’ agreement that ‘gave away parts of the kingdom in Bugerere and Buruli.’

TROUBLED RECENT PAST

Before the 2013 agreement, Kooki was agitating for a review of the 1896 agreement with demands for a special status, higher than that of other ssaza (county) chiefs, and to have this throne inside the Mengo Lukiiko hall.

Weeks after Mayiga’s appointment in May 2013, the Kamuswaga’s rhetoric changed, he started making secession threats after Museveni promised a Shs 8.51bn ‘special entandikwa’ project for Kooki. See: Museveni, Mengo collide on KookiThe Observer, June 13, 2013.

Soon, the Kamuswaga declared his area a separate kingdom and withdrew his representatives from the Buganda Lukiiko in addition to futile attempts to withdraw Kooki’s participation from the popular Masaza football tournament.

Matters were not helped when Mayiga appointed Gertrude Ssebuggwawo, who once served as the Kamuswaga’s katikkiro, to take up Kooki’s seat in the Buganda Lukiiko.

Ssebuggwawo, together with some members of the Kooki royal family and some former members of the Kamuswaga’s cabinet, were key in organizing Mayiga’s visit to Kooki last week.

sadabkk@observer.ug 

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One cannot see that this Kooki colonial issue is the priority for the subjects of the Ganda Kingdom. If the citizens of Kooki are indeed of the tribe of Ganda, well most problems can easily be solved. Buganda has some sort of a democratic Lukiiko to do that. As most State Affairs of the Ancient Kingdom stand, African development these days can be negative or positive whichever way one chooses to go with!

 

 

 

 

 

In Uganda, A prominent Member of Parliament for Buganda has been stopped from doing politics as 2021 General Election approaches:

17 November, 2018

Written by Nicholas Bamulanzeki

Ssemujju addressing residents from his fence

Ssemujju addressing residents from his home fence.

The well armed Uganda Military  Police Force  blocked all exit points on his house.  The Kira Municipality MP, Ibrahim Ssemujju Nganda developed some quick thinking by climbing up his solid brick-built fence so as to address the area residents.

 

 

Police, with the help of military, blocked Ssemujju from exiting his home in Bukasa, Kirinya in Wakiso district for a rally in Kireka. As early as 7.30am on Friday, police had already sealed off the MPs’ home and and parked three police trucks in the road enroute to the MP's house inconveniencing his neighbours using the same road. 

Some police officers even jumped over the fence to arrest the MP but took off as soon as they saw media personnel according to Ssemujju’s narration of the days’ events. Ssemujju, together with fellow MPs who voted against the amendment of the Constitution to lift the age limits last year, were meant to hold a rally at Jokas Hotel near Namboole stadium. 

But the over 40 police personnel and about 20 army men surrounded Ssemujju’s home and vowed to arrest the MP as soon as he set foot outside his home. No cars were allowed to drive into the gated house, and neither were any guests wearing red (People Power) or blue (FDC) colours allowed in.

Inside his home, his supporters were also vowing to take on the police to have the MP go for the rally. Kampala East Regional Police Commander (RPC), Musani Sabira said the MP’s letter notifying police about the rally, came on short notice although Ssemujju insisted that he sent in the letter on Monday, November 12 three days before the rally as per the demands of the Public Order Management Act (POMA).

According to a copy of the letter, the Inspector General of Police office received the letter on November 12 but on November 15, police wrote back to the MP stopping the rally saying he submitted the letter just a day to the rally on November 16.

Throughout the entire day standout, Sabira was receiving instructions on his mobile phone on what to do. Police’s intention was to either arrest Ssemujju and drive him away or frustrate him from leaving his home.

Sabina gave Ssemujju two options; to either cancel the rally altogether, or write to police again to reschedule the rally. In Kireka and surrounding areas, police and the army had also deployed heavily. 

There was a mini scuffle between Ssemujju’s supporters and police as they attempted to arrest him in the afternoon on his way out with fellow MPs including Medard Ssegoona, Paul Mwiru, Winnie Kiiza, Gafa Mbwatekamwa, Rose Namayanja, Gerald Karuhanga among others. The MPs planted a symbolic ‘Constitution' (freedom) tree in Ssemujju’s compound in recognition of the MPs’ vote against age limit amendment. 

Following the scuffle that left Ssemujju's wife Faridah in tears, the MP was advised by former Leader of Opposition in Parliament (LoP) Winnie Kiiza to avoid being arrested on Friday because that would mean the MP spending the entire weekend in jail. 

Police, who all the time kept a close eye at the the gates, were caught unawares when Ssemujju climbed up on the fence and started addressing the now swelling crowd that had been drawn by the standoff.

Some police officers were bemused to the point of even laughing at the Ssemujju’s short speech in which he attacked President Museveni for refusing to leave power and blocking his political rivals from exercising their rights.

“Museveni has ruled for so long and aged from power, now he even needs pampers. That is why in his convoy, it’s the mobile toilet van that is serviced the most. These policemen are not the problem, they are simply following orders from Mr Museveni. School children are dying because criminals are burning their schools but they are here at my home as uninvited. All these patrols trucks and policemen deployed here are wasting money and time yet there are no medicines in the hospital” he said in Luganda to the cheering crowd.

“As Bobi Wine told you, Ugandans please wake up and liberate your country if you don’t want to live in poverty for the rest pf your lives as Museveni and family keep on living luxuriously at your expense. Even these police officers at the end of the day, they will fall sick and go to hospitals without medicines.” he added.

"If it's money that is keeping Museveni in power, we have special elderly fund of Shs 25,000 per month for the next 10 years for Museveni and his wife to enjoy. They can't fight a wave of change that has come."

Earlier Leader of Opposition in Parliament Betty Aol Ochan who was the first MP to visit Ssemujju said, it’s such a disappointment that a government pushing for national dialogue is the one now blocking an MP from leaving his home to go and address his constituents.

Aol tried to call police boss Martin Okoth Ochola to find out why his police officers were blocking an MP from leaving his home but Ochola’s mobile number was switched off.

Aol said the continued pushing of Ugandans to the wall will eventually force some to go the bush like Museveni did in the 1980s so as to regain their freedoms.

Meanwhile, Kiiza said Ugandans should get angry one day because they have been provoked long enough by the government’s actions and denial of services and force Museveni out of power. Paul Mwiru echoed the same, saying government was wasting resources on blocking one MP from leaving his home yet social services are in an appalling state. 

Nb

The Courts of Law in Uganda have warned you politicians to make sure that you have APPROPRIATE reforms concerning elections in this country by the end of this year. If you cannot do it, well, and you all participate in the next coming National General Election, do not go to the Courts of Law crying foul! And by the look of things to come, some of these politicians might be shot.

 

 

 

 

 

The State of Buganda is learning the hard way that it is going to pay highly for the misdeed of the Central Government of Uganda:

The whole country is learning to depend on the military General Salim Saleh and President of Uganda, Mr Kaguta Museveni's handouts:

November 14, 2018

Written by Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda


General Salim Saleh having a laugh with one of the many hangers on 

 

Saturday newspapers carried stories that troubled my mind throughout the weekend.

The first story that troubled me was about activities of Gen Caleb Akandwanaho aka Salim Saleh in the Tooro sub-region. The Daily Monitor reported that Saleh had spent nearly two months in Tooro and, among other things, sponsored two sittings of Kabarole district council. He is helping Fort Portal to become a city and has been offered land to build some factories.

Remember Gen Saleh is a senior presidential advisor on defence and until recently operated an office in Bombo military barracks. He is also the coordinator of an illegal outfit called Operation Wealth Creation. An executive order from his brother that establishes it even expired.

 

The National Agricultural Advisory Services (NAADS), established by an Act of Parliament, surrenders more than half (about Shs 270 billion) of its budget to this illegal Saleh outfit annually.

This is the money that Saleh is using as he likes. I hope you still remember that he recently dished out some millions to kadongokamu people at a concert in Namboole. He is now sponsoring sittings of various district councils in Fort Portal. What will stop him from sponsoring weddings and traditional marriages?

And the reason NAADS was made to surrender this money was because of abuse. These days they say “Uganda zaabu” which means Uganda is gold.    

The second story which both The Daily Monitor and New Vision carried was about the donation of vehicles to Busoga cultural leaders by another military general, Yoweri Museveni.

The vehicle of Kyabazinga costs more than Shs 400 million if it is a secondhand. This was brand new, which means its cost is about Shs 600 million. The rest of the pick-up trucks I think cost about Shs 250 million each.  You can conservatively say the whole vehicle project cost is about Shs 3 billion.

The president, since he is the de facto minister of finance, has been prevailing over parliament to allocate him Shs 97 billion annually for donations. This money is part of the State House budget. Last financial year, another item called miscellaneous under State House was allocated Shs 78 billion.

It is possible that the vehicles were bought using this money for donations. It is, therefore, not illegal money. The source of the money or its legality is not what troubled me. The collective vulnerability of traditional leaders and their people is what troubled me.

According to the official 2014 housing and population census, Basoga are the third largest ethnic group in Uganda. The census put them at 2.9 million people. Of course they have since grown because our population grows at about 3.1 per cent every year.

One of my constituents who heard us discuss these vehicle donations on Capital Gang told me if each Musoga had contributed just Shs 1,800, they would have bought these vehicles themselves. Either, he argued, “these people have been extremely impoverished or the leadership undermined.”

And Batooro, according to the census results, were 810,708 people by 2014. And the reason districts are created right and centre is to take services nearer to the people.

It appears the districts have failed and Gen Saleh is the one now taking these services nearer to the Batooro. A sitting of the district council, Daily Monitor reported, costs just about Shs 10 million. The people of Kabarole/Fort Portal are too poor to afford this, the reason Gen Saleh intervened.

These two generals are brothers. For me I am emotional when it comes to my ethnic group. I feel very bad that my ethnic group, which contributed to the formation of Uganda in the London 1960 conferences, now must depend on handouts from other people.

Why are we in this marriage? Forgive me but that is what I saw in these two good gestures by the general brothers. That the Basoga - all of them - are incapable of buying their traditional leaders decent vehicles!

If all other things have not united us, this should. All this nonsense of dialogue should focus on this. I can allow you to belittle FDC, but not Buganda. This country should be able to tell off these generals. This is our country, and not their parent’s estate.

semugs@yahoo.com

The author is Kira Municipality MP and opposition chief whip in parliament.

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The leadership of Buganda has for decades been in the habit of inviting foreigners to come in the country and help the country of Buganda to grow and develop. One cannot see an end to this sort of African political manoeuvring. There is a long way to go especially if one sees how many useless civil wars has the country of Buganda suffered?

 

 

 

 

 

The Uganda Member of Parliament, Mr  Kyagulanyi has narrated his ordeal before the Arua by-election when he was badly beaten up by the Uganda Army:

 

Kyadondo East MP Robert Kyagulanyi alias Bobi

Kyadondo East MP Robert Kyagulanyi alias Bobi Wine with his wife Barbra Itungo in the U.S where he travelled for specialised treatment  

By Monitor Reporter

Kyadondo East MP Robert Kyagulanyi alias Bobi Wine who was tortured and held in custody by security agencies for several days before he was produced in court and charged with treason has narrated his ordeal.
In a 3,611 word statement posted on his social media platforms, Mr Kyagulanyi who’s currently undergoing specialized treatment in the U.S says he “felt more compelled to speak out after reading the many posts written by President Museveni and other government officials about what happened.”

Mr Kyagulanyi, Mityana Municipality MP Francis Zaake and a number of MPs and other politicians, including the new MP for Arua Municipality Kassiano Wadri, were embroiled in a spat with security agents on the last day of campaigns for the Arua Municipality seat last month. Thirty three people, including Kyagulanyi and Mr Wadri, have since been charged with treason over allegations of stoning the President’s motorcade in the Arua fracas, where President Museveni had gone to canvass support for his NRM party’s candidate, Ms Nusura Tiperu.

“They wrapped me in a thick piece of cloth and bundled me into a vehicle. Those guys did to me unspeakable things in that vehicle! They pulled my manhood and squeezed my testicles while punching me with objects I didn’t see,” reads part of Mr Kyagulanyi’s statement.

Following the violent episodes that left Kyagulanyi’s former driver Yasin Kawuma shot dead and many nursing gunshot wounds, with Bobi Wine and Mr Zaake beaten into near coma, President Museveni said Mr Zaake had escaped from police custody. That was days after the authorities at Lubaga Hospital in Kampala said Mr Zaake had been dropped at the facility by unidentified people.

Below is Bobi Wine’s full statement

 

WHAT EXACTLY HAPPENED IN ARUA? MY STORY!
Fellow Ugandans, friends and well-wishers from around the world,
I am sorry, I have taken a bit long to write to you about the trials and tribulations, for which you all stood with me. It's been tough days, as I recover from the physical and mental trauma I endured. I am overwhelmed by your support and words of encouragement. I cannot repay you in any other way, except sticking to those values which bind all of us together- justice, equality and human dignity.

I will be communicating more in the coming days and where possible send my appreciation to the different individuals and organizations. In this post however, I want to recount what exactly happened to me. I am very grateful to my wife Barbie, and my lawyers who narrated to the world these events, but I also wanted to tell this sad story PERSONALLY. I felt more compelled to speak out after reading the many posts written by President Museveni and other government officials about what happened.
I read the things they were saying while I was in detention, and found them absurd to say the least. I was shocked on how they tried to downplay the atrocities committed by security agencies on innocent citizens.
So let me set the record straight.

It was 13th August and it was the last day of campaigns in the Arua municipality by-election. As always we had a great campaign day. As I left the rally, I was convinced that our candidate Hon. Kassiano Wadri would win the election. So we moved from the rally at about 5:30pm and the people followed us, singing songs of freedom and chanting “People Power - Our Power.” Together with Hon. Kassiano and a few other leaders, we parted with the multitude, bade them farewell and went into Royal hotel where Hon. Wadri was staying.

We watched the 7:00pm news from the hotel lobby as we took tea and took stock of the day’s events. It was of course very exciting to watch that day’s news. The anchor said we were clearly ahead of the other candidates and the television relayed images of the massive rally and procession we had had on that day. Shortly after, I decided to move to Pacific hotel where I was staying so as to rest after the very busy day. It was at that point that I sat in my tundra vehicle, in the co-driver’s seat. The gentleman who was driving the tundra that day is one of our drivers (not Yasin). He moved out of the vehicle to call other team members who were supposed to drive with us. He took a bit long and I moved into my other vehicle (a land cruiser) which was right next to the tundra and whose driver was already seated on the driver's seat. We immediately set off for Pacific hotel. I did not even see what happened after or how late Yasin ended up on my seat in the tundra. For clarity, he had been driving another vehicle that day.

I had started taking the stairs to my room when this driver came running to say that Yasin Kawuma had been shot. I could not believe it. I asked him where he was and he told me they were parked outside the hotel. We paced down and I saw with my own eyes, my friend and comrade Yasin, giving way as he bled profusely. I quickly asked a team member to take him to hospital and another to call the police. We had not stepped away from that place when angry looking SFC soldiers came, beating up everyone they could see.

As soon as they saw me, they charged saying “there he is” in Swahili. So many bullets were being fired and everyone scampered to safety. I also ran up into the hotel with a throng of people who had gathered around. Inside the hotel, I entered a random room and locked myself in. It is at that point that my media assistant shared with me Yasin’s picture which I tweeted because the world needed to know what was going on.
I could hear the people outside and in the hotel corridors crying for help. I could also hear the soldiers pulling these helpless people past the room in which I was, saying all sorts of profanities to them while beating them mercilessly.

I stayed in the room for a long time. At some point, I heard soldiers pull some woman out of her room and ask her which room Bobi Wine had entered. The woman wailed saying she didn’t know and what followed were terrible beatings. I could hear her cry and plead for help as she was being dragged down the stairs. Up to now, that is one experience that haunts me; that I could hear a woman cry for help, yet I was so vulnerable and helpless. I could not help her.

 

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I stayed put for some hours, and I could hear the soldiers come every few minutes, bang some doors on my floor or other floors and go away. At different times I would sleep off, but was always rudely awakened by the banging of doors and the impatient boots that paced throughout the hotel for the whole night. In the wee hours of the morning, the soldiers started breaking doors of the different hotel rooms. With rage, they broke doors, and I knew they would soon come to my room. I therefore put my wallet and phone into my socks. I also had with me some money which I had earned from a previous music show. I also put it into the socks.
A few minutes later, a soldier hit my door with an iron bar and after two or three attempts the door fell in. We looked each other in the eye as he summoned his colleagues in Swahili. Another soldier pointed a pistol on my head and ordered me to kneel down. I put my hands up and just before my knees could reach the floor, the soldier who broke into the room used the same iron bar to hit me. He aimed it at my head and I put up my hand in defence so he hit my arm. The second blow came straight to my head on the side of my right eye. He hit me with this iron bar and I fell down. In no minute, all these guys were on me- each one looking for the best place to hurt. I can't tell how many they were but they were quite a number.

They beat me, punched me, and kicked me with their boots. No part of my body was spared. They hit my eyes, mouth and nose. They hit my elbows and my knees. Those guys are heartless!
As they dragged me out of the room, they continued to hit me from all sides. After some time, I could almost no longer feel the pain. I could only hear what they were doing from a far. My cries and pleas went unheeded. The things they were speaking to me all this while, I cannot reproduce here. Up to now, I cannot understand how these soldiers who I probably had never met before in person could hate me so much.

They wrapped me in a thick piece of cloth and bundled me into a vehicle. Those guys did to me unspeakable things in that vehicle! They pulled my manhood and squeezed my testicles while punching me with objects I didn’t see. They pulled off my shoes and took my wallet, phone and the money I had. As soon as the shoes were off, they started hitting my ankles with pistol butts. I groaned in pain and they ordered me to stop making noise for them. They used something like pliers to pull my ears. Some guy unwrapped me and instead tied the thick cloth around my head. They forced my head below the car seat so as to stop me from shouting. Then they hit my back and continued to hit my genitals with objects. The marks on my back, ankles, elbows, legs and head are still visible. I continued to groan in pain and the last I heard was someone hit me at the back of the head with an object - I think a gun butt or something. That was the last time I knew what was going on.

By the time I became conscious again, I was somewhere in a small room with a small window. My legs were tied together with my hands with very tight cuffs. I was bleeding from the nose and ears. I was in great pain. My whole body was swollen. I was shaking uncontrollably.
Two soldiers came in. I can now recall that they were visibly pleased to see that I was still alive. They came close to me. One of them apologized in tears about what had happened. "Bobi, I am sorry but not all of us are like that. Some of us actually like you," he said. He said that doctors were on their way to treat me. I stayed in the same position and after a few hours, about four soldiers came in and lifted me on a piece of cloth. One of them took a picture of me, (I hope to see that picture some day in my life). As we went out, I read “Arua airfield’ somewhere. I was taken into a waiting military helicopter and taken to a place which I later found out was Gulu 4th Division military barracks. It was at that facility that some military doctors came in and started giving me injections.

At that point I could not even complain as I was not yet fully alert. I was very dizzy and had not eaten or drank anything for many hours. My sight was very weak as well. I spent the night there. Late in the night, I was picked again from this detention facility. With my head covered with a dark cloth that felt like a t-shirt, I was taken to Gulu Police Station where I was forced to sign a written statement by an officer called Francis Olugo in the presence of some other officer who I later learnt is the CID head of Gulu. I can hardly recall what was contained in that statement! I was then returned to Gulu military barracks, put on a metallic bed and handcuffed on it. Very early morning, I was picked from this room and taken to another very secluded and dirty room where I was put on another bed, hand-cuffed again and injected with a drug that immediately sent me into a deep sleep.

The following day I can recall that at some point, Hon. Medard Ssegona and Hon. Asuman Basalirwa came to me. My efforts to rise and speak to them didn’t yield much. The moment they saw me, they could hardly hold tears. I have a faint recollection of what they told me, but their visit was very short.

I was later carried into a hall where I saw soldiers dressed smartly. I would lie if I said I fully appreciated what was going on at that point. I was later told that I was appearing before the General Court Martial!!!
After a short while, I was again carried into a military helicopter.
When it landed, I was put into a vehicle and driven to another place which I later found out was Makindye military barracks.

At Makindye, I was now fully alert and had a drink for the first time after two or three days. I saw doctors come in several times and they gave me all kinds of injections. At some point, I tried to object and these guys would hold my arms from behind and inject me anywhere. If I asked what drug it was, the guy would say something like, “This is diclofenac, can’t you see?” At some point, some guy came in and wanted to stitch my ear which had an open wound. I pleaded with him not to, and he relented. All the while I was spending the day and night with my hands and legs cuffed until a few days later. Thankfully although the scars are still visible, the wound on my ear healed.

It was after some time at Makindye that I was able to see my wife and my brother Eddy Yawe, who came in with some lawyers, some friends and dignitaries from the Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC). I will never forget the atmosphere in that room- people started crying upon setting eyes on me. At that point, I could not sit, walk or even stand by myself. I was still swollen and spoke with great difficulty due to chest pains. My teeth were shaking and the headache was unbearable. I am thankful that the UHRC made a report which I later read. At least it captured in part, the state in which they found me. As the government agency mandated to fight human rights violations, I am eagerly waiting to see what actions they will take to ensure that no Ugandan is taken through this ever again. Not even President Museveni. I cannot wish what happened to me upon anyone. Not even those soldiers who violated me as if they were beasts. I remember two other things about that visit. Despite the pain I had that day, I remember forcing a smile when they told me that I had been charged with unlawful possession of firearms.

I was told that three guns had been assembled and said to have been found in my room! I could not believe that the state would torture a Ugandan so bad and then frame him with possession of guns! I did not stop thinking about that for all the days I spent at Makindye. How ruthless, how callous, how inhumane could these guys be? It was also on that day that I was told about the alleged stoning of the President’s vehicle.

 

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The other thing I remember is this- I asked my visitors if we had won the Arua election. They told me we had won with a big margin and I thanked God. That strengthened my spirit because I knew that the people were with us, even in the kind of sufferings and indignities we were being subjected to.

I was very sad as I am today, that they murdered my brother Yasin in cold blood and did not allow me to bury him. They told me about my other comrades who were also incarcerated and I kept praying for them. (Of course every visitor had to speak to me in the presence of military personnel.) Although I was very pleased to see all visitors, when I was released, I read the comments which some of the visitors made to the press (particularly government officials). I felt sad that we have a lot of dishonest, cold people who don’t care riding on someone’s tragedy for political capital. I want to believe that we are better than that, dear Ugandans.

Anyway, while at Makindye I was briefed that I was expected in court on 23rd August, about nine days after I was taken there. Some military doctors continued to come in to inject me, wash my wounds and give me pain killers. At night on two occasions, I was put into military vehicles and driven to Kampala Imaging Centre for scans. I could not object or even ask questions. I am worried because one of the machines seemed very dangerous. As soon as I was placed into it and it was switched on, the doctors ran to a safe distance and started seeing me from a small window. It was there that the radiologist told me how one of my kidneys and back had been damaged during the assault. I was however not given any written medical report by the military.

It was clear they wanted me to appear in better shape at the next time of my court appearance and they did everything possible to achieve that. A day or two at Makindye, this guy was candid. He told me it was in my interest to eat well, take in all the medicine and look better by 23rd or else they would not allow the press to see me and I would be remanded again until I was presentable enough! They even forcefully shaved my hair and beards. When I hesitated, this soldier told me, ‘gwe osaaga’ (You are kidding). Two of them held my hands from behind and shaved me by force.

At some point, they insisted I must wear a suit for my next appearance before the court martial and asked me to tell my wife to bring me one. I also insisted that I did not have it. At another point I hesitated to allow some eye drops for my right eye which was very red and swollen. I always wanted to know what drugs I was being given. These guys held my arms from behind and one of them literally poured the entire bottle into my eye! Later, the military doctor also provided me with a crutch to aid me in walking. At that point, I was able to stand up, although with difficulty. When you hear all this you may think that all our soldiers are brutal. Far from that, most of them are wonderful people. There are many I interacted with during this ordeal who were extremely professional and sympathetic. It was hard to comprehend how people serving the same force, putting on the same uniform could be very different in appreciation and approach to a citizen of Uganda.

When I was taken back to Gulu on 23rd, I was very happy to see the people who came to court including family members, comrades in the struggle and lawyers. I cannot explain how I felt when the lawyer for the army said that charges of unlawful possession of firearms had been dropped. I did not feel vindicated. I was not excited. I was not moved. I just cannot explain how I felt. I just remembered what these people had done to me and tears came to my eyes. Shortly after, I was rearrested right in front of the courtroom and taken to Gulu prison. At the military prison, I was wearing a red uniform - this time, I was given a yellow one.

 

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Friends, you cannot believe that you can be happy to be in prison but that day I was. I was very happy to leave solitary military confinement and meet up with colleagues who were being held at the Gulu prison. That night I was taken to Lachor hospital in Gulu- other tests and scans were conducted. At that point I was feeling better, especially psychologically since I had reunited with my comrades in the struggle.

Later that night the prison authorities decided to take me into the sickbay as opposed to staying with the other comrades. The other comrades led by Hon. Wadri protested. I could hear them bang the doors of their cell. The following day I was allowed to stay with them. The following day I was allowed to stay with them. This is when I interacted with the other 32 colleagues who had been arrested in the Arua fracas. Being in the same prison ward with Hon. Gerald Karuhanga, Hon. Paul Mwiru, Hon. Kassiano Wadri, Hon. Mike Mabike, John Mary Sebuufu and many other comrades made it feel like a boarding school. It was not a very happy reunion though. Because of the torture some of our comrades had been permanently injured. I cannot forget the pain which Shaban Atiku was going through. He spent every day and night groaning. The doctors had told him he would never walk again because his back had been permanently broken. Sadly, the world may never know him, but he will never go out of my mind. He would later collapse during a court session at Gulu. When I later met the women who were brutalised, it was very painful to see them and listen to their stories.

Many times we joked about the possibility of being hanged if the regime decided to give us the maximum penalty of the offence we had been charged with! This got many of our comrades silent.
Away from these sad moments, the overall prison leader had a box guitar in the ward and together we sang songs of freedom all night. This was the routine every night until we appeared before the Gulu High Court a few days later, for our bail hearing.

My next communication will be a vote of thanks to the world for the overwhelming support and comradeship. I will also talk about what I think we must do together to continue this struggle for liberty and freedom.
I am glad that authorities finally have bowed to your pressure and #HonZaake has been given bond to travel for urgent specialised treatment and I join the world to demand authorities to #FreeEddyMutwe and other political prisoners. WE SHALL OVERCOME.
PS:

1. Please ignore calls from my phone number (0752013306). It was taken from me by soldiers and am told they're using it to call my friends pretending it is me.
2. Please ignore any communication from other social media accounts and pages under my name apart from this one (with a blue tick) and my verified twitter account (also with a blue tick).


Hon. Kyagulanyi Ssentamu aka Bobi Wine

 

 

 

 

 

 

Media rights body in Uganda has demanded the government of Uganda to drop the charges against NTV journalists:

August 18, 2018

Written by The Observer, Uganda

An independent global media rights body, Committee to Protect Journalist (CPJ) has asked the Ugandan government to immediately drop charges of incitement and malicious damage to property against two NTV journalists.

Herbert Zziwa and Ronald Muwanga were arrested and assaulted by security personnel believed to be presidential guards, Special Forces Command (SFC) on August 13 while covering violent clashes in Arua ahead of the parliamentary seat by-election.  

Zziwa and Muwanga were detained overnight and charged on August 14 with incitement to violence and malicious damage to property before they were released on police bond.

Herbert Zziwa (R) and Ronald Muwanga at Gulu police station shortly after being released

Also that same night, security personnel assaulted and harassed Julius Bakabaage, John Kibalizi, and Benson Ongom, journalists of NBS TV who were also reporting live the shooting of Kyadondo East legislator Robert Kyagulanyi's driver, Yasin Kawuma.

"Journalists reporting in crisis zones should do so without fear that the security personnel that are supposed to look out for their safety will turn on them and assault them. The charges brought against Herbert Zziwa and Ronald Muwanga are also groundless, suggesting that authorities are trying to legitimize the arrest and assault of these journalists," said CPJ's sub-Saharan African representative, Muthoki Mumo.

"Ugandan authorities should immediately drop the charges and ensure those responsible for violence against journalists are held accountable."

On Monday, August 13 chaos and violence erupted in Arua at the conclusion of campaigns for the Arua municipality by-election when President Yoweri Museveni's convoy was allegedly stoned by opposition supporters.

After safely seeing off the president who boarded a chopper back to Kampala, SFC soldiers stormed Hotel Pacific to arrest opposition MPs and supporters who they believed were responsible for the attack on the president's motorcade. It was during the scuffle that Kawuma was shot dead while inside Kyagulanyi's car. 

Zziwa told CPJ that he, Muwanga, and cameraman Jeff Tumwesigye were reporting live from the Pacific Hotel, where the driver had been shot, when security personnel confronted them.

The security officers, whom Zziwa could not identify as belonging to any specific security agency, went after Muwanga, who was holding a camera light, and started beating him with sticks and their fists, Zziwa and Ongom, who also witnessed the incident, told CPJ.

Tumwesigye, the cameraman, ran to safety. Zziwa, who had initially tried to help Muwanga, also decided to flee to safety but ran into another group of about five security officers who beat him with sticks, slapped him, and kicked him.

He told CPJ that he escaped them, running towards a nearby security van with intention of surrendering himself for arrest to avoid further assault. Zziwa said that he found his colleague, Muwanga, already detained in the vehicle.

Zziwa told CPJ that military personnel operating the security van used a rope to tie him together with Muwanga and two other individuals. These soldiers confiscated their phones before driving them to two unknown locations, according to Zziwa and a statement from NTV Uganda.

At around 1:00am on August 14, they were taken to Arua central police station where they were handcuffed, and then they were driven around 250 kilometers to Gulu central police station, where they spent the night and were charged in the morning.

Zziwa told CPJ that he and Muwanga suffered minor injuries to their backs and heads. As conditioned by their bond, yesterday, the duo appeared at Gulu police station, where police extended their bond to August 27 when they are expected to report again. Zziwa told CPJ they were directed to pick up their phones at Arua police station.

Similarly, the NBS TV crew that was reporting live from Hotel Pacific was also assaulted including their cameraman Julius Bakabaage who was beaten on his back and head with the butts of guns. Ongom and the third member of the NBS crew, reporter Kibalizi, escaped by running away from the officers, they recounted.

Ongom told CPJ that later that night, between 8:45pm and 9:00pm, he and Kibalizi received phone calls from someone claiming to be Zziwa, the arrested NTV Uganda journalist. The caller was using Zziwa's phone number and asked the journalists to bring their equipment and footage to a room at the Blue Dove Hotel in Arua.

However, Ongom told CPJ that they were suspicious, since they had witnessed Zziwa's arrest earlier in the evening, and did not go to the hotel room. Daily Monitor, a publication that shares a parent company with NTV, reported that Zziwa's colleagues had that night received calls made from his phone by "unknown people." Zziwa told CPJ he did not know about these calls.

The NBS crew went back to report from Hotel Pacific on the morning of August 14 but a group of presidential guards were blocking the road, according to Ongom and Bakabaage.

Unable to access the hotel, they started setting up their equipment at a distance from the soldiers, with the intention of reporting live. However, three of the soldiers ran towards them, threatening them with guns and telling them to stop filming, they told CPJ.

Although the three journalists managed to get away from the soldiers, their equipment, including a camera and a tripod, was confiscated. They recovered the equipment from Arua central police station that evening, according to Bakabaage and Ongom.

Military spokesperson Richard Karemire said it was "regrettable" that the journalists had been "caught up in this fracas." He declined to discuss specific allegations of assault but said that the military would investigate any formal complaints filed with them.

Police spokesperson Emilian Kayima told CPJ that journalists were not specifically targeted in Arua.

He said that "all issues would be looked at and sorted" though he said he could not commit on whether the case against the two NTV Uganda journalists would be dropped. He did not respond to CPJ's question about whether police had used Zziwa's confiscated phone to call other journalists.

 

 

 

 

 

The Sacked leader of the opposition of the political party of the Forum for Democratic Change M/s Kiiza feels that there is no political democracy in her party leadership:

7 August, 2018

Written by URN

The country's largest opposition party, Forum for Democratic Change has been thrown into further turmoil as Winnie Kiiza, who was last week dropped as leader of opposition by party president Patrick Oboi Amuriat has refused to vacate office. 
 
Kiiza who has just returned from a trip in the USA told journalists at a press conference that she has not yet received official communication from the party and is only relying on media reports.
 
Besides, she said, Amuriat's reshuffle appears irregular as her replacement Betty Aol Ochan was appointed as the minority leader and not the leader of opposition in parliament.
 
The Besigye-Amuriat FDC wing still insists to date that it won the 2016 presidential elections, and as thus doesn't consider itself as opposition in parliament. However Kiiza said the same mistake was made earlier and has asked parliament to rectify it. 
 
M/s Winnie Kiiza of the Uganda Forum for Democratic Change aspirations
Kiiza also says the reshuffles come at a time when the term of the current leaders has not ended. She advised that the party president Amuriat should put his house in order and not be seen to be failing to control it. 
 
According to Kiiza, standing committee chairpersons are supposed to serve for two and a half years, ending in December this year, but the reshuffle was announced prematurely.
 
"It would look foolish of us to do the same mistake twice - we did it at the beginning and they said; you know, follow the Constitution. I am one of those who have vowed to protect and defend the Constitution of Uganda. I wouldn’t want to see my own party violating the provisions of the same Constitution….When we begin breaking the rules of the game, begin violating the Constitution before we get into leadership, we may not be any different from the regime in power that we want to chase." she said. 
 
Kiiza has threatened to exploit any legal loopholes in Amuriat's appointments to keep her seat as leader of opposition. 
 
"If there is an avenue that I can exploit to achieve what I want to achieve legally, I will do it. If there is a way am seeing that now it's beyond bearing, I can no longer achieve this legally, then I will also systematically follow the procedures that I think can lead me to breaking the law legally," she said. 

Last week Amuriat accused Kiiza of being unreachable and unapproachable. Kiiza belongs to the Gen Mugisha Muntu camp that lost the party presidency to Amuriat in the last FDC elections. But Kiiza said she has been obedient and is in good books with the party, engaging actively in campaign with top party leaders and hosting top party leaders in her office.
 
According to Kiiza, she has been meeting FDC leaders, wondering however why she has been accused of not working with the party. According to Kiiza, the achievements of the party is due to teamwork.
 
"No way, it doesn’t work, me, I have been in good books with my party, I have worked out with my party [and] we have achieved a lot together during my term as leader of opposition and actually during the term of the current leader," she said. 

"He [Amuriat] was enumerating his achievements and talking about the accomplishments that we have achieved together if by-elections. We were doing it as a team. He was actually hosted in this office, Dr Besigye was hosted in this office, so how else did they want to reach out to me?"

Kiiza, in counter accusations, accused her party president of holding unto elections grudges and going after party members that did not support him. The Muntu camp believes in building party structures while the Besigye-Amuriat camp believes in activism to force the current regime into concessions or out of power, insisting that the current political volatile environment doesn't allow for growth of opposition parties. 
 
"The fightings that have been in FDC are; I think positive in a way. But in some way, there is a way we take them to excesses. They are as a result of the various elections that we have been holding at the party headquarters. The disagreements at the party headquarters after elections some people have wanted to carry them along with them. They don’t want to come to peace to themselves and coming to peace with the reality," she said. 

Meanwhile, Elijah Okupa, the Kasilo County MP says due to the 'unfairness' that Amuriat is exhibiting with the reshuffles, MPs who do not support his leadership can easily breakaway and make FDC become a minority party in parliament. 
 
"You know we [MPs] did amend the Constitution that in the last one year people can cross to other parties without losing the seat…Those who think that those who did not support Amuriat should be thrown out, do they know that FDC risks being a minority party in parliament because out of the 37 members of parliament there were 8 who supported Amuriat. Assuming the 30 decided that remaining one year to leave FDC," Okupa warned. 

The leader of opposition is supposed to serve for two years. Kiiza was appointed in May 2016. Kiiza promised to address the press when she gets an official communication.

There has been media reports attributing the reshuffle to the bad blood in the party, with some saying pro-Muntu MPs were sacked, while those in support of Besigye-Amuriat wing have been rewarded. 

Nb

Indeed this is the life style of NRM political parties that continuously hide in all sorts of names to uphold dodgy but legalized NRM National Democracy. If FDC means Forum for Democratic Change then what sort of change is this second majority party bringing to the long suffering people of Uganda? What are the changes of democracy that this party is trying to bring that is far different from the democracy of NRM?

 

 

 

 

 

We of the Uganda national  political party of the FDC can celebrate Basalirwa victory at Bugiri, Busoga without insulting our dear party:

The tribulations in pictures of this Uganda political party since 16 December 2004 when it was formed to capture power democratically from the military dictatorship of NRM that is lead by President Yoweri Museveni for 32 years:

https://www.google.com/search?q=fdc+uganda+logo&safe=active&sa=X&biw=1280&bih=582&tbm=isch&source=iu&ictx=1&fir=1niH55gjjk5G8M%253A%252Ck_upKme9X6QDyM%252C_&usg=__VBF5FcVAq1HpcbxVjruzsFSxzbs%3D&ved=2ahUKEwi1j96g3cvcAhXlAsAKHdPNB0cQ9QEwAXoECAYQBg#imgrc=LC6IJ6yq5jLvkM:

The FDC flag

August 1, 2018

Written by Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda of The Forum for Democratic Change in Uganda:

Mr Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda

 

Asuman Basalirwa’s victory in Bugiri municipality and the judgment on the removal of the presidential age limit from the constitution have dominated debate in the country over the last couple of days.

Elections for mayors and MPs took place in seven municipalities but Bugiri assumed greater importance because of the opposition’s failure to agree on a single candidate.

Kyadondo East MP Robert Kyagulanyi led Asuman Basalirwa’s campaign while Dr Kizza Besigye obviously led the FDC one. In the end, people who have worked together for a common purpose traded insults, further spicing up the Bugiri elections.

Thankfully Asuman Basalirwa, the president of JEEMA, emerged winner, defeating both the NRM and FDC candidates. It would have been a disaster on our part, if our failure to rally behind a single candidate, gifted the NRM victory.

Before I forget, let me congratulate Basalirwa on this deserved victory. I think I first interacted with Basalirwa when he was Makerere University guild president around 2001/2. He later shared a hostel with my young brother Isa Kavuma when they joined Law Development Centre (LDC). I regularly visited them.

We were to work together in the Inter-Party Coalition for Change (IPC) in 2010/11 which I spoke for and was my first major political assignment. We struggled together during the walk-to-work peaceful protests in which he had an additional role of representing us in court each time we were arrested, if he was not on the charge sheet himself.

He represented my Kasokoso constituents when they were charged with attempting to kill former Kira mayor Mamerito Mugerwa during the battles over land there.

Basalirwa has, therefore, been a key pillar in the struggle to free ourselves and he is certainly a valuable addition to the Ugandan parliament.

Busoga region, despite being one of the poorest in the country, has some of the most sycophantic MPs. Interestingly, now all the three opposition Busoga MPs are tested lawyers.

With a little bit of experience, I want to warn my colleagues in the opposition not to use the just-concluded Bugiri campaigns and elections to cement divisions within our ranks.

I know the politics of the next general elections have started in earnest. Colleagues with an axe to grind with Dr Besigye are slowly positioning Bob Wine as their presidential candidate. In him, they think they have found Besigye’s match.

These ones will use every opportunity to cause a clash between these two leaders. Bugiri provided such a good opportunity for them. These fellows will blame Besigye for what he has done and not done.

For example, even if Besigye wanted Eunice Namatende to stand down for Basalirwa, the final decision over such a wish would have to be taken by the FDC organs.

Finally on this matter, I think we must appreciate that while the desire to form a single opposition group is there, we are completely different outfits. We will sometimes agree and disagree. Let us prepare for both situations.

As for the judgement from the Constitutional court, I got the judgment I had expected. Let me say it for the record: the environment in the Constitutional court has drastically improved under Justice Owiny-Dollo.

It is a completely different court from the one Steven Kavuma presided over. Maybe that is what gave people the false confidence that it was possible for this court to throw out the Constitution Amendment Act 2017 previously known as the Magyezi Bill.

I, therefore, commend Dollo and his colleagues for working on the image of the court. Ruling against Museveni’s main interest (die in office) is the least thing I expected the court to do.

No wonder many lawyers think their conclusions except that of Justice Kenneth Kakuru fundamentally differ with their findings. These things happen in parliament almost every day – good debate followed by a bad decision.

And we have got to accept that we are in this situation for us to be able to fight against it. The threats to life against individual actors is so great that it will make people sacrifice the common good for individual survival.

That is what all the judges seemed to suggest; Barishaki and Dollo nearly shed tears for failing to protect the reinstatement of term limits. They rightly argued that it was unconstitutionally done and, therefore, struck it down.

These judges obviously don’t want a leader to become a permanent signature in State House. But I think the circumstances they have found themselves in don’t allow them to rule against Museveni. You all know how they came to be.

We will certainly appeal against their ruling. Keeping the debate on Museveni’s desire to die in office alive won’t be a mean achievement.

 

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"I know the politics of the next general elections(2021) have started in earnest. Colleagues with an axe to grind with Dr Besigye are slowly positioning Bob Wine as their presidential candidate. In him, they think they have found Besigye’s match".
Bob Wine is islamic and a bit of a difficult taste in the mouth of many Uganda Catholics of the Namugongo Shrine. And because the Party of Democracy (DP) and The National Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) are just playing games with African people's great expectations and nothing else, M7 is determined to stay put in power for ever.

 

 

 

 

 

Multi-political party politics that CCEDU seems to have come with in the national LC1 elections has been stopped dead in its trucks:

9 July,  2018

Written by URN

The Electoral Commission has suspended the Citizens Coalition of Electoral Democracy in Uganda (CCEDU) from observing elections in the country. 

CCEDU describes itself as a coalition that brings together over 800 similar-thinking civil society organisations and over 8,000 individuals who advocate for electoral democracy in Uganda. 
 
In his letter to CCEDU, Electoral Commission (EC) chairperson, Justice Simon Byabakama Mugyenyi, says they have resolved to suspend CCEDU as partners in disseminating voter education messages and as an election observer for being partisan.
 
A CCEDU official observing Kyadondo East by-election in Wakiso last year
 
EC also accuses CCEDU of shunning the Women Council elections calling it a sham despite the big voter turn up. Byabakama accuses the CCEDU officials of going to the media and discrediting the ongoing electoral processes. 

"Many times CCEDU has acted outside the election observance guideline as set by the Electoral Commission, this undermines the objectivity and commitment in adhering to the laid down standards of engagement as far as election related activities are concerned," the July 4th letter reads.

EC says they need honest, credible and impartial partners, adding that their relations with CCEDU have been suspended until further notice. Byabakama says CCEDU will not observe current and any future elections. On its part CCEDU says it has been working to ensure free and fair elections.

Crispy Kaheru, the national coordinator CCEDU, says their differences with the Commission can be resolved through dialogue.  

"We are also aware of the suspension of accreditation of CCEDU by the EC not to observe these and future elections as well as to conduct voter education. We consider this to be a difference in work methods.  Whereas CCEDU believes in exposing good practices and shortcomings to ensure a free and fair election, the EC believes that CCEDU should merely document and share findings. This is a matter we strongly believe can be resolved through dialogue," Kaheru said.
 
Kaheru says they are opposed to voting by lining up, even as the country goes to the polls on Tuesday. He says they will voluntarily not observe this election.
 
"CCEDU subscribes to the internationally recognized standard of elections by secret ballot; and that is why members of the Coalition petitioned the Constitutional Court, for an appropriate interpretation of the law." Kaheru says. 
 
CCEDU has always operated with a very dynamic social media team that publishes on their various platforms, electoral processes and malpractices in most of the elections in the country. They have also been a source of information for various media houses incapacitated by inadequate staff during elections. 

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One reckons the failure to put up these LC elections was the existance of the movement system of governance. Now that there is partisan politics or multi-party politics, to emphasise true democracy in this country, how come the EC in Uganda is not ready or does not want to know such a multi-party system of democratic governance right down to the village level?

 

 

 

 

 

Ofiisi za NRM e Luweero ziggaddwa lwa bbanja ate nga aba NRM babadde besunga okutegeka okulonda kwa LC:

 

ABAKOZI mu ofiisi ya NRM mu disitulikiti ya Luweero ababadde beegeyaamu ku by'okulonda kwa LC baakiguddeko nnanyini kizimbe mwe bakolera bw'abafulumizza wabweru entyagi n'azisibako kkufulu lwa bbanja eriweza 1,800,000/=.

 

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Ekizimbe okuli ofiisi za NRM e Lwuweero ekyaggaddwa

 

21 June, 2018

 

Bya Samuel Kanyike         

Maneja wa kampuni ya Kasoma and sons mu Lumu Zone mu kibuga Luweero aba NRM kwe baapangisa ofiisi Mahad Semmambo ng'ali wamu ne ssentebe wa Lumu Zone Sakka Kisekka ku lw'okusatu baazinzeeko ofiisi ne balagira abakozi okuva muntebe zaabwe bafulume mu bwangu wabweru kye bakoze ekizimbe ne kissibwako kkufulu. 

Semmambo yagambye nti abanjizza ensimbi okuva ku kitebe kya NRM e Kyaddondo obwoya ne butuuka n'okumuggwa ku magulu nga tebamuwa nsonga ntuufu ebagaanyi okusasula ssonga naye alina ebizibu byalina okumala ebimutuuse mu bulago n'ekyasinze okumunyiiza kwe kujjako masimu gaabwe. 

Yagambye nti abakozi mu ofiisi ya NRM e Luweero bwabadde abajjukiza ebbanja bamuyombesa na kumujerega kwe kusalawo abafulumye aggalewo okutuusa lwe balimusasula. 

Wabula akulira okulonda kwa NRM mu disitulikiti ya Luweero David Kamugisha yagambye nti Semmambo babaddenga bamusasula mu budde nga n'ogusembyeyo baamusasudde  2,000,000/= za myezi 12 ze yali abanja. 

Yagambye ne zino bakamaabe babadde mutegeka ya kuzisasula nti kyokka yapapye n'afubutuka bufubutusi nga tabawadde na notisi n'amala gaggala ofiisi yaabwe erimu ebiwandiiko ebikulu naddala bye bagenda okukozesa nga beetegekera okulonda kwa LC okubindabinda ebiyinza okubula. 

 

 

 

 

 

In Uganda, the Age limit petition at Mbale is on going. The Judges have accuse the Attorney General of the NRM government, Mr Rukutana of shifting goal posts:

April 12, 2018

Written by Observer Media Ltd

The deputy attorney general Mwesigwa Rukutana and the solicitor general Francis Atoke, faced tough times and tough questions from the five judges of the Constitutional court as they began their submissions during the age limit petition hearing in Mbale today. 

The election petition hearing commenced this week on Monday at the Mbale High court with seven different parties challenging the legality of constitutional amendments passed by parliament on December 20, 2017. Among the amendments, parliament lifted presidential age limits and also extended the term of parliament by two more years. 

Deputy attorney general Mwesigwa Rukutana (R) and solicitor general Francis Atoke

In the last three days, the petitioners led by Kampala mayor Erias Lukwago made their submissions before justices Alfonse Owiny-Dollo, Remmy Kasule, Elizabeth Musoke, Cheborion Barishaki and Kenneth Kakuru in an attempt to convince court to declare the amendments null and void. The petitioners claim several rules and procedures were flouted during the debate and amendment processes last year.

Today, Thursday, the respondents led by the attorney general started their submissions, defending the amendments. Rukutana asked court to dismiss the petition with costs but midway through his submissions, Justice Kakuru accused him of shifting goals posts when he said general principles of law don’t apply when amending the Constitution. Rukutana was quoting principles of how the Tanzanian Constitution can be amended. 

In fact, Justice Owiny-Dollo figuratively said Rukutana had not only changed goal posts, he had in fact shifted the entire football field.

Justice Kakuru reminded him that the Supreme court has ruled before that, irregularly amending the Constitution can amount to a coup. Rukutana said that was the opinion of the judges but Justice Owiny-Dollo reminded him that Supreme court rulings are binding and set precedence for future cases even when he [Rukutana] doesn’t agree with them.

TERM EXTENSION OR NEW TERM

Rukutana said parliament, after consultations, and in its wisdom, decided to extent its term of office by another two years. He said the Constitution grants parliament powers to enact laws for peace and good governance of the country.

Rukutana was reminded by the judges that a lot of background effort was done by the Constitutional Review Commission to arrive at the five year term for members of parliament. He was also reminded that the only time given to parliament to extend its mandate beyond five years is under Article 77 (4) and is for not more than six months.

And this is provided for under special circumstances during the state of war or state of emergency that would prevent a normal general election from being held.

“Parliament was elected for five years by the people, how can MPs elect themselves for another two years?” asked Justice Kakuru.

“It now comes down to whether [MPs] was wise to elect themselves”, said Justice Owiny-Dollo.

Justice Kakuru said amending the Constitution is not a casual process that should be done as and when one wishes, otherwise there would not have been creation of the 1996 Constitution because there was already an existing one. All that would have been done would have been to amend the various clauses.

Rukutana was also asked by Justice Owiny-Dollo why government shied away from bill and let a private member present the bill yet the law had financial implications for the state in terms of facilitating the MPs with Shs 29 million each and in terms of salaries for the extended term.

Rukutana said cabinet was not shy at all and did not see the necessity of taking on the bill and that facilitation money was already charged on the constitutional fund.

 

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Justice Owiny-Dollo reminded the NRM attorney that Supreme court rulings are binding and set precedence for future cases even when he [Rukutana] doesn’t agree with them.
That is indeed what guerilla leader M7 overlooked or disagreed with during 1980 and went in the bush so that many lives of Ugandan citizens and their property were lost.

 

 

 

 

 

Ugandans should refuse to repay the huge debts their African government is borrowing:

February 28, 2018

Written by Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda

Two important topics have been framed for debate in the country: public debt and management of land. Ideally, the two are not new but are being debated in a new context.

For example, a lot of borrowing to finance infrastructural projects such as power dams and roads has happened in the last few years in anticipation of an oil boom.

The oil boom hasn’t happened yet, but the country is required to begin and continue repaying the debts and the interest accumulated. The country’s financial situation is being made worse by the need for our revolutionary leader to finance his lifestyle and rent support.

 

That is the context under which you must understand the recent request to borrow Shs 736 billion by the usually-casual Finance minister Matia Kasaija.

For example, before driving to Kiboga to celebrate the removal of presidential age limits from our constitution, each of the 317 NRM MPs was given Shs 60 million. This comes to Shs 19 billion.

In the same week, the revolutionary gave the NRM secretariat Shs 20 billion to meet salaries of party workers who had not been paid for the last nine months.

NRM secretary general Kasule Lumumba says the money given to them was only enough for salaries of seven months. In simple terms, the revolutionary is required to pay Shs 2.8 billion every month to NRM employees, if you divide Shs 20 billion by seven months. That is why many have been laid off.

Most of the individuals that starved themselves almost to death during the five-year Luweero guerilla war because of a common ideological belief have been purged or left the ‘bus’ by themselves. You now have a new breed threaded together by money and the revolutionary knows it.

To meet the financial needs of these new breed of NRM supporters and leaders, the revolutionary has increased the allocations to departments that he singlehandedly controls.

For example, his residence’s (State House) budget has grown from less than Shs 100 billion five years ago to nearly Shs 250 billion.

This financial year 2017/18, State House was allocated (actually it allocated itself) Shs 230 billion but it has returned to parliament to solicit permission to spend more! To be specific, State House wants Shs 16 billion more.

Out of this Shs 16 billion, classified expenditure accounts for Shs 13 billion and the rest will be used to finance valuation of land in Amuru district and development of an anti-tick vaccine. Yes, State House develops vaccines!

These are the sort of things for which Finance minister Kasaija wants permission from parliament to borrow from commercial banks. You certainly know how expensive borrowing from commercial banks is.

So far, government has borrowed Shs 12 trillion from commercial banks and pension funds. That is why next year’s budget is more about paying debts.

The government has presented a budget of Shs 29.2 trillion for processing in parliament. The bigger part of this budget (Shs 15 trillion) will be financed by local revenue through URA. The rest of the money will be borrowed.

What the country should know is that next year we will spend Shs 3.4 trillion on debt repayment. Interest alone, which we will still repay next year, is Shs 2.7 trillion.

By December 2015, the country’s external debt stood at $9.66 billion (Shs 35 trillion) while domestic debt (money borrowed from commercial banks and pension funds) stood at Shs 9.8 trillion.

Today, domestic debt is at Shs 12 trillion, domestic arrears (money owed to suppliers) is at Shs 2.7 trillion and I think external debt is about $12 billion (Shs 43 trillion).

This is what should worry every citizen, especially leaders. But instead of organizing a retreat to discuss a national crisis, NRM MPs descended on Kiboga to roast goats, dance and plan for a referendum to increase the tenure of their master from five to seven years. The economy has slowed down and we are in for hard times.

Finally on land, I want to applaud Justice Catherine Bamugemereire’s probe committee. It has exposed a racket of well-connected people who are stealing public and private land.

My only worry is that some of its recommendations are rolling back all its achievements. I don’t know why the commission thinks Mailo land tenure and district land boards should be abolished.

There are areas in Uganda especially in the north where land is owned by clans. In Buganda, the equivalent of communal (clan) land, the 9,000 square miles, is what is now in the control of district land boards and has unfairly been converted into freehold. That is why for us in Buganda, we are still demanding for the 9,000 square miles.

By its recommendation, the probe committee wants management of this land vested in the Museveni government. This is absurd because land managed by Museveni has been parceled and donated to his cronies under the guise of investment.

I fear the Bamugemereire commission might be helping Museveni achieve what he has all along failed through legislation. Of course such recommendations would require constitutional changes.

semugs@yahoo.com

 

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But one wants to remember the year the IMF, World Bank and several other donor countries forgave the debts of Uganda because it was too poor to be able to repay its debts(HIPC)! After wards the people of Uganda went on the path of democracy and continued to elect this present government and its leadership.

 

 

 

 

 

In a democracy of Uganda, the Electoral Commission is complaining that by- elections are costing the poor country a fortune:

 

 
Chairman Electoral commission Justice Simon

Chairman Electoral commission Justice Simon Byabakama at Bushenyi district council hall on December 13. PHOTO BY FELIX AINEBYOONA 

By Zadock Amanyisa & Felix Ainebyoona

 

BUSHENYI: The Electoral Commission chairperson, Justice Simon Byabakama has said by-elections are costing Uganda a lot of money arguing that the commission has found it hard conducting the elections time after time which lead to wastage of resources in terms of time and money.

Justice Byabakama urged Ugandans especially contestants to desist from making mistakes that call for by-elections.
He was addressing the electoral stakeholders in the Igara East by-election at the Bushenyi District council hall on Wednesday evening.

“Avoid mistakes that may bring a by-election. It is costly. As Ugandans, we owe it to ourselves to clean up our politics. This repeat poll is as a result of voter bribery. You don’t have to go to school to calculate the loss,” he said.

According to him, the commission has spent about Shs390 million on repeating the exercise in Igara East.

“This is costly to the electoral body and the contestants yet the money would have been used for development,” he added.
He asked police to arrest anyone seen distributing money to the voters before and during the polling exercise.

However, the Bushenyi District Chairperson, Mr Jafari Basajjabalaba accused the electoral commission of incompetence saying it is because of the electoral body’s laxity that election petitions have increased.

“Even you, electoral commission, you commit electoral offenses like interchanging of results because you don’t have adequate time to transmit results from the declaration forms to the tally sheets and falsification of results at the tally center. You also need to save us because in any election petition, you are second respondents,” said Mr Basajjabalaba.

The EC chairperson in response apologized for the incompetency saying they (EC) are aware of the weaknesses and are conducting a clean-up exercise to get rid of future mistakes.

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There is no free lunch in this world.

 

 

 

 

Museveni awagidde Parliament ya Uganda, okuggya ekkomo ku myaka gya Pulezidenti mu Ssemateeka:

By Musasi wa Bukedde

 

Added 7th December 2017

 

Kim1 703x422

Pulezidenti Museveni eyava e Rwanda nga muto nakulira wano mu Buganda ne Ankole.

 

PULEZIDENTI Museveni awagidde eky’okuggya ekkomo ku myaka gy’omukulembeze w’eggwanga n’ategeeza nti Bannayuganda balina okulekerwa eddembe beesalirewo ku muntu asaanidde okubakulembera.

Museveni eyasisinkanye ababaka abatuula ku kakiiko k’eby’amateeka ku Lwokubiri e Ntebe, yategeezezza nti okuteeka ekkomo ku kifo ky’obukulembeze kyonna, kiba kimenya ennyingo esooka eya ssemateeka wa 1995 awa abantu obuyinza.

Olw’okuba Bannayuganda be bakuuma Ssemateeka w’eggwanga, balina okulekebwa obuyinza ku ngeri n’omuntu asaanidde okubakulembera nga balonda buli luvannyuma lw’ekiseera ekigere. Museveni yagambye nti talaba buzibu lwaki bagaana omuntu okwesimbawo olw’emyaka, kyokka nga bamukkiriza okwetaba mu kulonda.

Ababaka baabadde bagenze kufuna birowoozo bya Pulezidenti ku ky’okukyusa Ssemateeka w’eggwanga naddala ennyingo ya 102 (b) eruubirira okuggya ekkomo ku myaka gya Pulezidenti.

Ekiteeso kino ekiri mu Palamenti kyaleetebwa Raphael Magyezi, omubaka wa Igara West. Jacob Oboth Oboth (West Budama South), ssentebe w’akakiiko eyakulembedde ababaka ba Palamenti yategeezezza nti kino baakikoze kuba baabadde beetaaga ebirowoozo bya Pulezidenti ng’eyavuganyaako ku ntebe y’omukulembeze era omukulembeze w’ekibiina.

Yagambye nti Pulezidenti ye muntu gwe baasembyeyo okusisinkana nga bakuhhaanya ebirowoozo ku nnongoosereza ez’okussa mu Ssemateeka w’eggwanga. Akakiiko kati kagenda kwemalirira ku kya kuwandiika lipooti eyawamu egenda okwanjulwa mu Palamenti. Ababaka baabuuzizza Pulezidenti ku nsonga ez’enjawulo n’abategeeza nti amawanga mangi agaakula nga Amerika, Russia, Israel, China okutuuka we gali gaakulemberwa abafuzi abaali bakuze mu myaka nga balina n’obumanyirivu.

Yawadde eky’okulabirako kya Churchhill owa Bungereza eyakulembera okutuusa ku myaka 81 ne Beji Caidi Essebsi owa Tunusia eyagikulembera ku myaka 91. Bwe yabuuziddwa oba Gavumenti erina enteekateeka y’okussaawo akakiiko akakuh− haanya ebirowoozo by’abantu ku nnongoosereza zonna awamu, yagambye nti yalagira minisita w’ensonga za Ssemateeka okukikolako.

Yagambye nti Gavumenti yasalawo okuwagira ebbago lya Magyezi kuba baakizuula ng’obudde obwali buweereddwa kkooti okukola ennongoosereza bwali buweddeyo. Museveni yasabye abantu obutatabiikiriza buweereza ku bukulembeze n’agamba nti emirimu gy’abantu abamu ng’abalamuzi gyetaaga obukugu obwenjawulo ate Obwapulezidenti bwanjawulo.

Ku ffujjo eryayolesebwa ababaka b’oludda oluvuganya bwe baalwanira mu Palamenti yagambye nti kiva ku kuba nga tebaalina birowoozo bizimba bye basobola kugamba bantu. Yawakanyizza n’abantu abalina endowooza nti okwesimbawo ng’ali mu buyinza kirina engeri gye kimuyambako n’ategeeza nti si kituufu. Yayogedde ku bantu abalowooza nti wandibadde bazzaawo ekkomo ku bisanja n’agamba nti mu kiseera kino si y’ensonga enkulu ey’okukolako.

Pulezidenti yalaze nti talina buzibu ku kya kwongeza kisanja kya buweereza okuva ku myaka etaano okutuuka ku musanvu. Yagambye nti abakulembeze mu Afrika baba n’ebintu bingi eby’okukolako n’ategeeza nti takirabamu mutawaana.

Ku kigambibwa nti ennongoosereza zireeteddwa kuyamba ye ng’omuntu yakisambazze n’ategeeza nti n’abantu abatannaweza myaka 75 bagenda kuweebwa omukisa okwesimbawo. Ababaka baasuubizza Pulezidenti nga bwe bajja okuteeka ebirowoozo bye mu lipooti gye bagenda okuwandiika.

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Kakati ekyakulwanya abantu nebafa ogobe ba President banno mubuyinza kyali kiki nga oyagala okufuga mubuvubuka ate ne mu bukadde bwo?

 

 

 

 

The Uganda Peoples Congress hardliners in this political party, have insisted on taking the bribe money concerning the amendment of the Presidential age limit:

By the New Vision, Uganda

 

Added 27th October 2017 

 

Lango Members of Parliament opposed to the removal of the presidential age limit from the constitution said they have no problem getting the money.

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Of course the Lango UPC political hardliners from day one have always been using bribe money to run the affairs of the State of Uganda.

 

 

In Uganda, the Democratic Political Party youth have faulted opposition leaders, for returning the cash-bribe given to them to accept a Second Amendment on the Constitution of Uganda:

By Vision Reporter

 

Added 26th October 2017 

 

"I call upon the opposition Members of Parliament that have not yet returned the money not to emulate the MPs..."

 

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The nine Members of Parliament who have rejected money given to them to accept to amend for a second time the constitution of Uganda. 

The opposition Uganda Young Democrats has castigated their leaders in parliament for returning to the parliament commission the sh29m for consultations.

Yesterday a section of opposition legislators returned the funds meant to facilitate consultations on the lifting of the presidential age limit alleging that it is a bribe to weaken their position to oppose the amendment.

But the secretary general, Charles Wasswa said the opposition could have used the money to strengthen the anti-age lifting campaigns instead of ‘doing showbiz’ in front of cameras.

"I call upon the opposition Members of Parliament that have not yet returned the money not to emulate the MPs. Your people have more problems, you could help some of them using that cash," Wasswa said.

MPs who have so far returned the cash include: Ibrahim Ssemujju, Muwanga Kivumbi, William Nzoghu, Angelina Osege, Robinah Ssentongo, Ana Adeke, Betty Aol and Moses Kasibante.

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Of course the DP under Ssemwogerere got the money when the UPC under Obote 2 stole their national election win 1980. The Democratic Political Party cannot give up that greed of owning all the shining gold in the world.

 

 

The Vice President of Uganda, Mr Ssekandi has spoken "Hot Air"again in the African regional peace and security conference in the former French colony of the Congo: 

By Vision Reporter

 

Added 20th October 2017

 

 

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The AU conference that continuously fails to secure peace and security on the African continent.

South Aafrican Development Community (SADC) and Great Lakes Region leaders have called on the leaders of South Sudan, DRC and Burundi to return to negotiations as part of the region’s resolve to address conflicts and maintain peace and security in the region.

During their 9th Head of State meeting at the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region that opened today in the Congo Brazzaville Capital, the leaders also asked fighting groups in active combat to cease hostilities or face a full military action.

Opening the conference, Congo Brazzaville President, Denis Sassou n’Guesso called on other leaders in the region to prioritise regional mechanisms in addressing issues but warned of complacence and lack of commitment which he said have been responsible for some of the ranging conflicts in the region.

During the opening the African Union Vice Chairman Moussa Faki Mahamat called upon President Kabila to come up with a roadmap to the country’s next elections to ease the tension in the DRC and also asked him to ensure a sustained peaceful environment in the country to undertake democratic.

He said that DRC bordering nine others and with a quarter of the region’s population is a critical country adding that any instability in DRC generates ripple effects to the whole region and urged regional leaders to come-up with concreate plans to end the insurgency in DRC.

After the official opening, leaders went into a four hour closed door session to further deliberate on sensitive issues that among others concerned the political roadmap and security situation in the DRC, the human rights issues in Burundi, the security situation in DAR and the warring factions in the South Sudan.

Speaking to the media later, Uganda Vice President Edward Kiwanuka ssekandi who led the country’s delegation to the meeting said Uganda will continue supporting all efforts to the peace and stability in the region but also said that there was need for Kinshasa to honour the Nairobi declaration.

The declaration among others asked Kabila’s administration to repatriate, resettle and re-integrate M23 fighters who were given temporary transition status in Uganda as part of the peaceful package to pacify the Eastern DRC region.

On Burundi the Vice President called for an all inclusive Government as a temporary measure to ease on the tensions in the country while on Sudan Ssekandi said that Uganda supports a political settlement between the warring factions.

He also said that Uganda is ready to support capacity building efforts for CAR security agencies to help the country be self-reliant in confronting some of the security challenges it currently faces saying as long as international allies were ready to supports those efforts.

The meeting is based on the 2013 framework agreement established to support the ongoing regional efforts to achieve peace and stability in the Great Lakes Region was to review earlier commitments and consider additional measures aimed accelerating pacification of the region.

It brought together Heads of State and Government officials from Angola, Burundi, CAR, Congo Republic, DRC, South Sudan, South Africa, Sudan, Tanzania, Rwanda and Uganda. Others are from the AU, the International Conference on Great Lakes Region(ICGLR), the South African Development Community (SADC) and the UN.

Kenya was absent at the summit due to the ongoing political un certainty at home following the high court nullification of election results which President Uhuru Kenyata won in the August Presidential Elections.

 

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The absence of Kenya speaks all that this conference is made of. It is about African leadership that does not accept State Democratic Election defeat and rigs Elections left, right and centre to stay put in power whatever the consequence. Whether it is to amend the  country's consititution or to fight a fatal civil war to stay put in power, they do it.

The African peoples have all the foremost right to appeal to the United Nations than to the African Union for all the help they can get to get saved from these modern incessant  African civil wars that are destroying the great continent.

The President of Uganda, who has just won the General Election of 2016, has put political shame aside and is hurriedly planning to win the next General Election of 2021:

October 13, 2017

Written by Sadab Kitatta Kaaya

President Museveni

Behind closed doors at State House Entebbe, President Museveni has held back and forth meetings with his ruling party MPs to plan how to marshal their numbers in parliament for the passage of the age limit removal bill.

Well-placed sources have told The Observer that the meetings started on Tuesday, October 10 when he met the core team that has for months been quietly working on the bill controversially tabled in parliament on September 27 by Igara West MP Raphael Magyezi.

The Tuesday evening meeting was attended by Prime Minister Ruhakana Rugunda, Government Chief Whip Ruth Nankabirwa, ministers; Kahinda Otafiire (Justice and Constitutional Affairs), Lt Gen Henry Tumukunde (Security), Mwesigwa Rukutana (deputy Attorney General), David Bahati (state for Planning) and Evelyn Anite (state for Investments and Privatisation).

These were joined by Parliamentary Commissioners; Arinaitwe Rwakajara (Workers), Peter Ogwang (Usuk) and Robinah Nabbanja (Kakumiro Woman).

Others were Doreen Amule (Amolatar Woman), Jackson Kafuuzi (Kyaka South), Magyezi, Simeo Nsubuga (Kassanda South), James Kakooza  (Kabula), Moses Balyeku (Jinja Municipality West), Solomon Silwany (Bukooli Central), Mariam Naigaga (Namutumba Woman) and Margaret Muhanga (Burahya), among others.

According to sources, the meeting discussed the strategy for popularising the bill in the countryside and its eventual passing in parliament.

Wary of the strong opposition to the amendment from within the NRM caucus, Museveni asked the meeting to generate a list of MPs whom he has to meet to galvanise support.

In this, Museveni wants to ensure that he has at least 320 MPs on his side physically present in the House during the bill’s second and third reading before it is eventually passed.

Article 262 of the Constitution requires a two-thirds presence of all members of parliament for any constitutional amendment to pass.

It is for this reason that he had invited the ‘rebel’ NRM MPs for a meeting. The Observer reported on Wednesday that Museveni has been reaching out to the ‘rebel’ MPs, namely Theodore Ssekikubo (Lwemiyaga), Monicah Amoding (Kumi Woman), Barnabas Tinkasiimire (Buyaga West), Patrick Nsamba Oshabe (Kassanda North) and Felix Okot Ogong (Dokolo South).

Others are Sam Lyomoki (Workers), Louis Mbwatekamwa Gaffa (Kasambya), John Baptist Nambeshe (Manjiya), Alex Ruhunda (Fort Portal Municipality) and Sylvia Rwabogo (Kabarole Woman) for a meeting following their October 4 letter in which they challenged him to disassociate himself from the Magyezi bill.

Their meeting had been scheduled for Tuesday but was called off after the group made what were deemed to be unrealistic conditions. In fact, during the Tuesday meeting with the pro-age limit removal group, Museveni was advised to ignore the ‘rebel’ MPs.

“We told him that it was not necessary to meet them because it would give them political mileage and even then, we can get the numbers required to pass the amendment,” a source that attended the meeting said.

Museveni is said to have taken this counsel and instead met MPs from the core team singled out for him. Some of those that were included on the list are mainly those seen to be sitting on the fence such as Buliisa MP Stephen Biraahwa Mukitale.

In the corridors of parliament, Mukitale, an Independent, is one of the critical voices to the amendment although he has not featured so much in the media.

He fell out with NRM in 2015 when he worked with civil society organisations and opposition political parties to compile the Citizens’ Compact on free and fair elections, a document that listed a number of electoral and political reforms, which were ignored in the final government Constitutional Amendment bill 2016.

He was part of the group of MPs who Museveni met yesterday (Thursday) at Entebbe. According to MPs who have attended the meetings, Museveni asked the lawmakers to tell him the issues affecting their constituencies which he then promised to work on.

“We need to move as a team and on the same level of development; that is why he wants us to tell him the challenges in our constituencies,” an MP who preferred not to be named said.

From this narrative, it becomes evident that Museveni is using promises of public resources such as good roads, electricity, clean water and refurbished health facilities in their constituencies as an inducement to the MPs to pass the bill.

Claims of such inducements were first made by the ‘rebel’ MPs early this week. 

Rwakajara and NRM caucus treasurer Mariam Naigaga confirmed attending the meeting but declined to delve into the details.

“Are you a spy? Why do you want to know what we discussed?” Rwakajara asked before disappearing into the parliamentary lifts.
Naigaga, on the other hand, said, “What we discussed is confidential, it is not for public consumption but we will brief the media after the caucus meeting.

It is understood that during the Tuesday meeting, Museveni assigned Dr Rugunda to coordinate the age limit removal activities. They also drew a memorandum which will reportedly be read to the ruling party MPs during their caucus meeting today.

sadabkk@observer.ug

In Uganda, the Legal Committee of Parliament that is in a rush to scrutinize the Presidential age limit bill is getting ready to do so as soon as possible, in 2 weeks time:

6 October, 2017

Written by URN

The Legal and Parliamentary Affairs committee of parliament has resolved to defer the consideration of the presidential age limit Bill for at least two weeks.
 
This was one of the decisions taken in the committee's closed-door meeting yesterday that sought to plan on how to proceed with the bill. 
 
Igara West MP Raphael Magyezi last week tabled the Constitutional (Amendment) (No. 2) Bill, 2017 before parliament and Speaker Rebecca Kadaga referred the bill to the legal committee for scrutiny.
 
The bill seeks to, among others; repeal Article 102(b) of the constitution to remove presidential age limits. The article states 35 and 75 as minimum and maximum age for the holder of a presidential office, something Magyezi says is discriminatory against those above 75 as well as those below 35.
Member of Parliament Mr Raphael Magyezi presents his bill for first reading
URN learnt that in a meeting chaired by West Budama South MP Jacob Oboth-Oboth, MPs agreed to first embark on individual consultations on the matter in their respective constituencies since parliament will not be in session.
 
On Wednesday Kadaga adjourned parliament sittings indefinitely.
 
"A lot of intrigue among the MPs was cited in the meeting and it was agreed that since all other MPs are going to be in their constituencies, the committee members should take off two weeks in a bid to talk to their voters, with a view of avoiding other MPs speaking to them about the proposed amendment," a technical officer attached to the committee revealed.
 
The committee chairperson, Robinah Rwakoojo, also told URN that the closed door meeting had discussed areas where the committee is to visit during the consideration of the bill. She noted that they had agreed to hold one meeting in five regions in the country including Central, Western, Eastern, Northern and West Nile. 
 
She also revealed that the committee resolved to bar Kyaka South MP Jackson Kafuuzi from voting on the matter before the committee. This, she explained, is because Kafuuzi seconded the proposed amendment on the floor of parliament.
 
"We’re going to sit here and the person we’re going to talk to, is the person who proposed the motion and those who seconded, they will come in as witnesses and we shall listen to them. After that we’ll talk to the relevant stakeholders and these are many. Then we shall go as a committee to five regions to Eastern, Northern, Western, Central and West Nile region and in our capacity as members of parliament in our constituencies. You heard the speaker saying that she wants consultations and that is what we’re looking at", she said. 
 
Rwakoojo also revealed that the meeting agreed that all committee members suppress their individual opinions during the consideration of the bill before them. Several MPs sitting on the legal committee have come out to strongly speak for and against the lifting of the presidential age limit.
 
"Here we’re going to look at what comes out of this committee meeting because I said we’re going to surpress our personal opinions about items in this bill  and to discuss the whole bill as a committee. We know everybody actually has an opinion about all the clauses in the bill but we agreed to suppress and deal with the bill in a wholesome manner."
 
She further revealed that they are to have another meeting today to discuss the issue of logistics among others. MPs are expected to each receive about Shs 20 million to be used for consultations on the matter.
  
The committee is supposed to present a report to the House on the amendment bill within 45 days according to the rules of procedure.
 
President Yoweri Museveni could become the first direct beneficiary of the proposed amendment, should the upper age cap be removed. Born in 1944, the president is not eligible for re-election in 2021 as he will be above 75 years.
 
Besides seeking the amendment of Article 102(b), Magyezi also seeks to amend Article 104(6) to increase the number of days within which the electoral commission is required to hold a fresh election where a presidential election is annulled, from twenty days to sixty days from the date of the annulment.

 

Nb

President Yoweri Museveni could become the first direct beneficiary of the proposed amendment, should the upper age cap be removed. Born in 1944, the president is not eligible for re-election in 2021 as he will be above 75 years.

The words can be changed for this bill to become an effective law after 2026 when this new constitution has seen some peaciful changes in Presidential elections in this country.
 

The President of Uganda has sent in Parliament, his strong guards to arrest 27 Members of Parliament, who do not want him to rule the country, for the rest of his life:

September 27, 2017

Written by OLIVE EYOTARU & JOSEPHINE NAMULOKI

A joint force of presidential guards, the elite Special Forces Command (SFC) soldiers and police officers attached to parliament forcibly pulled out several legislators opposed to lifting the age limit from the chambers of parliament today afternoon.

In a scuffle that lasted more than an hour, at least 30 SFC soldiers in plain clothes poured into the chambers to pick at least 25 MPs who were named and suspended by the Speaker of Parliament, Rebecca Kadaga for three sittings at the beginning of the session, for engaging in disorderly conduct during yesterday’s plenary sitting.

The operation was commanded by Kampala Metropolitan Police Commander, Frank Mwesigwa, who was seen earlier in the day, patrolling the precincts of Parliament with the Inspector General of Police, Gen Kale Kayihura.

Parliament head of security Anabella Nyinamahoro attends to Charles Gutumoi (Erute county) after he collapsed during arrest

The legislators disrupted the House proceedings when fighting broke out between opposition and NRM MPs, forcing the Speaker to adjourn the House.

Those suspended from the House include Ronald Kibuule the state minister of Water, who was accused of carrying a firearm during the House sitting, an act Kadaga explained was a violation of Rule 74 of the Rules of Procedure.

“I have received some terrible information that Hon Kibuule endangered the safety of members by bringing a firearm into this House. I have checked the footage and Hon Kibuule did not go through security checks. He came through the Office of the President into the North wing and into this chamber so I will be suspending you,” Kadaga announced.

 

Kadaga also suspended 23 opposition legislators, whom she accused of flouting the House rules by engaging in chaotic behavior. They will not be allowed to access Parliament, including committee and plenary sittings.

“The Speaker was not heard in silence. Members were standing, jumping over tables and chairs; they were dressed in a manner that contravened the Rules and despite calls from the Speaker to sit down and be orderly, this was not adhered to. Some members crossed from one side to another in a menacing manner…This Parliament is a place to speak, to exchange views even if you don’t have the same views,” she reminded the legislators.

The suspended MPs include Allan Ssewanyana (Makindye West), Monica Amoding (Kumi Woman), Sam Lyomoki (Workers), Moses Kasibante (Rubaga North), Betty Nambooze (Mukono Municipality), Robert Kyagulanyi (Kyadondo East), Francis Zaake (Mityana Municipality), Ibrahim Kasozi (Makindye East), William Nzoghu (Busongora East), Gilbert Olanya (Kilak North), Jonathan Odur (Erute South), Mohammad Nsereko (Kampala Central), Angelline Osegge (Soroti Woman), Wilfred Niwagaba (Ndorwa East) and Odonga Otto (Aruu).

Others are Nandala Mafabi (Budadiri West), Mubarak Munyagwa (Kawempe South), John Baptist Nambeshe (Manjiya), Mbwatekamwa Gaffa (Kasambya), Roland Mugume (Rukungiri Municipality), Joseph Ssewungu (Kalungu West), Barnabas Tinkasimire (Buyaga West), Muwanga Kivumbi (Butambala) and Medard Ssegona (Busiro East).

Two other MPs who were arrested but were not on the list include Ibrahim Ssemujju Nganda (Kira Municipality) and Matthias Mpuuga (Masaka Municipality).

When the Speaker directed them to leave the chambers with immediate effect, only Kibuule and Mbwatekamwa complied. The opposition legislators refused to budge and kept shouting, “procedure, procedure”.

However, Kadaga did not budge and ordered them to leave immediately or be forced out by officers from the Sergeant-at-Arms. When the MPs remained defiant, Kadaga suspended the House for 30 minutes.

At that point, the police officers walked into the chambers to escort the MPs out but the legislators instead grabbed the microphone stands and tried to scare away the officers.

Some legislators were seen shoving the police officers away, prompting more commotion that saw the SFC soldiers enter the chamber and grab MPs indiscriminately. MPs Odonga, Gerald Karuhanga (Ntungamo Municipality) and Hassan Kaps Fungaroo (Obongi) jumped on the Table of the House, where the mace is usually placed, with microphone stands and warned the officers against touching them.

 
 

Zaake pulled out his belt and repeatedly tried to whip the officers. Other MPs hurled chairs at the officers, leaving one of the Parliament police officers bleeding profusely.

The provocation saw the SFC officers, three or four at a go, lunge at the MPs and drag them out of the House. Ssemujju was the first victim to be dragged out. Others followed suit, however the opposition MPs did not go without a fight.

One of the SFC officers jumped on the seats and grabbed Nabila Naggayi Ssempala (Kampala Woman) and tried to drag her out. However, some MPs nearby rushed to save her. It was not until one of his fellow officers shouted that she is not on the list of suspended MPs that were suspended that she got relief.

Former Chief of Defence Forces (CDF) and State Minister of Works, Gen. Katumba Wamala tried to quell the commotion by calling for calm and speaking to the SFC officers; however this did not help save matters.

For close to two hours, the suspended MPs were dragged out, one by one and swiftly taken to the North Wing entrance, opposite National Theatre, where a number of police pickup trucks were waiting to whisk them off to unknown destinations.

At least three MPs fainted, including Osegge, Lucy Achiro (Aruu North) and Angiro Gutumoi (Erute North). Zaake has also been admitted in hospital.

Speaking to The Observer, Mwesigwa revealed that a total of 27 MPs are currently under detention. However, sources within Police intimated to the Observer that the MPs are currently in a number of police stations around the Kampala Metropolitan area. Some of them are currently being held at Special Investigations Unit in Kireka.

The Speaker reconvened the House after 4pm where in her communication she announced that the MPs who caused damage to Parliament property within the chambers would be directed to pay for them.

“Some damage has occurred in the chambers. I will ask the Rules committee to review the footage and identify the members who caused the damage. They will be taken to the disciplinary committee and will be obliged to pay from their salaries,” Kadaga said, adding that Kibuule will also appear before the committee for carrying a gun into the House.

Leader of Opposition, Winnie Kiiza tried to intervene, standing up to express concern over the manner in which the SFC officers handled the MPs, however Kadaga shot her down immediately.

“Take your seat. You are familiar with our rules of procedure. Our rules say if you are asked to leave, you must leave. If you don’t leave, you are removed,” she said, warning that she would suspend any member who disrupted the sitting.

At this point, the opposition MPs walked out of the chamber in protest, as NRM MPs heckled them.

Raphael Magyezi (Igara West) was granted leave of Parliament to draft a bill, which will include amendments to Article 102 (b) of the Constitution to remove the minimum and maximum age criteria of 35 and 75 years respectively for presidential candidates.

In his motion, Magyezi stated that the bill seeks to amend Articles 259 and 262 of the Constitution to provide for the time within which to hold presidential, parliamentary and local government council elections; to provide for eligibility requirements for a person to be elected as president or district chairperson; to increase the number of days within which to file and determine a presidential election among others.

Magyezi was seconded by Moses Balyeku (Jinja West) and Doreen Amule (Amolatar Woman). Magyezi has 45 days within which to present the bill before Parliament for first reading.

FIGHT OVER RED CAPS

Before the ugly events, there was a brawl that ensued between a group of opposition MPs and security operatives at Parliament’s parking lot over the red caps. The MPs had ditched the red ribbons they wore yesterday for red caps after Kadaga forced them to remove them.

MPs including Julius Ochen (Kapelebyong), Phillip Okin Ojara (Chwa West), Joseph Ssewungu (Kalungu West), Mubarak Munyagwa, Gilbert Olanya (Kilak South) and Ssempala Kigozi (Makindye-Saabagabo) were beaten up as they attempted to pick their caps from one of the vehicles.

“We were just picking our caps, we were not violent, they just attacked us and started beating us. If they want to attack us, we shall also revenge. This is not their house [parliament], they are supposed to protect us not to beat us up,” Francis Zaake.

Ojara said the security is now biased, adding  "we are legally dressed and I don’t see any problem with our dress code." Zaake was injured while Kapelebyong MP Julius Ochen was also seriously beaten.

eyotaru@gmail.com

Democracy is failing to improve in the country of Uganda: The Kalungu by-election has got 10 DP supporters detained:

August 31, 2017

Written by URN

Police is holding ten Democratic Party supporters for allegedly stirring violence in the Kalungu district by-elections.  
 
The suspects are Isma Kasozi, Kasana Ssemwogerere, Namuleme Ssebuyaba, Emmanuel Lubega, Rogers Baker, Silus Kasaato and two others only identified as Ssenteza and Kayemba.
 
Lameck Kigozi, the Southern region police spokesperson, says the DP supporters were found beating voters at Bukerere in Kalungu town council. He says they raided Bukerere village like bees and started assaulting voters for unknown reasons.

A voter casting her ballot in Kalungu

He explains that some of the suspects were ferried from Kampala to disrupt the polls. Kalungu residents are voting their LC V chairperson following the nullification of the previous polls results due to electoral malpractice. 

The contestants are Emmanuel Musoke, the Democratic Party candidate, his NRM rival, Richard Kyabaggu, David Busagwa Luyombo and Mathias Kintu Musoke, both independents.

But the accused DP supporters have denied accusations leveled against them by police, saying being victimized for supporting Emmanuel Musoke, the DP candidate.

Isma Kasozi says he was picked up because he was found wearing Musoke's tag and trying to stop Electoral Commission from opening polls before the witnesses and polling agents of all candidates had arrived. The suspects are in custody at Kalungu Central Police Station.

How African governments block International social media in their own countries:

Posted  Monday, April 25   2016

A small but increasing group of African governments is blocking social media during elections. Clare Spencer asks why and how this is done and how people get around it.

Why are African governments blocking social media?
It is safe to say governments aren't blocking social media to cut off the supply of cute kitten pictures.
It's political.
African tweeters tend to be more political than tweeters in other continents, according to research by Portland Communications.

And governments are blocking social media during elections - most recently in Congo-Brazzaville, Chad and Uganda.
For an indication of the political impact social media can make, you just need to look at the uprisings during the "Arab Spring".
"Social media did not cause the 'Arab Spring' but helped to co-ordinate it," Arthur Goldstuck from technology market research company Worldwide Worx, told the BBC.
Governments do not say they are worried that social media could pave the way for popular protests or even a revolution.
But security is often cited - including in the order for mobile operators to stop services in Congo-Brazzaville.
Congolese officials added that they were trying to prevent the "illegal publication of results".

Newsweek interpreted this as a possible attempt to thwart the efforts of election monitors.
The advent of the mobile phone enabled local observer groups to collate the results from individual polling stations around the country and add them up to see if the results were being rigged.
If mobile phones don't work, this can no longer be done.
However, results spread by opposition parties are also not necessarily accurate and Uganda's President Yoweri Museveni insisted that social media was blocked during the election to "stop spreading lies".

How do governments block social media?
Governments don't have the physical or technical ability to block sites, phones or texts themselves, explains Thecla Mbongue, analyst for trend forecasters Ovum.
They issue an order to the companies who do have that power.
Congo-Brazzaville's government issued an order to the country's mobile phone operators such as Airtel and MTN.
This effectively blocks the internet because very few Congolese use fixed lines to access the web.

Ms Mbongue says that the order in Congo-Brazzaville appeared to allow specified numbers to carry on using their mobile phones.
This came out when the communications minister denied the communications block - by tweeting.
The interesting thing about the tweet for her is that someone replied with what appears to be a copy of the order sent to mobile operators.
It shows they were asked not to block specified numbers. Presumably, she says, that is why Mr Moungalla could tweet and others couldn't.

Airtel and MTN have not yet confirmed whether the orders that spread through social networks were authentic.
In the case of Uganda, the telecoms regulator ordered mobile phone operators just to block certain sites.
So people couldn't use Facebook, WhatsApp, Twitter and mobile money services.
Danson Njue, also from Ovum, says it is believed that the regulator was advised by top security and government officials to block the sites over security concerns.
Technically, this is a relatively easy task.
Websites are stored on servers which have IP addresses - a bit like a phone number.

The government can force internet service providers and telecoms companies to block access to a specific IP address.
Smartphone apps, like WhatsApp, will try to connect to its own server and it won't be able to if your internet service provider is blocking connections.
So it is fairly easy to pinpoint a specific site or app and block access.
This makes social networks fairly powerless.
Twitter did not even condemn the ban when the company noted it was blocked in Uganda.

But telecoms companies appear to be powerless too.
Ms Mbongue says she cannot think of a single example in sub-Saharan Africa where the telecoms provider has refused to comply with an order.
She speculates that phone companies could go to court to demand compensation for lost earnings. But she is unaware of this ever having happened.
This is in contrast to the Twitter ban in Turkey which was lifted after two weeks when the constitutional court ruled the ban was a breach of the right to freedom of expression.
Mr Goldstruck adds that because mobile operators work under strict licensing conditions, they have to comply with such government directives.

It is different where there are numerous service providers and numerous routes out of the country, as in Egypt.
Twitter was blocked in Egypt in January 2011, when hundreds of thousands of protestors started to gather in Tahrir Square in the capital Egypt. They had used the hashtag #Jan25 to co-ordinate.
But it wasn't long before Twitter was working again.
Even in this case, internet access was still reduced dramatically, he says.
How do people get around the block?
Many people have found ways to get around government blocks by using internet proxies known as Virtual Private Networks (VPNs).

In Uganda an opposition leader even tweeted on the day of the election a recommendation to download a VPN app called Tunnel Bear.
The top 12 apps people were downloading in Uganda four days after the election were still VPN apps, according to analysts App Annie.
But Congo-Brazzaville and Chad cut off the whole internet and telephone which meant people couldn't use this technique.
VPNs get round government censorship by redirecting your internet activity to a computer in a different country, where the blocks have not been imposed.

This is also used by people to access content that might be restricted to a certain country - letting a European user watch American Netflix, for example.
What next?
Zimbabwe has suggested it could go one step further and create its own social networks that the state can monitor.
The country's state owned newspaper the Sunday Mail reports that local web developers are "stitching together" products similar to Facebook, Twitter and Skype "to enable great supervision".
The newspaper nods to China, where this has already happened.

BBC

You elected ‘mad’ people, Museveni tells the citizens of Wakiso: 

                President Museveni listens to Wakiso District NRM Youth Leaders:

                Andrew Kiryowa (C) and Joseph Sewava during the function in Wakiso on Tuesday.

PHOTO BY JOSEPH KIGGUNDU.

Media Article Researched By Stephen Kafeero

 

Posted  Thursday, September 11  2014 

Castigated. President Museveni has on several occasions castigated voters for electing people who oppose his government.

WAKISO. President Museveni has criticised residents of Wakiso District for electing people that he said are ‘mad’. 

Speaking in Wakiso on Tuesday, President Museveni said: “When we went into elections, you sent me mad people. You sent me my daughter (Rosemary Sseninde Wakiso Woman MP) and my young brother Prof [Gilbert] Bukenya, who I even made vice president but these days I hear he says things that he doesn’t understand.”

Daily Monitor could not get comment from Prof Bukenya as his personal assistant said he was out of the country.

The President was in Wakiso to launch the Youth Livelihood Fund. However, the launch did not take place due to irregularities, according to Mr Museveni.

“I will come back next month [October 2014]. I will officiate on this ceremony when all beneficiaries have received their money. I also want a list of each of the beneficiary groups,” he said.

The President took the decision after some youth leaders claimed the money had been received yet others said intended beneficiaries had been left out.

Attempts by Youth minister Ronald Kibuule and Wakiso RDC Ian Kyeyune to assure Mr Museveni that the youth had received the money fell on deaf ears with the President insisting that “all irregularities be resolved before I can launch the fund”.

However, the Wakiso District chairman, Matiya Lwanga Bwanika appealed to the President to help the district set up an employment bureau, saying: “Youth are manipulated and taken to countries with promises of jobs. We need an employment bureau to assist them.”

Mr Joseph Sewava Mukasa, the NRM youth chairman, said he would combine efforts with government to fight all people who steal or misuse money meant for youth projects.Overstay has painted Museveni darker than Obote, Amin

TRY COMPARING THE REPUBLICAN

RULE OF UGANDA BY OBOTE, AMIN AND

MUSEVENI.

SUNDAY, 25 JANUARY 2015 

 
There was a time when ideas were debated on their merit and whenever President Museveni held a rally, people turned out in droves to listen to his new ideas.

The man was brimming with ‘ideas’. He condemned and characterised the past leaders as swine who could not tell pearls from chuff. He abhorred expensive European merchandise and unnecessary government spending. After taking the presidential oath in 1986, he declared that he was not personally interested in staying in power.

He just wanted to organise the country and then go away to do private things. He has a passion for looking after cows, so he often says. He later inked this disgust for overstaying in power by African leaders in his book What Is Africa’s Problem? This book’s foreword was written by former Tanzanian President Mwalimu Julius Nyerere (RIP).

In November 1985, Nyerere had relinquished power to President Ali Hassan Mwinyi after 23 years in power. And in 1990, he even gave up the chairmanship of the Chama Cha Mapinduzi – the revolutionary party (Tanzania then was a one-party state).

Several self-seekers close to him had urged Nyerere to carry on the mantle but he ridiculed and answered back: “I do not think I can make in five years what I could not achieve in 24 years.” He also admitted mistakes and in a farewell speech at Dar es Salaam on November 4, 1985, Nyerere said: “You have forgiven even if you have not forgotten my many mistakes of commission and omission”.

Such humility from especially African leaders is unheard of today. Many leaders prefer to attribute their mistakes to the party or their subordinates. For them, the leader is infallible! Strange! In Uganda, for instance, President Museveni prefers to express himself in a singular personal pronoun. He often says: “it is me who gave you peace. It’s is me who chased dictators Amin and Obote…”

He has also amended his statement about overstaying in power. He now says: “it is wrong for leaders to remain in power without people’s mandate.”

He has not imposed himself on Ugandans – so he claims now – because he has been voted again and again into office. The last 29 years of Museveni’s stewardship of the country have been instructive. In the early days of assumption of power, it was fashionable to condemn past leaders as dictators and the listeners would respond with a thunderous applause.

The unfortunate thing is that because Museveni has monopolised power longer than the past presidents, he has been exposed as not so different from those who came before him. In some cases he has done worse than his predecessors. It just goes to confirm that absolute power corrupts absolutely.

In the past, Museveni ridiculed his predecessors for chasing people off the roads whenever they passed. “You find a leader with loud sirens chasing people off the roads he passes as if he is a lion,” he would say. Today, the president’s heralding cars and escorts chase other road users off the streets or highway as the big man passes.

We have also witnessed a steady fusion between the ruling party, the National Resistance Movement (NRM), and the state. The president was recently telling people to vote for the NRM candidate for the Busia LC-V chairmanship because the former is the owner of the money in the entire country.

He suggested that Busia people were likely to miss services if they voted for the opposition candidate! What the president forgot to remind his listeners is that all kinds of people, be it opposition or NRM supporters, pay taxes. In that regard, they have a right to enjoy all services that the government offers in a particular locality.

Indeed, the people of Busia seem to have been persuaded by the president’s statement, because the NRM candidate, Steven Wanyama Oundo, won the race. In 1986, President Museveni would never have made such disturbing statements.  There is a complete breakdown of state institutions.

Only those institutions that the president wants to function are working; the rest are dead.  We have often seen the president carrying sacks of money and distributing it to youth and other groups. Right now there is a conflict between the ministry of education and the national teachers union. Why?

Because the teachers were given Shs 10bn for their Saccos but was not hand-delivered by the president. The money ended up on the accounts of the Microfinance Support Centre, and the teachers are protesting.

Today, every ministry has more than three ministers running it. As if that is not bad enough, every ministry has a parallel office or officer in the president’s office. And these officers wield more powers than ministers or the relevant bureaucrats. As a result, every sector wants to have a monitoring committee in the president’s office.

If I were asked what the proudest achievement of NRM in the last 29 years has been, I would confidently say it has managed to give corruption a human face. This vice has become a career and an industry. It is through untrammelled corruption that we have seen the rise of expensive private schools, for example.

And because of corruption, these schools are assured of being filled with students. The parents have to continue embezzling funds in order to feed their insatiable appetites. A privileged group has emerged from the political leaders and bureaucrats who have been poor but are now beginning to use their positions in NRM and government to enrich themselves!

This kind of development has estranged the leadership from the people. Development has ceased to be about people and become a preserve of a privileged minority.  Even if we have a leadership code, the code of conduct for our leaders is never enforced. It would take more than forty years to clear the mess that the NRM has created.

pmkatunzi@observer.ug 

The author is the finance director, The Observer Media Ltd.

There has been a very large turn up for Police

recruitment in Kampala as 2016 Uganda Elections

get near.

Publish Date: Jan 27, 2015

By Taddeo Bwambale 

There has been a massive turn up for Police recruitment exercise in Kampala. The exercise is taking place at Police Children School in Kibuli. 

Over 500 youth had reported for screening by 11:00am. Screening involves verification of academic documents, physical drills and a two kilometre run to test endurance.

The police seeks to recruit 3500 personnel. Of the 3500, the force will be targeting to recruit 500 Cadet Assistant Superintendents of Police (C/ASP) and 3000 Probationer Police Constables (PPC's).  

The recruitment drives for CASPs, who are all supposed to be University graduates starts today and will run for three days, ending Thursday while that for PPCs-applicant with a Uganda Advanced Certificate in Education (senior 6) certificate will run from January 30 to February 5.

According to the programme issued by Police, the recruitment exercise for Police cadets will be carried out at the Police Training School Kibuli as well as at the regional police headquarters at Jinja, Moroto, Gulu, Arua, Hoima, Fort Portal, Masaka, Mbarara, Mbalem, Soroti, Kabaale, Lira, Luwero, Mityana, Iganga, Kapchorwa and Bushenyi. The recruitment for police constables will be in the districts.

"All the applicants must have requisite requirements and over qualified applicants will not be accepted particularly for the PPCs," Kampala police Spokesperson Patrick Onyango said Monday. 

For the CASP the police will be looking to recruit applicant with honors Bachelor’s degrees in Law, Engineering, public Administration, psychology, social work and social administration, education, human resource management, botany/zoology, veterinary medicine, agriculture, economics, finance and accounting, information technology, medicine, nutrition, library and information science. The force is also seeking to recruit aircraft engineers and pilots.

All applicants, Onyango said, must be Ugandan citizens, have no criminal records and should be ready to work for long hours. Additionally they must possess good communication skills and be proficient in computer usage. The applications should be submitted in person by the applicants to regional recruitment centers where the interviews shall also include physical fitness exercises.

"Applicants should bring along their original degree certificates and transcripts," he said. For PPCs a part from being Ugandan citizens and possessing no criminal records, the applicants should have a UACE certificate or its equivalent; should have attained at least six credits in the Uganda Certificate in Educations with a credit in English and a pass in Mathematics and must be physically fit in addition to having good communication skills.  

The recruitment comes at a time when the 40,000 plus force is trying to shore up its physical strength ahead of the 2016 General elections. 

For the people of the State of Buganda, there is no need to panic. Every citizen of the State of Buganda must stay at home. He or She must not be seen going to participate in this fake general election.

 

Bank of Uganda clarifies on fake note as the commercialization of the coming 2016 General Election starts in earnest:

Publish Date: Jan 27, 2015

                                   Bank of Uganda Governor Tumusiime Mutebile

 By Vision Reporter

The Bank of Uganda has clarified on a fake note being circulated in the public. The Central Bank in a statement issued Tuesday said:

 “It has come to the attention of the Bank of Uganda that some individuals are circulating an image of a fake UGX.7000 banknote ostensibly issued by Bank of Uganda on social media sites. This is illegal.

The public is informed that reproduction of images of Uganda Currency can only be done with the express permission of the Bank of Uganda. More specifically, the production of ‘novelty’ currency purportedly issued by the Bank of Uganda and bearing denominations and features alien to legal tender is expressly forbidden and punishable under the Penal Code.

The perpetrators of the fake UGX.7000 banknotes are warned to immediately withdraw the said image. In the same vein, the public is urged to ignore the image as a hoax.”

 

Luttamaguzi Road in Kikandwa village in Nakaseke District.

Bye The Independent journalist: 

PATRICK KAGENDA

Villagers where Museveni based his war say they will develop with or without his help

During its five-year fight against the government of President Milton Obote in the so-called `Luweero Triangle’, then - National Resistance Army (NRA) rebels led by Yoweri Museveni often issued `I-owe-you’ chits to individuals who offered them help.

In this way, the Luweero Bush war became an investment for the fighters and their helpers. It was an unprincipled position propagated by the NRA that led to a belief that when they captured power, everyone would recoup on their investment. The rebels took power in 1986. Some individuals might have collected on their IOUs but 29 years later, dissatisfaction remains in parts of the Luweero triangle.

Today, the area which comprises the districts of Luweero, Mityana, Kiboga, Mubende, Nakaseke, Nakasongola, Wakiso, and Kyankwazi is home to some of the poorest people in Uganda.

Statistics from the Uganda Bureau of Statistics (UBOS) show that the average number of people in these district still living below the poverty line is 20%. This is slightly lower than the national average of 24.5%. However, the poverty levels in these areas are a big concern because the national figure includes the northern and eastern regions which are the hub of poverty in Uganda. In the central region where the former Luweero Triangle districts are located, the number of people living below the poverty level is just 10.7% of the population.  That means that poverty is 2.4 times higher in the districts where Museveni fought his bush war and made promises of a better life when took power.

One of the oldest people still alive today from that period is 90-year-old Erinasani Nsobya.

He lives in Kikandwa a small village of about 400 people living in about 150 homes. Located in Kikandwa parish, Semuto Sub-County in present day Nakaseke district, this area features prominently in all NRA war memoirs as Museveni’s stronghold. It was preferred by the rebels because it is just 35 miles northwest of the capital Kampala.

Today, it remains an out-of-the-way, difficult place to reach. To catch a taxi, one has to ride a boda-boda motorcycle taxi to Semuto; the nearest big town.

Most residents were minors whose parents were killed during the war and are in their late 20s and early 30s. Only few survivors are in the 40-50 year age bracket. In what is called a `trading centre’, Kikandwa has tiny retail shops, bars, and pork eateries. The main business is trading in agriculture produce and buyers have set up a number of collection stores. Of all the IOUs Museveni issued, most must have been negotiated and signed here.

Nsobya recalls the stories the NRA told to win the locals support.

“When Museveni came here,” he says in Luganda, “he, found us in hard times because if you were not a supporter of then president Milton Obote (1981-85) the basket, as it was called, would cover you. We had been coerced into singing one song, ‘Twagala Obote nga sente’ (I love Obote like I love money).”

He said they were told that Obote had said he was going to re-locate Kampala to his home area  in Akokoro and that each Muganda would carry two 9×9 sand and cement blocks on the head  and walk all the way to Lango to deliver the blocks.

“This hurt us a lot,” says Nsobya, “When Museveni came he was on our side of refusing to obey any word from Obote. He promised to salvage us and asked us to give him food and our children to join his fighters.”

Nsobya recalls that when the fighting between the rebels and Obote government forces intensified, Museveni relocated the villagers to the cattle corridor between Singo and Ngoma in Luweero district; an area called “mulokoola”. They returned to their homes after the war ended.

“Since our return we have moved on although with painful memories of the past and the loss of our people and our properties,” he says.

Nsobya says only a few people received compensation while the majority died without ever being compensated. “After the war, we were given blankets, iron sheets, and household items and that was it,” he says.

Happy losers

Nsobya is not bitter.

“As Baganda we feel we got our biggest treasure when Museveni returned the Kabaka as he had promised during the war. When the Kabaka is seated on the throne, as a Muganda I feel very proud. Regardless of Museveni`s failure to deliver on the other promises, we have to continue living and have to work to provide for ourselves.”

But 35-year old Mulindwa who was just one year old when the fighting started in 1981 is angry.  “Our parents lost all their property and today many among the few who are still living have not been compensated apart from a few selected ones. Even the families that have been built houses, they were built when the actual beneficiaries were long dead. Many of us have lost hope in ever getting anything from this government. Even the maize mill that was given to this village has been personalised by one family, the school that was built by the people helped by government has also been personalised by another family, may be the tomato processing plant is the only thing we know is being run by General Salim Saleh at Kapeka on behalf of the tomato farmers of Nakaseke”.

“Look at the power in Mabindi that was brought five years ago, no one uses it because it is not connected. Do they want us to cut the poles like the people in Mubende did so they come connect us? Look at the Luttamaguzi road, Museveni said it is a memorial road, are memorial roads supposed to be murram or tarmac?” asks a visibly frustrated Mulindwa.

Mausoleums and memorials

The Luttamaguzi Road; a stretch of about 5.5kms that starts from the road to Kapeka and ends at the Mabindi junction, is named after one of Museveni’s supporters in the area, Edidian Luttamaguzi. He was a wealthy resident who mobilised intelligence, food, and troops for Museveni and was killed when he allegedly refused to reveal Museveni’s hideout to government forces.

A mausoleum was built in memory of the late Luttamaguzi (who saved president Museveni`s life on June 9, 1981 when then government troops UNLA raided the village to kill or capture Museveni). But that too has been turned into a family enterprise and no one goes near it without permission from Luttamaguzi’s heir, one John Kaddu. He is a government-leaning politician and one time deputy RDC of Nakaseke district.

Still, Nsobya differs from Mulindwa. He says Museveni has done well.

Nsobya says: “During my lifetime; where I have seen three Buganda Kings (Kabaka Cwa, Mutesa and now Mutebi, and all the Uganda Presidents, I have never seen the development like what is taking place today. In this village there is no one who sleeps in a grass-thatched house anymore, everyone sleeps on a sponge mattress, has a blanket, we have electricity and borehole water, we have security and peace and people are listened to when they have issues they want addressed.”

“I hear people say Museveni has brought poverty but in my lifetime I have never seen a government give free money to people. What I know is that people work to get what they want.

“In the late 1940`s when I bought my first bicycle at Shs 90, many people asked me how I had done it and  many people of my age at the time later died without ever buying one. When late Luttamaguzi bought his Zephyr Zodiac at Shs4,000 in the 1950s we all went to congratulate him and ask how he had done it. Of course we knew he was a rich man who had money and was hard working. People should stop the wishful thinking but work hard.”

Fred Kavuma, a secretary in the Kikandwa Local Council says people should not keep focusing on the past.

“There are things government has done and failed on others. The most urgent thing government needs to do is help people process their farm produce to add value.”

He says this will stop the exploitation of the farmer at the hands of traders and middle men.

“Government needs to fix commodity prices to stop the exploitation, look at the Mulwana Milk factory where they buy our milk at Shs550 a litre yet a litre of packed milk is sold at over Shs 2000. This is what I mean by helping us add value onto our products.”

“Government also needs to re-focus its educational policies and build us tertiary institutions than have all these UPE schools which have no economic viability,” he says.

According to him, a UPE school in every village is a misallocation of resources because it is useless having only 100 pupils in an entire school. He says it would make better economic sense if you had a UPE school for every four villages and a tertiary institute also for the same coverage.

“As  people who live in the villages we need to produce job creators unlike now when kids are dropping out in S.2 and very few ever completing S.4 yet these could have learnt trades like tailoring, mechanics, and other trades that don’t require too much learning,” Kavuma says.

Kavuma says regardless of the unfulfilled promises made by President Museveni the village today is better off.  He says the health facility always has drugs although it needs more buildings to house more health services and medical staff.

“We have borehole water every 200 metres, our village is peaceful meaning security is efficient, people are working hard and their standard of living is improving by the day.

“We don’t have any grass thatched houses on this village and all homes are brick and mortar as you can see, people are involved in improved agriculture and are moving away from traditional farming to commercial farming growing crops like tomatoes, water melon, passion fruit, greens e.t.c.

“Almost every home has a motorcycle for transport unlike in the past when bicycles were the order of the day. To me what is happening in this village is actual development,” he says.

“As Kikandwa we are developing on our own. With time our house hold incomes will also improve and life will go on,” he says, “You can’t keep crying over spilt milk”.

Voter awareness campaign for 2016 election is being started sooner than later.

 By Stephen Kafeero

Posted  Sunday, April 12  2015

KAMPALA. UGANDA.

In an attempt to increase voter turnout in the 2016 general election, a coalition of civil society organisations on Friday launched a campaign to sensitise people on their right to participate in the electoral process.

The campaign dubbed “Votability” aims at mobilising Ugandans aged 18 and above to participate in the upcoming general voters’ register update. Different messages will run concurrently on various media platforms across the country during the voter registration and register display exercise.

On Tuesday, the Electoral Commission (EC) started updating the national voters’ register but the exercise had a slow start with many people either unaware or disinterested in the 23-day exercise.

The exercise also aims at reversing the diminishing voter turnout during the previous elections.

In the 1996 elections, voter turnout was 72 per cent, 69.7 per cent in 2001 and 69.2 per cent in 2006 before hitting a record low of 57.1 per cent in 2011, according to EC figures.

“As someone who worked in the interim EC, I can tell you that elections are a process. They impact on our democratic rights and our rights help us to realise our needs and potential leading to a meaningful life,” said Ms Margaret Sekaggya, the former UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders.

The campaign, a combination of activities and messages, is spearheaded by the Coalition for Electoral Democracy in Uganda (CEDU). Mr Crispy Kaheru, the CEDU coordinator, called for a joint approach in ensuring the updating of the voters’ register is credible.

“Stakeholders, including the Electoral Commission, and those institutions accredited to conduct voter education must intensify mobilisation efforts for people to eagerly participate in this exercise,” he said.

sdkafeero@ug.nationmedia.com

The United Kingdom parliament is waking up to its positive colonial responsibility over Africa and making arrangements in its famous house to debate the current situation of Uganda with its African democracy:

December 20, 2018

Written by URN

The arrest of Bobi Wine and fellow MPs is to be debated in UK parliament

The arrest of Bobi Wine and fellow MPs is to be debated in the  United Kingdom Parliament.

 

MPs in the United Kingdom House of Commons are set to debate the infamous Arua fracas in which a number of legislators were arrested and allegedly tortured at the hands of Ugandan security operatives.

The debate scheduled for January 8, 2019, will be drawn from a motion sponsored by Stockton South legislator, Dr Paul Williams. The motion was tabled on December 3, 2018, and has been put on the schedule for debate early next year. A total of 20 UK members of parliament have signed to support the motion.

Dr Williams is requesting the UK parliament to condemn the arrest and torture of Ugandan legislators and politicians and asking the House to pass a motion calling UK Prime Minister Theresa May and ministers to use the influence of the UK government together with the European Union, the United Nations, the Commonwealth and other transnational bodies to put in place initiatives that will promote democracy in Uganda.

"That this House condemns the arrest and subsequent torture of members of the Ugandan parliament, Robert Kyagulanyi…, Paul Mwiru, Francis Zaake, Gerald Karuhanga, and Kassiano Wadri, believing that arrest and the use of torture against elected legislators has no place in a democratic country," the motion posted on UK parliament website reads.

The motion is accompanied by names and photos of the legislators who have supported it. Dr Williams posted the link of the motion on twitter captioned; "On 8th Jan, I shall be leading a debate in the UK parliament on democracy in Uganda. Ask your MP in the UK to sign my EDM condemning the torture of elected Ugandan MPs like Bobi Wine."

He further uploaded a one minute video of Bobi Wine, asking the UK to support good governance in Uganda. A total of 34 people including the legislators named in the motion are currently facing treason charges in the Gulu Magistrate's court. The case was early this month deferred to January 10, 2018, to give the state sufficient time to conclude investigations.

The charges followed the chaos that dominated the last day of campaigns ahead of the Arua Municipality by-election held in August.

It is alleged that Kyadondo East MP Robert Kyagulanyi also known as Bobi Wine and his contemporaries commanded a team of youths that obstructed the president's motorcade and pelted stones that smashed the windscreen of one of the vehicles in the convoy. In the aftermath, one Yasin Kawuma, a driver to Bobi Wine was shot dead.

Days after the Arua incident, Williams raised an inquiry in the House, asking whether Theresa May's government was concerned about the arrest and torture of MPs in Uganda.  In April he also requested the UK government to ask Museveni to retire, arguing that he has become an impediment to good governance.

"After 32 years in power, President Museveni has become a barrier to his country's development and good governance includes leaving power. I urge the International Development secretary Penny Mordaunt to use the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) to tell Uganda's President Museveni that it's time to go."

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In April this year, this concerned human rights British Member of Parliament, also requested the UK government to ask Museveni to retire, arguing that he has become an impediment to good governance and economic development. Indeed Uganda is a former British African colony that has suffered many civil wars and has enacted over 5 constitutional documents in its history of only 56 years.

 

 

 

 

 

In Uganda, the NRM ruling political party has won Sheema North by-election with all the government machinery at its disposal:

October 9, 2018

Written by URN

Naome Kibaaju with President Yoweri Museveni

Naome Kibaaju with President Yoweri Museveni

 

Naome Kibaaju, the National Resistance Movement (NRM) party candidate has won the Sheema North parliamentary by-election.

 

The Sheema district Electoral Commission returning officer, Deborah Asiimwe declared Kibaaju winner at about 9:10pm on Monday night.

 

Kibaaju garnered 11,326 votes representing 60.3 per cent while Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) candidate Guma Nuwagaba garnered 7,322 representing 39.0 per cent. The invalid votes were 123 accounting for 0.7%.

The Electoral Commission chairperson justice Simon Byabakama commended the candidates and their electorate for being peaceful during campaigns and voting day. He said both voters and candidates exhibited a high degree of maturity during and after the exercise.

Shortly after being declared winner, Kibaaju said she will focus on reuniting people who could have been divided by elections and before she embarks on developmental projects.

 

Kibaaju noted that Sheema North is struggling with lack of clean water and electricity, which she says will be top on her agenda. Her rival Nuwagaba couldn't be reached for comment on the poll results.

Marshal Tumusiime, the Greater Bushenyi region police spokesperson, said they didn't register any serious incident during the polls. He commended residents for being peaceful and cooperating with security.

 

The Sheema North parliament seat fell vacant mid this year after the former legislator Dr Elioda Tumwesigye opted to contest for the newly created Sheema municipality parliamentary seat.

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One reckons this is the African Democratic constituency that loved the UPC and its dictatorial chairman Mr Obote 1967/85. It is everybody's  surprise that the NRM is now the winner over there and the UPC is nowhere to be seen 30 years on.

 

 

 

 

 

Ab'eddwaaliro ly'e Kamuli batubidde n'omulambo gw'omukazi owoolubuto olukulu. Era Police ye Uganda egenda kuguziika nga bwegubuzeeko abantu baagwo:

By Musasi wa Bukedde, Tom Gwebayanga

 

Added 21st September 2018

 

Poliisi y’e Kamuli n’abakulira eddwaliro ly’e Kamuli batubidde n’omulambo ogw’omukazi eyabadde olubuto olukulu mu ggwanika ly’eddwaaliro, nga kati ennaku taano bukya guleetebwa mu ddwaaliro abooluganda bakyabuze!

 

Ggwanika1 703x422

Abantu nga bakung'aanidde ku ggwanika ly'eddwaaliro Mulago

 

Omulambo gw’omukazi ono ateeberezebwa okuba wakati w’emyaka 25 ne 30, nga guli lubuto lwa myezi nga munaana, gukyalemedde mu ddwaaliro wadde ng'abantu beesomba buli lunaku okulaba oba omuntu eyafa bamumanyi kyokka buli avaayo awoza kimu 'tetumumanyi'

Omulambo gw'omukyala ono gwasangibwa gugang'alamye ku mabbali g’oluguudo oluva e Kisozi okudda e Kamuli, ku kyalo Kiyunga-Bulamuka naye nga teguliiko kiwandiiko kyonna kuba n'akasawo ke baasangaawo temwali ssimu yadde ekintu kyonna!

 

Poliisi  omulambo yagutwaala mu ggwanika  ly’e Kamuli, n'eyisa n'ebirango nga ziweze ennaku ttaano abooluganda tebannamanyika.

Omwogezi wa Poliisi mu kitundu kya Busoga North, Michael Kasadha agamba bagenda kuwalirizibwa okuguziika mu limbo y’eddwaliro, abantu be bwe balirabika bamuziikuulayo nga bamubawa.

Kasadha yakubirizza nti okw’ewala nga bino, abantu batambulenga n’endagamuntu kuba buli ssaawa tutambulira mu kufa.

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Nammwe Police mulimba. Muleete ba artists bayambe okukuba ebifananyi byomufu nga bwayinza okufaanana nga mulamu. Era singa mwakikoledewo dda ku data base yammwe singa public esobola okuyamba. Kibi nyo nti mwe Polisi ye Uganda mulabika mwe mumanyi ebisooka nebikomererayo omuntu byalina okukola munsi muno. Mwe magezi gonna ate gokka agali munsi eno!

Wano wetwebuliza ddala ddala waliwo munsi ya Uganda ekibiina ekirwanira eddembe lyomuntu mubulamu bwe ate ne mukufa kwe? Nsi ki eno?

 

Kakati omuntu we ggwanga mumuziika mutya nomwaana we nga Bwoziika embwa?

 

Kino kyetubagamba nti abantu ba Uganda bonna balina okuba ne smartphone ate nga ne data wa sente ntono okuteekako. Singa omufu oyo munsi ezomulembe gwennaku zino abantu be bamuzudde dda. Muwoza bitaliimu mbu omuntu okubeera ne smartphone ne data kwejjalabya, kukola lugambo.

 

 

 

 

 

Mu Uganda, Member wa Parliamenti, M/s Nabilah acoomedde Besigye: 'Takyalina mugaso mu democraciya wa Uganda, ekintu akiteere Bobi Wine:'

 

 

Ekibiina kyebyobufuzi ekya FDC nga kyelwanako okubeerawo kulwokufugibwa kwabantu ba Uganda.

 

By Muwanga Kakooza

 

Added 30th August 2018

 

OMUBAKA wa Kampala, Nabilah Nagayi Ssempala, (FDC) acoomedde Col. Dr. Kiiza Besigye nti takyalina kinene ky’ayongera ku ludda luvuganya n’amusaba ‘’ekintu’’ akiteere omubaka Robert Kyagulanyi amanyiddwa nga ‘Bobi Wine.’ ‘’Kye kiseera Besigye ekintu akirekere abalala. Besigye yazimbibwa Haji Nasser Ssebaggala mu 2001 ng’oluyimba oluliwo lwa ‘Haji alagidde’. Lwaki Besigye ye talowooza ku kuzimba abalala?. Kye kiseera atandike okuzimba Bobi Wine,’’ bwe yagambye.

 

Nabilah3 703x422

Nabilah ng'awanda omuliro

 

OMUBAKA wa Kampala, Nabilah Nagayi Ssempala, (FDC) acoomedde Col. Dr. Kiiza Besigye nti takyalina kinene ky’ayongera  ku ludda luvuganya n’amusaba ‘’ekintu’’   akiteere omubaka Robert Kyagulanyi amanyiddwa nga ‘Bobi Wine.’

Nabilah agamba nti Col. Besigye kati omupiira azannya gwa kifiriza kuba yeesimbawo tayitamu ate ng’ekintu takita. N’ayongera  nti singa tabadde mu byabufuzi ng’azannya mupiira gwa bigere  yandiwereddwa ‘yelo kaadi’ olw’okwonoona obudde (bwa Bannayuganda) ng’avuganya (ku bwa Pulezidenti ) nga  bwagwa okuva mu 2001.

‘’Kye kiseera Besigye ekintu akirekere abalala. Besigye yazimbibwa Haji Nasser Ssebaggala mu 2001 ng’oluyimba oluliwo lwa ‘Haji alagidde’. Lwaki Besigye ye talowooza ku kuzimba abalala?  Kye kiseera atandike okuzimba Bobi Wine,’’ bwe yagambye.

Yabadde mu mboozi eyakafubo n’omusasi ono mu Kampala. N’agamba nti ye akyali wa FDC era talina mpalana yonna ku Besigye naye ekimumunyisizza butayagala kuva ku lujjuliro nga kati enjawulo ntono ne munne Pulezidenti Museveni gw’acoomera obutava mu ntebe.

‘’ Tetwagala kifo kya kuvuganya ku bwa Pulezidenti kufuuka kya lubeerera . Mu Amerika bwe bakuwa tikiti okwesimba ku bwa Pulezidenti n’ogwa omulundi gumu gwokka tebakukiriza kuddamu’’ Nabilah bwe yayongedde.

Yagambye Besigye alabire ku Dr. Kawanga Ssemogerere eyava ku bwa Pulezidenti bwa DP nga takyayogera kintu kyonn. Ne yebuuza lwaki Besigye eyava ku bwa Pulezidenti bwa FDC ate akyagenda mumaaso n’okuyita enkung’ana z’amawulire n’okwogera ku lw’ekibiina kino.

Yagambye nti akimanyi Besigye talina nsonyi ne bwe bamuwabula ayinza okulemerako n’akomawo mu 2021 n’agamba nti ky’ekiseera Bannayuganda okusitukiramu basibire ‘bannansiko bonna (abaggya ne gavumenti mu 1986) ekikokookolo babamme obululu.

Yagambye nti Besigye FDC agifudde nga kkampuni ye nga taganya bantu balala kuvaayo okuggyako nga bali mu nkwawa ze. Kwe kumujjukiza abantu abanene abazze bamuvaako ng’omubaka Beatrice Anywar (Kitgum) amanyiddwa nga ‘Maama Mabira, Beti Kamya kati minisita n’abantu abalala olw’enkola ye etali nnung’amu.

Yagambye nti wadde wa FDC naye yerowooleza kuba tewali muntu yamuyita kuva waka kujja kwesimbawo. N’ayongera nti enfunda z’azze yesimbawo Col. Besigye abadde akiriza abantu okumwesimbako.

Gye buvuddeko omumyuka wa Ssabawandiisi wa FDC Harold Kaija yasuubizza ng’akakiiko k’ekibiina akakwasisa empisa bwe kagenda okutuula katunule mu nsonga za bammemba abatandise okuwaguka ku ndowooza z’ekibiina ne bakola ebyabwe nga ne Nabilah yamukonyeeko. Kyokka Nabilah yagambye Bukedde nti byayogera tebikontana na Konsityusoni ya FDC era tewali tteeka ly’aba amenye  bw’anenya ku Besigye.

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M7 agya kukozesa omusolo gwaffe agule abamagye ne Police bamweyimirire mukuwangula kwa Bobi Wine nga bwabadde akola mukuwangula akalulu keyali omusawo we Col Besigye! Namwe abakazi ba Uganda muli bangi nyo ddala M7 ne Janeti Museveni bebaguze okukulembere bakazi banammwe bangi okunywerera mu kibiina kya NRM.

 

Mukyala Ssempala obade ki? Ekibiina kyammwe kiyitibwa mu lulimi oluganda Ekibanjirize oba Olujja awabeera democraciya-- abangi bebasinga amanyi. Era Besigye nebwanateera Bobi Wine abangi ba Bobi ne bamuyiire obululu M7 alwanira okufuga nobululu nokububba tagya kukiriza Bobi Wine kumusinga bululu afuge eggwanga lino.

 

 

 

 

 

In Uganda, ‘Incitement to violence’ charge frustrates personal liberties:

August 22, 2018

Written by Ophelia Kemigisha

M/s O.Kemigisha

 

 

It has become commonplace for the Uganda Police Force to charge activists, journalists and members of Parliament with the offence of incitement to violence.

The most recent case features two NTV Uganda journalists, Herbert Zziwa and Ronald Muwanga, who were arrested while broadcasting a live transmission of developments in Arua town during the Arua municipality by-election.

Dr Kiiza Besigye, a prominent opposition leader, has also been charged with the offence on several occasions, often as a result of his attendance and expression at political rallies and when he led or took part in assemblies like the infamous Walk-to-work protests.

In 2016, Samson Tusiime was charged with the offence for possession of T-shirts that bore a portrait of the likeness of Dr. Besigye. Comments on Twitter under the hashtag #FreeSamwyiri expressed dismay as to what T-shirts have to do with violence.

Fred Nyanzi Sentamu, former Kamwokya LC1 chairman Fred Nyanzi Sentamu was also charged alongside two others with the same offence after they took part in a protest against the new mobile money and social media taxes.

In almost all these cases, it is hard to make the connection between the actions of the suspect and the idea of incitement of violence. In fact, many times there is no violence to speak of at all.

The oft-cited section of the Penal Code Act which provides for the offence includes an element that is usually left out of the discussion.

The offence is only committed if the inciter causes another person to commit an act of violence by reason of race, place of origin, political opinions, colour, creed or sex or office. Put simply, merely exciting a crowd or leading a protest is not inciting violence.

The police would be right to prefer such a charge against a person if they made, by way of example, racially charged comments and caused members of their audience to harm people who belong to the race spoken against.

In jurisdictions like India whose Penal Code Act is similar to Uganda’s, the offence is linked to sedition and hate speech. In Britain, from which Uganda received the law, the offence has evolved into specific offences including incitement to racial hatred and incitement to religious hatred, among others.

Unfortunately, Uganda’s 1950 Penal Code Act has not been subject to scrutiny in contemporary times, but I daresay the section would reflect a bar from inciting violence on the basis of tribe, political party, and the like.

The conversation that follows is whether we need such a section in the law, anyway. Courts in the United States of America have consistently chosen to protect free speech, even when the words spoken denigrate people on the basis of their race, gender or sexual orientation.

The only exception made is if the speech calls for imminent lawless action, and such words must be very specific to be deemed to incite violence.

In Uganda, the tension would be between freedom of expression as guaranteed by the Constitution and its restriction in the public interest.

The state must take responsibility to prevent people from making disparaging remarks against others on the basis of their race, tribe, creed, sex, among others. This has not been the case, especially for marginalized groups like LGBT/I. The law must be used to protect all persons, even the ones at the fringes of society.

In practice, the offence appears to be used only as a trumped-up charge placed on those who dare to speak out against injustices in our society or express dissent.

The law is being used as a stick, to beat everybody into submission and to severely restrict the constitutionally guaranteed freedom of assembly.

In fact, the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) has routinely dropped the charge for activists including Dr. Kizza Besigye and Lord Mayor Erias Lukwago, proof that the case was unsustainable in the first place. In several other cases, the activists are charged then released on police bond and never prosecuted.

The new Police leadership has an opportunity to correct this by ensuring that the Force enables citizens to enjoy their rights regardless of which side of the political divide they belong to.

The DPP’s office should work with Police to discourage charging people with no intent to prosecute as it is wastage of resources of the criminal justice system and a flagrant violation of personal liberty.

Ms. Kemigisha is a lawyer currently working with Chapter Four Uganda.

 

 

 

 

 

The Uganda Court has awarded handsomely Shs 700m to Maj Iduuli over erroneous retirement from the Uganda army:

15 July, 2018

Written by URN

Maj Ronald Iduuli has been awarded Shs 700 million in compensation for lost income after he was forcefully retired from the army two years ago.

The award is Shs 300 million short of what Maj Iduuli had sought for after he dragged the attorney general, the chief of personnel and administration, and the deputy chief of legal services in the Uganda People's Defence Forces (UPDF) to court challenging his forced retirement from the armed forces.

Iduuli, 43, joined the army in 1998 as a cadet officer, before becoming a lawyer attached to the General Court Martial. He served as a tank commander during the UPDF offensive against the rebel ADF in Congo and as a tank company commander in Operation Iron Fist against the LRA rebel group in northern Uganda.

He served as a defence lawyer at the General Court Martial from 2014 to July 25, 2016. He submitted to court that he was retired from the army without referring to either an instrument from either the Commander-in-Chief or a message from the Chief of Defence Forces (CDF).

Ronald Iduuli (L) earlier speaking to a suspect at the General Court Martial

Iduuli says that he was unfairly retired from service on a misrepresentation that he had voluntarily applied for retirement whereas not, yet he had also not attained the mandatory retirement age. In his application to court, Iduuli demanded for pension, payment of untaken leave since 1998, unpaid housing allowances for the years spent in military service and unpaid transport allowances.

 

He also sought for general and punitive damages for lost income from the time of retirement until when he would have attained retirement age, with an interest of 24 per cent per annum from the date of retirement till payment in full and costs of the suit.

 

According to affidavits sworn in by Brig George Igumba, the chief of personnel and administration of the UPDF, Iduuli disobeyed lawful orders when he refused to attend the junior staff and command course and instead opted to retire voluntarily from the army.

 

Igumba said that Iduuli was not directed to vacate the office of the defence counsel at the General Court Martial but another lawyer was appointed by the CDF to beef up manpower and enhance efficiency in the said office.

 

State prosecutor Genevieve Kampiire had asked the court to dismiss the application arguing that Maj Iduuli filed it in bad faith.

But in a judgment delivered on Friday, Justice Margaret Oumo Oguli stated that Maj Iduuli's dismissal from the army was illegal, unconstitutional and malicious. She said that a letter dated August 17, 2016, nominating Maj Iduuli for a junior command and staff course was fake.

 

Court ruled that Maj Iduuli will now receive a sum of Shs 28 million to cover his unremitted gratuity, Shs 6 million as unpaid pension and Shs 538 million as lost income. He will also take a payment of Shs 90 million to compensate for stress inconvenience, humiliation, embarrassment and psychological torture he has gone through since his wrongful retirement.

 

Court further awarded him aggravated damages of Shs 50 million which will attract an interest of 20 percent per annum from the date of judgment until payment is paid in full.

 

However, Justice Oguli declined to offer him compensation for transport and housing allowances on grounds that Iduuli didn't provide with receipts of the money spent travelling and had no tenancy agreement to prove to the court how he has been sleeping and moving.

Iduuli was involved in the botched treason trial of Gen David Sejusa and the stalled treason trial of Nakawa municipality MP Michael Kabaziguruka.

Nb

Uganda Courts seem to live in a world of their own. This government with all its mistakes is piling up real debts for our children and grandchildren. One has read that there is a promise from this government that although it agrees with all these court awards, all those to receive these court awards will be paid promptly in 74 years time.

 

 

 

 

 

This is the likely reason why the former Inspector of Police in Uganda, General Kayihura was arrested:

June 27, 2018

Written by Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda

Kayihura and  Ssabiiti touring the International City of Kampala to command security.

 

In my faith of Islam, sins are broken down into categories. Associating Allah with partners is the greatest sin and therefore unforgivable.

All the others are forgivable with genuine repentance. It is, therefore, important for a Muslim to know which sin he or she has committed before seeking for forgiveness.

Likewise Mr. Yoweri Museveni Kaguta, who in 1997 said he was next to God, has sins he considers minor and grave. Even when the whole public is incensed to boiling point, he will take no action against a person, when he/she has committed what he thinks is a minor sin (offence).

It is the reason he never took action against Mr. John Patrick Amama Mbabazi, when he was twice accused of helping himself with public funds. I think the public considered Temangalo a grave sin, punishable by sacking.

Mbabazi was investigated and convicted of this crime by a parliamentary committee. Mbabazi and his business partner Amos Nzeyi reportedly influenced the National Social Security Fund (NSSF) to buy their land at Temangalo in Wakiso, for about Shs 11 billion.

Influence peddling was cited and Parliament moved to censure Mbabazi. Then came the CHOGM investigation in which, again, Mbabazi was accused of bungling up a Shs 11.5 billion security equipment transaction. Museveni defended Mbabazi.

Museveni and Mbabazi had until their fall out in 2015 worked together since around 1972. Mbabazi is in the categories of Lt. Gen. Saverino Kahinda Otafiire.

During an evening meeting with a few NRM young turks in Kyankwanzi in 2015, Museveni wore an angry face and spoke angrily about Mbabazi. He accused him of abusing “our contacts,” especially with China.

He had been told that Mbabazi had mobilized billions from China to finance his presidential bid. Within a few years, Mbabazi had shifted from being “the head of NRM” to the most dangerous snake. The rest, like they say, is history.

What saved Mbabazi from being thrown in jail was because he possessed no military rank. Although he recruited people into security, he was not a trained military man.

The moment you are a military man, moreover with influence in one of the armed forces, and you are suspected of having presidential ambitions, your sin before Museveni is grave. And the ambitions don’t have to be real, even imagined ones are punishable.

That is why Gen. Kalekezi Kayihura’s case is a complicated one. When he is eventually arraigned before court, he will be charged with some offence but the real one will be camouflaged.

And the real offence is that he is suspected of harbouring presidential ambitions. It is feared he wanted to deploy the network Mr. Museveni had facilitated him to build against him.

That network included the Police which Kayihura built from about 15,000 to more than 50,000, crime preventers (number is not known), boda boda cells, plus a number of criminal gangs such as kiboko squads and kifeesi.

Museveni, it appears, has now been convinced beyond reasonable doubt, that some of the murders such as that of former Assistant Inspector of Police, Andrew Felix Kaweesi and the most recent one of MP Ibrahim Abiriga were carried out to cause public discord against him.

Matters are even made worse for Kayihura Kalekezi that his alleged ambition comes at a time of heightened cold war with Rwanda. Without doubt, Kayihura has relatives in Rwanda and he comes from Kisoro, a district at the border with Rwanda.

This whole nonsense of repatriating refugees back into Rwanda is not because Museveni feels for them; in fact if the refugees were to be sacrificed for good relations with Rwanda, the big man would even promote those doing it.

People fleeing Rwanda are especially welcome to Uganda because our relations are at their worst. I think state actors these days celebrate everything that angers Rwanda. Museveni and Paul Kagame spoke about these issues in Ethiopia recently, but I think they are deeply rooted.

The feeling here is that Kigali might be or has already linked up with security elements in Uganda, who are Rwandese to try and undermine the regime. Kayihura’s name is cited.

I am told the recent request for Parliament to pass a third supplementary request of nearly Shs 300 billion is meant to strengthen our security capacity, in case we are disturbed by any neighbor.

And I think Kayihura was naïve not to know all this. Maybe people have forgotten that Museveni removed his own son from active military service just recently. I am told his offence relates to neglecting the welfare of presidential guards, yet he knows they are the reason “we are in power.”

Gen. Salim Saleh, of course, continues to receive promotions even in retirement, but was stripped of the post of army commander in the late 80s because he had started touring barracks.

There was fear he was appropriating the military to himself. Both Saleh and Museveni made the public believe that he was removed over drinking and smoking.

Kayihura’s arrest, therefore, offers practical lessons to praise singers. The person called Museveni will spare no one when it comes to power.

semugs@yahoo.com

The author is Kira Municipality MP and opposition chief whip in parliament.

Nb

It is unfortunate that this leader dreams of a strong military coup to remove him from the power he has in Uganda. The State of Buganda seems to have loved to take such an option many times. One reckons it does not want it anymore. In this age of advanced civilization and law and order, leaders of this country, of Uganda, should understand their limitations and give up power with all the peace that is unfolding on the continent of Africa. If not then M7 holds on to power in Uganda at his own peril.

 

 

 

 

 

Amasaza g'Ensi Buganda agabula (lost counties Buyaga ne Bugangayizi) abafunayo ettaka baliyombera nga bwebabbangana okukamala:

 

Omukazi alaajanidde akakiiko k'ettaka: Looya amufeze ssente ezisoba mu kawumbi:

By Musasi wa Bukedde

 

Added 21st May 2018

 

OMUKAZI alaajanidde akakiiko akabuuliriza ku mivuyo gy’ettaka kamuyambe kawalirize munnamateeka w’omu Kampala Richard Buzibira amuddize ssente ezisoba mu kawumbi ze yamufera nga gavumenti eriyirira bannanyini ttaka e Buyaga.

 

Naye 703x422

Nansubuga ne looya Buzubira gw'alumiriza okumufera ettaka erikunukkiriza mu buwumbi bwa ssente

 

Teddy Nansubuga 57, ow’e Kibaale, yategeezezza Omulamuzi Catherine Bamugemereire nti ye yazaalibwa bw’omu ne bazadde be baafa, ekikubagizo ky’alina be baana 10 be yazaala naye omu yafa.

Yagambye nti yalina ettaka lye yasikira ku jjajja we Peter Seviiri ku bbulooka 223 poloti 1 Buyaga nga liweza mayiro bbiri. Waliwo abaali balikaayanira bwe baamutwala mu kkooti n’abawangula yagenda okulaba ng’obwavu bumutta kwe kusalawo okulitunda.

Baamuwa amagezi atwale ekyapa mu gavumenti bamuliyirire okuva mu nsawo ya ‘Land Fund’ naye kwe kusitukiramu.

Nansubuga yatuukirira Munnamateeka Buzibira amukolere ku nsongaze ng’obwesige bwonna abutadde mu Buzibira kubanga ye tasobola kusoma Lungereza yakoma mu P5.

Ensonga bwe baazitambuza n’alaba nga baluddewo okumusasula, Buzibira kwe kumutegeeza nti ye asobola okumufunira omuntu amuwa ssente ze yeetaaga olwo oyo aguze n’asigala ng’abanja gavumenti.

Nansubuga bwe baamuwa empapula okuteekako omukono ne bamusasula obukadde 80, baamutegeeza nti awandiika ku ndagaano ya kutunda ttaka lye kyokka nga Buzibira akwataganye ne banne ne balagira Nansubuga okuteeka omukono ku mpapula eziwa Buzibira obuyinza (‘Powers of Attorney’) okubanja ssente ku lwa Nansubuga.

Mukazi wattu yawuniikiridde ng’amyuka munnamateeka w’akakiiko John Bosco Suuza amutegeeza nti Buzibira abadde akozesa empapula zino okubanja ssente era nga zijjira mu linnya lya Nansubuga era lino ettaka lyokka Buzibira baakamusasulako obukadde 821 akyabanjaayo obukadde 190 kubanga baalibaliriramu akawumbi kamu n’ob-ukadde 400.

Ettaka eddala eriri ku bbulooka 224 poloti 1 e Mubende nalyo ekyapa Nansubuga yakiwa Buzibira n’amu-sasula obukadde 190 kyokka bwe baagenda mu gavumenti okubasasula baalibaliriramu obukadde obusoba mu 800.

Baagenze okubalamu ze baakamusasulako ng’akyabanjaayo obukadde 250 naye nga zonna Buzibira azze aziggyayo ku lwa Nansubuga.

Buzibira bwe yalabiseeko mu Kakiiko nga April 18, 2018 yategeezezza nti akolera mu kkampuni ya Frank Tumusiime & Company Advocates. Oluvannyuma lw’okumukaza okumala ebbanga eddene annyonnyole engeri gye yakwataganamu ne bannannyini ttaka ne bamuwa obuyinza okubaggyirayo ssente, yayogera ebikontana.

Munnamateeka w’akakiiko yamusomedde amannya g’abantu b’agamba nti baamuwa obuyinza okubaggyirayo ssente z’ettaka lyabwe. Amannya ge yamusomedde kwabaddeko: Joackim Kateregga Balikyewuunya ettaka liri ku bbulooka 163 poloti 1 Buyaga baamusasula obukadde 550, bbulooka 282 poloti 2 Buyaga ekyapa kiri mu mannya ga Julius Busulwa.

Busubira baamusasula obukadde 250, bbulooka 272 poloti 3 Bugangaizi baamusasula obukadde 20 kiri mu mannya ga Matiya Muyomba, bbulooka 224 poloti 1 mu mannya ga Teddy Nansubuga baamuwa obukadde 200, poloti 28 baamuwa akawumbi kamu n’obukadde 800 liri mu mannya ga Joseph Sande.

Ssente endala baazisasula mu mannya ga kkampuni ya Frank Tumusiime & Co. Advocate. Kuliko: bbulooka 153, 164 poloti 2,1 ne 21 baalisasula 1,400,000,000/- liri mu mannya ga Daniel Kateregga, bbulooka 107 poloti 1 liri mu mannya ga Desire Wamala ne Alexandra Kasanvu baalisasula 1,300,000,000/-, bbulooka 272 poloti 3 mu mannya ga Matiya Muyomba baalisasula 1,500,000,000/-

Baagenze okumubuuza omuwendo gwa ssente zonna n’ategeeza nti baakamusasulako 13,354,439,000/- akyabanja 5,310,000,000/-. Omulamuzi yamulabudde nti teyeesunga okuddamu okufuna wadde 100/- kubanga buno bubbi bwe batayinza kukkirza kuddamu kugenda mu maaso.

Wano Omulamuzi we yasinzidde okumulagira atwale empapula z’abantu bano zonna mu kakiiko ye yennyini (Buzibira) nga tatumye muntu mulala.

 

 

 

 

OLUKIIKO LW’ABAZZUKULU BA BUGANDA

 

Bazzukulu b’Abakulu b’Obusolya bw'Ebika bya Buganda

 

The Council of the Grandchildren of Buganda

 

P.O. Box 5946, Kampala, Uganda

Mob: 0712-845736, 0712-810415

 

 

                                                     

Re-Produced 22 April, 2018

 

Katikkiro we Buganda,

Ow’ek. C.P. Mayiga

Bulange- Mengo

KAMPALA

 

 

Ssebo  Ow’ekitiibwa Mayiga,

 

ENSONGA: OKULUNGAMYA EBIKWATA KU FEDERO

Sebo Katikkiro, tusaba otukkirize tuyite mu ggwe okunnyonnyola obuganda kalonda akwata ku Federo emaze emyaka nga etawaanya ebirowoozo by’Obuganda.

 

Twagala tulage Endowooza ya feredo engeri gye tateekebwa mu birowoozo by’Abaganda n’ekyagiteekesaamu. Tulage ekiseera w’eyogererwako, tulage engeri gyeteekebwawo, Esabibwa busabibwa oba Egabibwa bugabibwa?, tulage by’eteekawo  n’Enkizo z’erina ku nfuga Endala.

 

Ebyafaayo:  Obuganda bwe bwamala okulaba ng’Omuzungu yalina Ekigendererwa eky’okugattika Buganda mu Mawanga amalala  olw’okutondawo Omugattiko gwa Uganda eyo mu myaka gy’ana (40), Obuganda  ekyo bwakigaanira dala nga bulengedde Ag’azibu agaali gajja okuva mu mugattiko guno.

 

Agazibu kati ge tutubiddemu bajjajjaffe baagalengera nga sigannateekebwawo era ne bagezaako bwezizingirire okugagema n’okugaziyiza!!

 

Olutalo lw’okugagema lwazuzumba nnyo nyo ng’Obuganda bugamba Omungereza Endagaano Buganda ze yakola naye zikomezebwe, Buganda yeefuge ereme okulinda okuteekebwawo kwa Uganda n’okugattikibwa mu Uganda.

 

Ekya Buganda okukomya Endagaano Omungereza kyamuwunyira ziizi kubanga kyali kisaabulula Ekigendererwa kye eky’okutondawo Uganda asigale ng’atufugiramu Obuddu ng’asinziira ewaabwe, nga kati bwe kiri!!! Obuganda  bwalaba Omuzungu abutwaliriza mpola abutuuse ku saawa eyokutondawo Uganda ku ntandikwa y’emyaka gy’enkaaga (60), mu October wa 1959, Obuganda bwalangirira Okukomezebwa kw’Endagaano z’Omungereza wamu n’okwefuga kwa Buganda.

 

Okulangirira kwa Buganda Omugereza kwamutuuza obufoofoto nga talaba ngeri gy’ayinza kukumenyawo oba okukumenyesaawo Buganda. Ekyo kyekyamutumisa wano Lord Munster, wabula naye natafuna kigendererwa kyamutumya kubanga Obuganda bwagaana okwogera naye okuva  lwe  bwali bumaze okulangirira  okwefuga kwa Buganda.

 

Olw’okubanga mu kiseera ekyo Obuganda bwali butandise okuteeka obwesige bwabwo obusinga obungi mu Buyigirize ne mu Bayigirize. Omuzungu mu Bayigirize mwe yayita Obuganda okubusuuzaawo Okwefuga kwa Buganda!!!

 

Enfuga ya FEDERO Omuzungu yagiwa Abayigirize ba Buganda abaalimba Obuganda, mu bugenderevu oba mu butamanya, nti Enfuga ya Federo yali efaanana era nga yenkanira ddala okwefuga Buganda kwe yali erangiridde !!! Okwo Abayigirize baagattako nti naye Federo “Enkizo” gye yalina kwe kuba nti yali esobozesa Buganda okwefugira mu Uganda mbu ekyali kijja okufuula Kabaka wa Buganda owa Uganda yonna!!!

Obuganda kino bwe bwakitunuulira nga kyali kijja kubuyamba okuggyawo Okutiisatiisa kwa Bungereza ku Buganda olw’okulangirira Okwefuga ate Kabaka wa Buganda kimufuule owa Uganda yonna, mangu ago, bwefukulula ne begenda ewa Gavana  bumugambe nti “ bwali buyinza okukkiriza okwefugira mu Uganda singa Gavana akkiriza Buganda okufuna Federo, ng’Obuganda  sibumanyi nti Gavana yennyini ye yali awadde Abayigirize Abaganda ekya Federo bagende bakisimbe mu birwowoozo  by’Abaganda!!!

 

Bw’etyo Federo bwe yaleetebwa mu Buganda era eky’okusuuzaawo Abaganda  okwefuga kwe baali balangiridde kye kyagireesa!!! Kinakuwaza nyo  okulaba n’okuwulira ng’Abaganda, na buli kati, bakyalowooza n’okukkiriza nti bwe bafuna Federo baba bafunye ekyenkana  Okwefuga, kubanga Federo eba ejja kubawa Obuyinza obwefuga n’okweramula, ebawe Eddembe ery’okwesalirawo ku bintu byabwe n’obuwangwa bwabwe!!!

 

Twogera di ku Federo:  Embeera eri emu yokka gye twogereramu ku Federo. Amawanga amatuufu nga buli limu lirina Obuyinza bwalyo obufuga n’obulamula, nga buli limu lirina ebyalyo, ng’ettaka(territory) , eby’obugagga byalyo era nga buli limu lirina Eddembe lyalyo erijjuvu ery’okwesalirawo,Amawanga ago bwe gasalawo okutondawo Ensi eyawamu, nga bwe gwali ku Uganda mu 1962, amawanga ago Ensi ey’awamu Gagisondera eby’okugiteekawo n’okugiyimirizaawo, nga gatoola ku byago. Eggwanga erisalawo okwesigaliza obuyinza obufuga n’obulamula obusinga obungi ne lyesigalaiza ebyalyo n’eddembe lyalyo ery’okwesalirawo n’obuwangwa ebisinga obungi, eryo Eggwanga liba lyewadde Fedro mu nsi ey’awamu etondeddwawo Eggwanga lino olw’eddembe lyalyo eryu’okwesalirawo, bwe liba lisondera Ensi ey’awamu teriba na gwe liteesa naye alikkirize okuleeta kye lireese. Bwe wabeerawo agezaako okuligaana kye lisazeewo okusonda, awo Ensonga ligivaamu buvi ne liddayo ewaalyo .

 

Bino bye tuyiga mu kitundu kino:

 

  1. Federo ssi basabansabe era ssi bagabangabe, wabula beewa neewe.

 

  1. Federo Obuyinza obufuga n’obulamula, obwannannyini ku bintu n’Eddembe ly’okwesalirawo bye bizaala era bye biteekawo Federo.

 

  1. Federo tesobola n’akatono kuzaala oba kuteekawo Buyinza bufuga, bulamula, tezaala bintu bya gwanga wamu n’Eddembe lyokwesalirawo, nga’abaganda abangi bwe basuubira ebyo bye bigizaala era bye bigiteekawo, omwana tasobola kuzaala amuzaala.
  2. Atalina Buyinza bufuga na bulamula, atalina bibye ng’ettaka n’ebirala atalina Dembe lya kwesalirawo oyo aba talina bisaanizo bya kwogera na kusuubira Federo.

 

  1. Bwolaba nga buli lwoyogera ku Federo owalirizibwa okugisaba obusabi, kimanye nti Ebisanizo oba tobirina. Bw’oba nga muli owulira wettanira nnyo okubeera ne federo, sooka olowooze ku ngeri gyoyinza okufunamu Ebisaanizo nga bw’onoomala okubifuna olyoke olowooze ku federo.

 

 

Wano twagala okukikkaatiriza nti Federo atalina Buyinza bufuga na bulamula era atalina bibye na Dembe lijjuvu lya kwesalirawo  yo federo tesobola n’akatono, kubimuwa kubanga byo bye bizaala Federo era bye bigimuwa. N’olwekyo, Federo terina w’efaananira na kwenkana Kwefuga, nga Gavana bwe yalimba Abaganda mu 1961. Kye kyava kiba nti 9thOctober 1962 bwe lwatuuka,  twagenda e Kololo tubeerewo Kabaka Muteesa II ngafuuka Kabaka wa Uganda yonna!!! Kyatubuukako bwe twalaba nga Muteesa yeesimbyewo butengerere, ng’omujulizi, nga Milton Obote akwasibwa “Obuyinza” bwa Uganda !!! E Kololo twavaayo tutolotooma!!!

 

 

Tusanidde okukitegeera nga bwe tulabye wagguli, nti Federo tekuba kwefuga wabula kika kya Bufuge, kati obutukaabya  akagiigiiri. Buganda bw’erya e kibanja mu Uganda ekiyitibwa federo, kino kitegeeza nti waggulu wa Buganda wabeerayo Uganda. Ate waggulu wa kabaka wabeerayo  pulezidenti . Buno buba bufuge bwennyini!!!

 

Federo  Buganda gye yafuna mu 1962 yali ewa Buganda  Ekitongole kya poliisi n’Ekiramuzi ebijjuvu. Mu 1963 Buganda yatandika okuzimba police posts zaayo e Nateete, e Kalungu n’e Kayunga. Wakati mu kuzimba police posts zaayo, gavumenti ya Uganda yalagira Buganda eleker’awo okuzizimba era, wakati mu kuba nti Bwino yali awa Buganda  ebbeetu okuzizimba, Buganda ssi yaddayo kuzizimbako wadde etoffaali erimu (1) n’okutuusa kati, anti “Akunsinga akukubisa gw’okutte. “ Kino tukiggyeyo okulaga Obufuge obuli mu Federo!!

 

Ebyo byonna nga bikyali awo, wakati mu kuba nga gavumenti ya Uganda n’amateeka gaayo ssi bamanyi era ssi bakkiriza nti Eggwanga Buganda n’Obwakabaka bwalyo weebiri era n’ENDAGAANO Buganda mwe yayingirira mu BUDDU bwa Uganda  nga yamenyebwawo mu 1966, kati oluyimba lwa federo lwe tukooloobya lulina mugasoki, lulina makuluki     era luyinza kutuwaaki???!!!

 

Kyetaagisa nyo nyo Abaganda TULEKER’AWO okusambagalanga obusambagazi mu nsonga za Nyaffe Buganda. Tuteekwa okusooka okumira, tuve ku nyimba era tusengeke ensonga za Buganda tumanye ebisooka n’ebikomererayo.

 

Sebo Katikkiro Mayiga tukwebaza nnyo okutukkiriza tuyite mu ggwe okulungamya Ensonga  ya Federo.

 

 

Jjunju- Kamulali

(Sentebe)

 

 

 

 

 

Mmengo yeetonze ku ky'abaserikale abakuuma Kabaka abaakubye bannamawulire

By Dickson Kulumba

 

Added 9th April 2018

 

MMENGO evuddeyo ne yeetonda ku ngeri abaserikale abakuuma Kabaka gye baakuttemu bannamawulire mu Lubiri Obuganda bwe bwabadde bwetabye mu misinde gy’amazaalibwa ge ku lw'e Ssande mwe baabakubidde n’okubasikaasikanya nga bakola emirimu gyabwe.

 

Ebifananyi ebyafulumidde mu mawulire nga abamawulire bayazibwa amagye agakuuma Kabaka wa Buganda

 

Kino kiddiridde ebifaananyi ebyafulumye ku mitimbagano gya yintanenti nga biraga engeri munnamawulire Denis Kabugo akolera ttivvi emu bwe yabadde agezaako okukwata Kabaka eyabadde ayambuka waggulu mu weema ye oluvannyuma lw’okusimbula abaddusi.

Minisita w’amawulire era omwogezi w’Obwakabaka, Noah Kiyimba mu kiwandiiko kye yafulumizza ku Ssande olw’eggulo yategeezezza nti enkola eno ey'okutulugunya bannamawulire si nkola ya Bwakabaka era evumirirwa, n'asuubiza nti waliwo ekigenda okukolebwawo okugonjoola embeera eno.

“Tufunye amawulire agatali malungi n’akamu nti abamu ku bannamawulire omuli n’abo abakolera ebitongole by’Obwakabaka eby’enjawulo baakubiddwa oba ne basindikibwasindikibwa abakuumi abamu nga basaka amawulire mu misinde gino.

Enkola ey’okubonyabonya bannamawulire nga bamalibwako eddebe lyabwe si nkola ntongole ya Bwakabaka era tugivumirira ne ssekuvumirira yenna. Abakuumi bano abakoze empisa eyo etali yaabugunjufu baagikoze nga bbo so si ku lwa Bwakabaka, Ssaabasajja Kabaka oba Katikkiro,” Ekiwandiiko kya Minisita Kiyimba bwe kyasomye.

Kiyimba yayongedde n'asaba bannamawulire okubategeezaanga mu bwangu kyonna ekibeera kibatuuseeko nga baakafuna obuzibu okusobola okubusalira amagezi kubanga Obwakabaka bussa ekitiibwa mu mirimu egikolebwa bannamawulire mu kutwala Obwakabaka ku ntikko.

“Tugenda kukola okunoonyereza ku nsonga eno era twongere okulambika abakuumi engeri gye basobola okukola omulimo gwabe ng’ate tebalinnyiridde ddembe lya bannamawulire. Twetondera abo bonna abaakoseddwa leero era tugenda kukola ekyo kyonna ekisoboka okulaba nti tumalawo obuzibu buno. Tukubirizza bannamawulire bonna baatutegeezenga mu bwangu bwe wabaawo ensonga yonna etateredde oba ebalemesa okola emirimu gyaabwe obulungi,” Kiyimba bweyagaseeko ng’ayogera ku kikolwa kino ekyalabiza Obwakabaka obubi.

Ku lwa June 17,2017 Kabaka Ronald Mutebi II bweyali ku Beatrice SS e Kyankwanzi yalagira abakuumi be bano bakomye eky’okutulugunya abantu be ababeera bazze ku mikolo okumulaba nga bwebabeera tebasobola kukyebeera, babakwate mpola.

Kino kyaddirira abakuumi bano okukasukka Ssentebe wa Disitulikiti y’e Kiboga saako n’abaami ba Kabaka mu mbeera eyatyoboola ekitiibwa kyaabwe era bano bwebafuna omukisa ogusisinkana Kabaka bakimunyonyola.

Nb

Kirabika abamawulire tebabadde na bisanyizo ebibasembeza (PRESS) ku Kabaka wa Buganda. Sibuli alina smartphone oba cine camera alina okusemberera Kabaka akwate ebifananyi kubanga kisoboka okuteka obulamu bwa Ssabasajja mukabi nga akola omulimu gwe. Obuzibu buno bwongera okulaga nga abakungu be Mengo bwebakyali mukusaaga kunsonga nyingi eza wano e Buganda.

 

 

 

 

Ex Katikkiro Muliika reckons that the Ganda leadership at Mengo fear very much the Military dictatorship of President Museveni of Uganda:

23 March, 2018

Written by Baker Batte Lule

In his typical take-no-prisoners fashion, Dan Muliika, the former prime minister of Buganda kingdom, who was relieved of his duties only two years into the job, tells The Observer’s Baker Batte Lule that he isn’t surprised at the turn of events in Uganda. 

Muliika was allegedly sacrificed for being belligerent towards the central government – an untenable position given the political delicateness of the times. Today, Muliika declares that those communities which formed Uganda at independence must regroup and write a new Constitution which mirrors their aspirations…

Dan Muliika

As a member of the Buganda Lukiiko (Parliament) you rejected the 1995 Uganda Constitution. Why?

 

First; we used a language that we were not supposed to use: English, which is [spoken] by about 20 per cent of Ugandans.

Second, we were deceived that there was a Constituent Assembly. That meant that we were constituents, but we ended up having a ‘Constituency Assembly’ with representatives like you see these parliamentarians. That was ridiculous because it was the indigenous people who formed Uganda in 1962 who should have come together and written their constitution.

Before 1962, what the colonialists were calling Uganda was actually Buganda. Therefore, the Constituent Assembly (CA) wasn’t properly constituted. Because of our poor English, instead of sending delegates, we sent representatives. Here in Bukoto, I sent Jaberi Bidandi Ssali; now the constitution has gone wrong, I don’t even know where to find Bidandi.

What should have happened was for the 15 regions that made up Uganda; Buganda, Kigezi, Ankole, Bukedi, Busoga, among others, to send delegates and resolve a new constitution.

Each one would have had to ratify what the CA had passed. Before my delegate commits me to a constitution, he should come back and say this is what you told me and this is what we resolved; do you agree or not? So, that 1995 constitution is in the same category as the 1966, and 1967 constitutions; they are all regime constitutions.

When you say we should have sent delegates; how would these have been elected or selected?

Why would you say that? How did we select ourselves to go to Mengo Lukiiko?  That is immaterial. I don’t think there is any area in Uganda that can fail to elect its representatives. I agree, these days there have been divisions and it’s hard for you young people to know the boundaries of, say; Kigezi, or Ankole.

These divisions were brought intentionally for you young people not to know where we are coming from. You find something floating; you don’t know where you are, where you are going… You only think of today; that’s why these days all of you are becoming thieves.

Everything that comes up, you want to first be paid because you don’t own what you have. You are not part of the inner part of it. But for us, we own it; we feel it.

Therefore, you cannot tell me that I can fail to elect my delegates. These people who are exploiting us are saying no, no, you can’t do this… you have no constitution.

But Buganda has got a constitution older than any other constitution in this country. The written history of Buganda goes back as a far as AD 400. Just like Buganda, other regions can also do it.

But how would those delegates be selected?

It depends on the number of people in those areas. Like for Buganda, if you say we are going to send 30 delegates, we demarcate our constituencies. That is why you see Buganda was the first region to carry out direct elections. We know our constituencies. We can use the ssaza (county), gombolola (sub-county), miluka (parishes) which are part of the subdivisions.

I don’t see the difficulty in electing. There is no theory about it. When we had direct elections in Buganda, we said each county had to bring three representatives; wasn’t that carried out? Isn’t that democracy thicker than what you are advocating?

It is difficult for Ugandans to see it because they have grown up with this cheating attitude. You can’t think of any other alternative. People are jittery about giving powers to these traditional institutions. They say they are not representative enough…

We are here because of people like [President] Museveni…We were directly electing our people. It is a forced situation. How do you even compare it? In fact, if we remove Museveni and his dirty politics, we are capable of showing you how a country can develop fast.

Buganda as we knew it then had ceased to exist and so did other regions; who then should have organised the people?

It would be a question of announcing that we have formed a CA, send delegates. We would do it. If you announce it today, I will lead it. If the president [gives] way, I will mobilise the entire Uganda and they will send their delegates. But it’s wrong to have non-indigenous people determining the fate of your country and this is why we are suffering today.

Looking at the 1995 constitution, what would you point at and say, this was good?

When Museveni came, it was thought that he had come to remove the disorder created by [former presidents] Apollo Milton Obote and Idi Amin. One thing was that power should be shifted to the people through a constitution where they accept to work together.

The [Justice Benjamin] Odoki commission report was very good; compiled after real scientific research where he would come and explain to people what a constitution means before soliciting their views.

Now, look at the recent debate on K’ogikwatako. I felt embarrassed when I heard some people say people were sensitized! One, the constitution has never been translated into our local language; so, majority of the people don’t know even what [Article 102(b) on presidential age limits] meant. When the MPs went to the villages, they didn’t explain what the clause meant, not even why it was put there in the first place.

Odoki’s was real research but when the report was out, technical mistakes were made. The first was instead of being given to parliament, it was sent to the president who stayed with it for six months and altered it.

His minister, the late Sam Njuba, told the public that some clauses had been tampered with. But because in Uganda we are so ignorant about these things, we went ahead and passed it; we didn’t think that was a very big mistake.

Notwithstanding your misgivings about how the CA members were chosen and the said alteration of articles, is there anything worth fighting for in the 1995 constitution?

Some of us were part of pressure groups that pushed members of CA to see that land belongs to the people, not the central government. It can only get land from the people to render a service to those people, and there must be a very clear procedure on how government acquires land.

The regime thinks they lost on that one, that’s why immediately after the constitution was passed, Museveni complained that everything had gone well apart from land.

For us, land has never been an issue. We didn’t conflict with Obote or Amin because of land. Our conflict was about making a constitution allowing us to form a country called Uganda with each one knowing what his/her rights are. We hated the 1966 and 1967 constitutions because they were for individuals and it’s the same constitution we are having now.

How do we extricate ourselves out of this?

 

That is a good question but because of this English and lack of a common language, we might not understand each other. That’s why they have used this to exploit all of us. You find someone in the centre saying Buganda is an enemy of Bunyoro and Bunyoro thinks it’s also an enemy of Buganda.

The same with other regions; this divide and rule has helped them to perpetuate injustices against all of us. When I talk about it, they say, Muliika is a tribalist. But what is a tribe?

Nobody bothers to find out that it’s a group of people with the same culture, with the same language in a certain location. Then what’s wrong with that? Why don’t you allow Muliika to be a proud Muganda and work with a proud Acholi?

In Buganda, we have over 50 clans, each with its own constitution but we are brought together by the Kabaka. Therefore, even in Uganda we can be as many tribes as we are, but still work together.

But the top man wants us to fight each other so that he can exploit us. Recently I asked some Banyoro that ‘do you now own land in Buliisa?’ They said ‘no no, they brought Bafuruki. They say they are Bakiga but when you keenly follow them, you realise that they come from a particular area’.

The Banyoro don’t own the land, neither the natural resources. Today in Buganda our land has been taken and the other day, the president confirmed that our gold in Mubende; one of the best – the president told you that it is him who stopped people from mining it. The gold is in Buganda.

I cannot go and claim oil in Bunyoro. It should be us to work our resources. Karamoja is a very rich region. Two and a half feet below ground you get a sheet of marble, four feet you have gold but they are the poorest on the streets in Kampala.

That’s why you have kifeesi (thugs). They have no respect for life. There is no rule of law because we don’t have anyone in charge. These are all the hazards of this constitution.

The constitution was recently amended to allow the president contest as many times as he wants. What do you make of it?

That constitution is not yours; it’s someone’s. You are being hoodwinked that there is a constitution. Someone told me that we are like a wild animal picked from the bush by force but when you confine it in a place and give it food, eventually it yields, thinking that it’s the best thing and it will never think of going back to the bush.

These regimes are not very clever but are cunning; from [Milton] Obote they abolished civics from schools. They knew that if you come out without civics, you are easily converted into what they want. That’s why you see things like [the so-called National Leadership Institute] Kyankwanzi; you go there to be indoctrinated, never to think using your brains.

That’s why their own constitution says in the preamble that it was made to avoid changing power by force like in the past. But somebody in parliament, doesn’t need to go to school to know that, that clause on term or age limits was a contribution to curtail anyone who wants to impose himself on Ugandans.

Then you say there is a clause that says majority can change [amend the clause]. Then you are like somebody who has no brains at all. The first thing in any constitution is its spirit and if you do anything against the spirit of that constitution, then you don’t respect it.

These 317 MPs who have no brains forgot that even Article 1 of their constitution told them that power is with the people. So, who told them that Ugandans wanted a change of those clauses? Anybody who tells me that this is our constitution, I wonder whether he/she was born with common sense.

They are clever, yes. They went to school, others even have PhDs, but they don’t have wisdom. You hear them say, my party, DP, NRM, etc has told me to do so.

In Uganda today an MP doesn’t understand the role of a party and the role of being a representative. If it’s the party that is important why then do we waste so many billions on elections? The party should just send representatives and we keep quiet.

The president the other day was applauding these 317 MPs for a job well-done, that they know the destiny of Africa…

I cry for my country… I don’t know where we are going. That’s why [US president] Donald Trump will call us whatever he called us because we don’t know what we want.

A member of parliament went there to represent me instead of asking what I want. He went to his political party and did its bidding well knowing it’s me who votes for him. I wonder why they even bother us with voting for them. They should just come and say, I’m your MP or whatever they want. But they hide behind good things yet their motives are dangerous. These are satans who deceive people.

What we need is an intensive education to alert people about their rights. We should tell these voters that when they accept money from a candidate, it’s them who have sold the country. They will never find medicine in the hospital, their children will go to UPE schools.

Some people just want to be polite but Uganda is now a totally failed state. To understand a failed state, you look at three things. You don’t have an executive, you have ‘above’. You don’t have a parliament, but a caucus that sits where the legislature should sit and does what it’s told.

The judiciary you know very well it’s full of cadres. That’s why when electoral petitions are taken there, the judges will say there were some malpractices but all the same he has won.

Once those three issues are present, it means there won’t be anything constitutional working under that arrangement. When you hear of corruption, embezzlement, infighting in security organs, among others, just know we lost direction; no one is in charge.

Your thoughts on the Justice Catherine Bamugemeire commission on land?

That is playing on people’s intelligence because people had started thinking that there was a problem. If they did realise that there was a problem, then they would wake up and nobody would stop them. When they know it’s Muliika making noise, it’s easy to silence him but when everybody wakes up, nobody can stop them.

That’s why they continue deceiving us that it is us who vote for them but in Uganda we have no elections. Anything that is short of being free and fair, is no election.

Even the courts, bad as they are, have said that indeed there are always problems with our elections. That’s why in 2015 I was against moves to push for electoral reforms in a parliament where the majority are NRM robots that are told to do what their boss wants.

My position was to push Museveni to finish his term and hand over power to an interim government, which we would give two responsibilities; work with the civil servants and run the day-to-day activities of the state, and; convene a grand national convention of all stakeholders.

But for as long as we are using someone else’s constitution, who uses people who only think of money and not the country, you will never get out of these problems, because we don’t have proper leadership.

Have you seen us fighting over kabakaship? No, because we know what the Kabaka does and what other leaders do. It is acceptable to us. Somebody was telling me that ‘but why do you people kneel for the Kabaka,’ I told him we do it by choice.

How would you put in place an interim government?

We are 40 million people in Uganda; you think he will kill all of us? He might kill 10,000. Do you think people like Trump who have nuclear and sophisticated weapons would still be talking to people?

They know that however powerful they are, they need people. In fact the president should have liked people like me because I tell him what’s wrong.

He doesn’t like you?

His spies are doing the job that is supposed to be done by intelligent people. They do it unintelligently. All they were telling him is that Muliika is opposing you. Yes, I have got that right.

But they think that you are an enemy because you’re saying things that do not rhyme with his; I’m not a robot. I would appreciate when he is doing a good job. When he was in the bush, I loved him because I thought we were going to end this nonsense, only to find that people surrounding him were making him make more mistakes.

You come here and do away with cooperatives and tomorrow you turn around and reinstate them. Why do they mislead him like that? Look at how they chased people from their homes in Naguru and Nakawa, saying they had got an investor. Investor?! I would rather be poor than have that kind of investor who deprives me.

What does it say of a person who is always misled?

He can’t even realise it. That’s why the Bazungu say too much power corrupts. The constitution concentrated a lot of power in the hands of the president and he lost focus. Personally, I told him that what will make Ugandans happy is a constitution that reflected their views. This should have turned him into the father of the nation.

There are suggestions of abolishing mailo land as one of the land tenure systems in Uganda…

We need to educate them of the dangers of this proposal.

What is Buganda’s role in the greater scheme of things moving forward?

Do you think Buganda still exists? Somebody takes your land; you have no power to decide what even to eat tonight. You have no control over the economy, your minerals are being sold by somebody else and you are not allowed to say anything.

Are you satisfied with the way the Katikkiro Charles Peter Mayiga is running things at Mengo?

I’m not going to say this or that because Mengo is in captivity. There is some invisible power ordering Mengo on what they should and shouldn’t say or do.

Go and ask Museveni, I told him I cannot ask him for federalism because he has no power to give it to us, neither to deny it. I told him I will first sensitise Baganda about federalism and then talk to other states that made Uganda and agree to come to a round table and then tell him what we want.

For me, I was lucky I would tell him what was on my mind.

There are those who say confrontational politics that you played can’t help advance Buganda’s cause…

Those are lies. In fact I practiced dialogue more than any other katikkiro but I didn’t want under-the-table dialogue. Go and ask Gilbert Bukenya [former vice president].

I told him if they wanted dialogue, I should leave Mengo and meet the vice president with a known agenda. Whether we agree or not, we should be able to tell the media what we discussed. That is genuine dialogue, not this underground dialogue.

I don’t need to go to State House. If there is anything official, it should be in the presidential office…These are matters of state and we should treat them as such. Anything done in secret is funny.

bakerbatte@observer.ug

Nb

1) In the country of Buganda, one gets fed up of speaking for others who all the time seem to be deaf and dump. These days it is a tough world where every Tom and Harry must fight hard for their human rights. It cannot be  any different for the individuals in the country of Buganda! The King of Buganda himself has called out his subjects to come out and join up with Him to fight it out in the Uganda Political Arena.

 

2) As Buganda and well wishers celebrate Kabaka's 20th Coronation, there is much concern with Mengos underhand approach to matters of national importance. The request from Mengo for the Ugandan gov't to return, to the Kingdom its confiscated/appropriated properties by the Obote1 Gov't should be handled by the parliament. It was through the parliament of the day that these properties were seized. Mayiga and hangers on, are clearly intended in widening the pool of the Kingdom's resources not with intent to make King and Kingdom powerful, but for more sacks of money. 
Mengo must take note of the historical faberge, associated with this particular episode in the history of Uganda and the wider perception of the national population, on the matter. There has never been anytime in the History of Mengo that the need to reach out to the rest of the country, through its counterparts, is greatest. Some historians may argue that the only time when Mengo was this desperate, was when it sought the help of the British colonialist to wade off the looming Bunyoro Kingdom. But most of us think otherwise! 
Much as Mengo's survival in the 19TH Century was threatened by invasion from a powerful neighbour, this time around its survival is dependant on social, economic and political demographic changes within Buganda itself. Without going through the individual aspects, these categories put together, have the potential of a much bigger impact than that of a powerful marauding neighbour. Buganda in Mengo, and Uganda in Kampala, share a common foothold. This common anchorage was the very reason for the historical wrong and subsequent shenanigans, and failure, hitherto, to redress the subsequent loses. It's therefore necessary. that Mengo should assure the rest of the country, that the pursuit for the return of its properties is being done in good faith and lawfully. And in so doing, seek the consent of parliament, rather than of a passing president; or else, the return of this properties will forever be associated with president Museveni, as its confiscation is apportioned to Obote1. The right to one's property, therefore, is better sought in an open court. 
In a country characterised by suspicion of governments, failed promises and tribalism, there are minorities but powerful voices, who will claim that president Museveni is rewarding Mengo for the support given by the defacto Buganda MPs, in his quest for life presidency. Others would go as far as suggesting that the next properties that Mengo would be asking Museveni to return, lost as a result of the 1964 referendum, are the lost counties. But there is a third element to this schools of thought, extended by the proponents of federal system of governance. They feel a sense of betrayal that Mengo would rather settle for silver and gold rather than save its soul. What price is gold and silver if one cannot defend its institutions, culture, tradition, wealth and people with a better system of governance, yet the very cause of the appropriation in the first instance, was as a result of bad system of governance and hastiness, for a better lack of word. The bigger fish to fry. in our opinion, is for Mengo to demand for an open conversation, for a federal system of governance. That was a bigger loss than pieces of land.
In the words of the very man Mengo seeks redress for its pieces of land, bricks and mortar; "when a mortal hunter has got his kill, he must hold it in one hand, while the other must bare the spear to protect the kill". Mengo's, other hand is bare to the bone!   
Any amount of wealth, can only be protected by a government, practising a good system of governance, disparate to the unitary system that promotes dictatorship and rubber stamp parliament!
Akim Odong (Fedby20/20 Campaign).  

 

 

 

 

 

The Inspector of Police and the Minister of Security have been dismissed, but the Government of Uganda has great hopes of Gerrymandering in the National Electoral systems to stay put in power:

7 March, 2018

Written by Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda

At least 400 vehicles, mainly trucks carrying merchandise, cross from Uganda into Rwanda through the Katuna border in Kabale district every day.

These include 40 buses carrying passengers, 70 small vehicles and the rest are heavy trucks. This means at least 8,700 trucks cross into Rwanda using the Katuna/Gatuna border every month.

Knowing our level of industrialization, the biggest percentage of merchandize these trucks are carrying is from outside Africa, just transiting through Kenya and Uganda. A small percentage is what Uganda and Kenya are producing and selling to neighbouring Rwanda.

Small as it is, the goods Uganda is selling to Rwanda generate $160 million (about Shs 570 billion) annually, according to Uganda Revenue Authority (URA) customs officials at the border post.

Despite this volume of trade and passengers, our revolutionary government has stubbornly failed to raise Shs 25 billion to complete construction of an office block meant to process this traffic.

We are also supposed to tarmack the half-kilometer stretch between our side of the border and Rwanda’s. The rest of the road from Kabale to Katuna town council was recently paved using money borrowed from the European Union.

The office block (freight house) Uganda is constructing at the border has been abandoned for a year now because of lack of funds. URA and other border officials are operating in makeshift structures and containers.

Trucks waiting to be cleared to cross into Rwanda are parked along the road because money to construct a parking yard is part of the Shs 25 billion that we don’t have.

That is the chaotic scene we (members of the public accounts committee of parliament), met on Monday during a field inspection trip to our Rwanda border crossings.

This state of affairs generated anger even from NRM MPs who are beneficiaries of Uganda’s mismanagement. One of them kept blaming his government for getting priorities wrong. And he is right.

Before travelling to Kiboga last week to celebrate the removal of presidential age limits from our Constitution, each of the 317 NRM MPs who voted yes was given Shs 60 million, totaling to Shs 19 billion.

The newly-acquired Police Training Institute at Bwebajja was the distribution centre. Because of the nature of the operation (distribution of money), the gate was manned by Special Forces Command (SFC).

Each MP was advised to carry a bag in which their loot was stuffed. The NRM chief whip, Ruth Nankabirwa, was at this place up to past midnight overseeing distribution of this money.

She eventually got tired and assigned her deputy, Bukooli Central MP Solomon Silwany, to take over. Controversial Busia Municipality MP Geoffrey Macho who voted ‘No’ to the ‘age limit’ bill during the first stage and voted ‘Yes’ in the final stage was chased from Bwebajja by Silwany. He was not entitled.

I hope you remember that NRM MPs, and some of our colleagues in the opposition, were given Shs 40 million each in December to pass this bill. Opposition MPs were given money not to walk out.

So, the Museveni government has spent over Shs 50 billion bribing MPs but we don’t have money to complete construction of a border post that processes goods worth $160 million a year!

For me, it is these issues that we must discuss, and not the sacking of General Kale Kayihura or Security minister Henry Tumukunde.

In fact, the duo’s biggest crime is not the much publicized wrangling. It is the violation of rights each of them has orchestrated during their tenures. More than 200 people have been murdered by police in concert with the military during the 13-year reign of Kayihura. You remember the Kayunga riots and walk-to-work massacres?

That, for me, is the debt that we must ask Kayihura to repay. Concentrating on his quarrels with Tumukunde is to accept to be diverted. Tumukunde is also yet to account for the torture and some deaths that occurred when he was the Chief of Military Intelligence.

I have a strong feeling that the centre can no longer hold. I don’t think ordinary soldiers and policemen providing security to NRM MPs as they shared billions of money go home happy after witnessing this robbery.

Yes, the 317 MPs are now historicals, according to Museveni, because they removed age limits from the Constitution so he can die in office; but what about the young men and women who beat up opposition MPs and intimidate the population every day to keep the big man in power?

How do these soldiers and policemen feel when they hear that each NRM MP has so far officially received Shs 129 million and will be given another Shs 100 million in the last quarter of the current budget?

Yes, they will each receive Shs 100 million when Keith Muhakanizi releases money for the last quarter (April-June) of 2017/18 financial year.

For me, the sharing of this stolen money is what is fuelling this wave of insecurity. Certainly the Tumukundes were not happy that Kayihura was controlling big sums of money. But ordinary policemen and soldiers are also not happy with their selfish bosses who are only serving themselves. Things can only get worse!

semugs@yahoo.com

The author is Kira Municipality MP and opposition chief whip in parliament.

 

 

 

 

Olutalo lwa banamaggye ga Uganda, abesarilawo nabo okwenyigira  mu byobufuzi bya Uganda, Colonel Besigye ne General Muntu, lusituse buto:

By Musasi wa Bukedde

 

Added 15th January 2018

 

EKIBIINA kya FDC kyongedde okwetemamu olw’ekiragiro Ssaabawandisi w’ekibiina, Nathan Nandala Mafabi ky’awadde nga kigaana abadde Pulezidenti Maj. Gen Mugisha Muntu okukuba enkungaana okuggyako ng’asoose okufuna olukusa okuva ku kitebe e Najjanankumbi.

 

Besigye 703x422

Besigye ne Muntu nga bakyalima akambugu.

 

Akakuubagano wakati wa Dr. Kizza Besigye ne Maj. Gen. Mugisha Muntu kasituse buto ng’abawagizi ba Muntu bagamba nti Besigye y’ali emabega w’ebbaluwa eno egambibwa nti egenderera kulemesa nteekateeka za Muntu.

Nandala Mafabi yawandiikidde bsssentebe ba FDC bonna mu disitulikiti mu ggwanga ng’abalagira obutakkiriza nkuhhaana zikubwa mu linnya ly’ekibiina okuggyako nga basoose okufuna obukakafu nti enkugaana ezo zakkiriziddwa ekitebe kya FDC e Najjanankumbi.

Mu bbaluwa ya Mafabi gye yawandiikidde bassentebe ba FDC ku disitulikiti nga January 10, 2018, yabategeezezza nti enkungana zonna ezitegekebwa ku disitulikiti mu linnya ly’ekibiina, zirina okukakasibwa ekitebe kya FDC mu Kampala era buli ateekateeka olukungana alina okusooka okulaga olukusa.

Nandala Mafabi w’awandiikidde ebbaluwa eno, nga Maj. Gen Mugisha Muntu eyaakawangulwa Ying. Patrick Oboi Amuria ku Bwapulezidenti bwa FDC, amaliriza enteekateeka ez’okukuba meetings ku buli disitulikiti okubunyisa enjiri za FDC n’okukunga abawagizi b’ekibiina okuwakanya ebikyamu ebigenda mu maaso mu Gavumenti.

Dr. Besigye naye yalangiridde wiiki ewedde nti agenda kukulemberamu aba FDC okutalaaga eggwanga ng’akuba enkungaana ze yatuumye “ Tubalemese” nga bawakanya ebyasaliddwaawo Palamenti okukyusa mu Konsitityusoni okuggyamu ekkomo ku myaka gya Pulezidenti n’ababaka ba Palamenti okweyongeza emyaka 7.

Abakungu ku kitebe e Najjanankumbi baategeezezza nti enkungaana za Maj. Gen Muntu teziteesebwangako mu NEC era ekibiina tekizimanyiiko noolwekyo tezikkirizibwa.

Wabula zo meetings za Besigye, NEC yazikakasizza era Pulezidenti wa FDC Ying. Amuriat waakutambula ne Besigye nga bawakanya ebyasaliddwaawo Palamenti okukyusa Konsitityusoni.

 

ABAKULEMBEZE MU KIBIINA BEETEMYEMU

 

Olwaleero ku Mmande, Maj. Gen. Muntu lw’asuubirwa okutandika meetings ze ez’okutalaaga Uganda yonna ng’asookera Masindi, agende e Fort Portal ku Lwokubiri era omwogezi wa FDC Semujju Nganda yagambye nti enkungaana za Muntu zaakugenda mu maaso.

Muntu asuubirwa okuwerekerwako ababaka ba Palamenti nga 20 nga bakulembeddwaamu akulira oludda oluvuganya, Winnie Kiiza n’abakungu ba FDC okuva ku kitebe e Najjanankumbi.

Muntu yategeezezza ng’awaayo ofiisi eri Ying. Amuriat, nti akyali mmemba wa FDC omujjuvu era agenda kukwatagana ne banne bwe bafaanaganya endowooza baddemu kaweefube w’okulwanyisa ebikyamu ebigenda mu maaso n’okukunga abantu okujjumbira okwesimbawo n’okulonda obukiiko bwa LC1.

Kyokka Mafabi yategeezezza nti meetings zonna ezikubwa mu linnya lya FDC zirina okusooka okuteesebwako n’okukkaanyizibwako mu lukiiko olufuzi olw’ekibiina NEC n’annyonnyola nti meetings ezitakkiriziddwa NEC si zaakukkirizibwa.

Omumyuka wa Pulezidenti wa FDC atwala ekintu eky’obugwanjuba, Alice Alaso yategeezezza nti meetings za Muntu zaateesebwako mu lukiiko lwa NEC era zaakugenda mu maaso kubanga zigendereddwaamu kuzimba FDC n’okugatta bammemba.

Alaso yategeezezza nti Muntu yawandiikira dda poliisi ku meetings ze n’awaayo ne pulogulaamu y’entambula. Kwe kuwunzika nti, ebbaluwa ya Mafabi terina w’eyingirira mu pulogulaamu zino.

 

Nb

Mukifo kyokugenda mu maggye ga Uganda agaabawa ebitiibwa, nobukulembeze, okunyonyola ensonga zaabwe ezibaluma bayombesa bantu mubyalo bya Buganda ne Uganda bwebali abakyamu, abatawulira, abatategeera! Nga Trump bwavuma ensi ya Africa abafuzi bangi Aba Uganda nabo bwebavumye abannaku ba Uganda bwetuli abanafu abataagala kukola, bwetuwunya obwavu, bwetulemesa banakyemalirira mubufuzi bwa Uganda, bwetuli abenkwe, bwetwagala Kabaka waffe, nebilala bingi.

 

Kirabika nga  nammwe banamaggye ga Uganda abagavaamu mwagala kwenyigira mubyabufuzi paka last nga mukama wammwe gwe musiiba mwesooza!

 

Mwagenda nemusoma, nemumala, mwagenda munsiko, nemulwana nemumala, mwewanira mumagye ga Uganda okukoleramu nemumala, mweyambula uniform ya magye nemwenyigira mubyobufuzi, kakati emyaka 20 oba 30 munamala ddi?

 

Gwe Colonel wa maggye ga Uganda, ate nawe General omulamba owa maggye ga Uganda muli ba professional. Muva mukitundu kya Uganda kyekimu ate nga kyekisomye enyo. Buganda ebalemede wa okugifuga nga bwemwagala nemuda mukuyombagana nokuyombesa buli abasala mumaaso?

 

Osanga banamawulire bensi ya America, Trump bamulaga nyo enkima namazike agali mu Africa agalya ebimera byaffe kubanga tutemye ebibira byago byonna netukola ennimmiro tuleme okufa enjala? Kwekutuvumira ensonga?

 

Musajja watu Trump buli lwatunulira TV kubigenda mumaaso kunfuga ya Africa, ddala kiki kyaba alabye abantu ba Africa kyebatalaba?

 

Omunaku we Buganda wano kyova webuza ddala ddala omufuzi w'America avuma nyo bani mu gu continent gwa Africa ogusinga nensi ye obunene? Banamaggye abali mu Africa oba ffe abannaku ba Africa abakozesebwa nga s.....hole?

 

 

 

 

Any doubters about the economic situation of Uganda need to visit some up country villages and see how desperate the leadership is:

August 23, 2017

Written by Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda

After the successful August 14 nomination of Maj Gen Gregory Mugisha Muntu, the candidate I support in the FDC presidential elections, I went to Arua and Gulu.

The trip to these two regional towns was to continue consulting and sensitizing the public about government’s proposal to change Article 26 of the Constitution. Through this proposal, government wants to do away with a constitutional requirement for prior and prompt compensation before taking over of people’s land.

If you disagree on value, government will just throw any amount of money at court where you can find it if you like, as they immediately displace you and start using your land.

The public rally in Arua, which was unceremoniously dispersed by an afternoon downpour, was the 16th opposition MPs under the leadership of Kasese Woman MP Winnie Kiiza have held.

The subsequent rallies in Gulu, Soroti and Mbale made them 19. We had planned for 22 sub-regional public rallies but there are more invitations.

We arrived in Arua at around 8pm and spent the next two hours hunting for hotel accommodation. Because of the war in South Sudan, non-governmental organizations have set camps in the town to receive refugees. These NGO fellows have booked all the available decent hotel rooms in Arua.

The hotel business is booming in that area. Checking on education institutions and health facilities forms part of our visits. We, therefore, visited Inde Junior Vocational School, about 62 kilometres from Arua town.

It is in a county called Madi-Okollo. This school admits primary seven graduates who are trained in carpentry, mechanics, brick aying, etc.

We reached at a time when about 160 remaining students had been sent away officially because the institute didn’t have food to feed them.

I have said officially because one of the instructors said the staff and community are uncomfortable with a Langi director.

This instructor accused his boss of recruiting more Langi staff than the locals (Acholi). They had also gone without pay for two months.

As a result of all these, some staff members had carried away the institute’s property in protest. As a result, students were sent home.

Nearly all the buildings at the school had cracks. It is as if the contractor never used cement at all. Constructing substandard structures is a feature of this government, but I had never seen something like this. Not surprising that students’ enrolment had reduced by more than half.

In Gulu, we visited the regional referral hospital which was constructed in 1933. The medical director showed us a building built in 1934 and it is still in good condition. There was another 1937 building and he said, with some painting, it will look like a new one.

I have a feeling the revolutionary will go away with all his makeshift structures. Maybe that is why he is in love with China.

They have taught him how to make disposable structures. Gulu regional referral hospital is supposed to be served with four senior consultants but, at the moment, it has zero. It is supposed to employ 14 consultants, but it has zero. And out of the required 14 medical officers (special grade), it has only four.

One other noticeable feature of both these towns was the many children walking to school barefoot. And these are schools within municipalities. I didn’t need any report to gauge the poverty levels in these areas.

For me, these are the things that motivate me to continue fighting this regime. Can you imagine, as a country, on average we spend Shs 200 billion annually on treatment of VIPs who seek medical attention abroad. Just imagine if all that money was invested in regional referral hospitals annually!

This regime’s agenda is to increase the population’s vulnerability so it can exploit people with ease. And this vulnerability is written all over people’s faces in rural Uganda.

Those of us doing politics must be very careful. We may collectively be swept aside by a desperate population.

 

semugs@yahoo.com

 

The author is Kira Municipality MP and spokesperson of the FDC.

NB

It is difficult to visit a home that is badly looked after and blame only the husband for all the mess. The opposition are partly to blame in the whole of Africa where they participate in elections they well know will be rigged.

The World Bank is not happy with the economic development in the country of Uganda, as the favourable tropical environment in the country continues to get damaged ever more:

4 April, 2017

 

By Moses Mulondo

The Finance minister Matia Kasaija

 

Talking about the negotiations he had with the World Bank, finance minister Matia Kasaija said that the development partners are greatly concerned about the delayed utilization of money borrowed.

 

“Their biggest concern is low absorption for loans," he said when asked.

 

About a month ago, the Word Bank suspended support to Uganda and this has put the implementation of the country’s 2016/17 budget at stake since World Bank is one of the major sources of funds for the country’s budget.

 

In a recent cabinet meeting, Prime Minister Dr. Ruhakana Rugunda said Uganda has in the last seven years lost about sh92b due to delayed utilization of borrowed money.

 

The other key concern of the World Bank, according to Kasaija, is the need for the Ugandan government to put in place safeguards on social and environmental concerns.

 

On the measures the finance ministry intends to implement to convince the World Bank to suspend the suspension, Kasaija said: “I have already warned managers of various government entities to ensure there is timely absorption for the funds.”

 

He said low absorption of loans is very common in agencies where there are incompetent managers.

 

“I have to tell you that there are non-performing managers who need to be replaced. Something has to be done about them."

 

On what his ministry plans to do regarding delayed implementation of loans arising from failure of government to provide counterpart funding, the minister said: “No sector will be allowed to seek a loan unless counterpart funding is secured. In fact, I will not sign any more loans until I am assured that money for counterpart funding is available.”

 

Kasaija and the secretary to the Treasury Keith Muhakanizi spent the whole of last week in Washington DC, USA negotiating with the World Bank to lift the ban on Uganda.

 

The talks however ended without the bank accepting to lift the suspension as the delegation from Uganda had requested.

 

“We were well received but suspension is yet to be lifted. The discussions are still going on. Soon they will also send a team to come to Uganda,” Kasaija told New Vision.

 

Muhakanizi recently admitted before parliament's  public accounts committee (PAC) that Uganda is the worst performer in the utilization of borrowed funds in the East African region.

 

Uganda’s public debt has been sporadically rising in the recent past and has now reached about US$10b.

 

After making research on contradictory reports about Uganda’s indebtedness, Uganda Debt Network (UDN) carried out research and established that the country’s total public has now reached US $11b.

 

If the Standard Gauge Railway loan of US$12.5b materializes, it means Uganda will have exceeded the 50% ceiling of the ratio of public debt to its GDP of about US$27b.

 

EKIBIINA KYOBUFUZI EKYA KABAKA YEKKA

 

How the political party of Kabaka Yekka and the political party of the UPC made a political coalition for the sake of attaining National Independence of Uganda during 1961:

Kabaka Mutesa (L) and former prime minister Milton Obote at a public function in the 1960s. Obote’s UPC formed an alliance with Kabaka Yekka, the political party of Buganda, to gain a majority in the 1962 general election.

FILE PHOTO

 

By Barbara Kimenye

 

Posted Wednesday, 1st March, 2017

Immediately before full independence, on March 1, 1962, there was self-government, and the Democratic Party (DP), led by Ben Kiwanuka, had the majority after the parliamentary elections.

Kiwanuka, who automatically became prime minister, was a shrewd lawyer possessing a dry sense of humour as well as a beautiful wife, Maxi, and numerous children.

The Democratic Party had the backing of the Roman Catholic Church: indeed, Kiwanuka and Maxi had special prie dieus [a piece of furniture for use during prayer] at the front of Rubaga Cathedral, and priests did not hesitate to tell congregations to vote DP. In some cases they made it sound like a mortal sin not to.

One particular monsignor, a Muganda, up at Rubaga Cathedral, an absolutely beautiful man whose black, red buttoned and sashed cassock seemed to be designed for him alone, went a bit too far in exhorting his flock to forget traditional ties with the Kabakaship and henceforth concentrate on the Democratic Party.

Before he realised what was happening, he was escorted by Kabaka’s askaris to the palace to explain himself.

The Kabaka was sufficiently annoyed that his subjects were more or less being advised to ignore him, but when the monsignor grandly announced that nobody had jurisdiction over him because he was a prince of Rome, Mutesa lost all sense of diplomacy and had the man carted off to the Omukula we Kibuga’s office.

As soon as word passed of the arrest, Catholics converged on the cathedral, weeping and wailing and tearing their hair.

Meanwhile, the monsignor was receiving tea and courtesy from the Omukula we Kibuga who frankly did not know what to do with him. Nobody was more relieved than the Omukula when a message arrived from the palace to the effect that that tiresome priest was to be released immediately.

I went up to Rubaga that evening out of curiosity. The monsignor was walking up and down the upper terrace, smiling in a saintly fashion and pausing every other step for yet another sympathiser from the milling crowd to kiss his hand.

From the way he and his supporters behaved, anyone might have thought he had just evaded the lions in the Coliseum.

I relate this little story for very good reason: last time I was home in Uganda, I walked along Kampala Road and there on the opposite pavement was this smarmy monsignor with a group of people, the same saintly smile pinned to his face.

My companion and neighbour, Chris Mulumba, a man about the same age as my sons and therefore only able to go on hearsay and legend, reverently pointed out the priest as that someone who had defied Mutesa II and been imprisoned under torture.

For this reason alone, everybody had been surprised when he did not succeed Archbishop Joseph Kiwanuka as Cardinal of Uganda.

My only comment is that despite its many faults, the church is never slow in spotting a fraud. Cardinal Emmanuel Nsubuga, who succeeded the well-loved Kiwanuka, was never prominent in the popularity stakes.

While he was an ordinary White Father, he once threw me out of the cathedral because my two dogs followed me inside during mass - but he did more for the poor and disabled than was thought possible during the turbulent and destructive eras of Obote and Amin.

No sooner were the DP in power, however, than up sprang Kabaka Yekka, a movement intent upon retaining the Kabaka’s superior position over any and everybody on Buganda soil: which since the Parliament buildings and government offices were in Buganda, made difficulties for someone heading the State of Uganda as a whole.

Translated, Kabaka Yekka means Kabaka Alone or Only, and it became a common greeting: e.g. one person called out ‘Kabaka!’, and the other responded with ‘Yekka!’, and both stuck a forefinger in the air.

This greeting became so common that once when His Highness had been to play squash with an Asian family on Kololo Hill, and he and I were sitting in George Malo’s car waiting for lights to change on a main road, a couple of people shouted ‘Kabaka’ through the car window, and the Kabaka absently replied ‘Yekka ‘, casually raising the obligatory finger.

Kabaka Yekka developed into the political party of Buganda with the blessing of the government and great Lukiiko.

As general election for the national government which would be in power at the time of independence approached, Mengo was in the mood to do anything to remove the Democratic Party and Ben Kiwanuka.

Ben had been guilty of a flippant remark, “I’ll go up to Mengo and see what’s bothering him,’ in reply to a reporter asking how he intended to deal with the Kabaka’s insistence on special status for Buganda in an independent Uganda.

From then on, his name was mud at the palace. So when Milton Obote, leader of the Uganda Peoples Congress, made overtures towards a liaison between his party and Kabaka Yekka to gain a majority in the coming elections, the Kabaka Yekka top shots thought they had made it.

I had met Obote casually over the years, the first time when he and his wife of the time went with Abu Mayanja and me to see the South African musical ‘Golden City Dixies’ and later when Abu, purporting to be a nationalist, was trying to whip up support all over the country for the various political parties they started before the UPC took off, and Obote asserting that Abu would be Uganda’s first prime minister. He never entered anybody’s head that he already saw himself as Uganda’s president.

The machination of Mengo broke up this political partnership with a breath-taking degree of cunning.

Abu was a known firebrand long before he returned from Cambridge and being called to the bar in Britain. He had led a rebellion against something or other at King’s College Budo, the Kabaka’s alma mater, and had thrown a spanner in the works at Makerere University. Everybody seemed to have been thoroughly relieved when governor Cohen somehow got him away to Cambridge.

He came home with none of his energy diminished, however. He sprang into my life while I was still working in the ministry of Education. I can see him now, small, wiry, large eyes behind thick glasses which he had a habit jerking upwards as he talked, and a way of clenching his teeth and grimacing while he talked.

Clever and articulate, but ruining the effect by sometimes trying to sound audacious and only succeeding in being embarrassing: e.g. in his maiden speech as a Kabaka Yekka Member of Parliament, he couldn’t resist a reference to a maidenhead which disgusted some members and grossly offended others.

His political activities before independence and before the disastrous speech were nevertheless productive, and they worried Mengo.

After all, he was a Muganda, and because what he had to say and what he wrote about Uganda as a united country was logical and persuasive, there was every danger, in the minds of the traditionalists, of his carrying along a vast section of Baganda society.

Many plots were hatched as to how to silence the heretic, but the chief plotters saw their big chance when Abu was invited to the United States of America to talk about the pre-independence situation in Uganda.

While he was gone, Kassim Male, the Kabaka’s government minister of education, died. His appointment had been motivated by the notion that it was time for a senior cabinet post to be the preserve of the Muslim community, in the same way that the Katikkiro was traditionally an Anglican, and the Omulamuzi (Chief Justice) a Roman Catholic.

To those at Mengo to whom Abu Mayanja was an irritating prodigal son, Kassim Male’s death was seen as the answer to their prayers: what better way of silencing the rebel than to offer him the ministry of Education and bring him back into the fold?

I don’t think that anybody who knew Abu believed he would accept. Apart from the Mengo plot to silence him being immediately recognisable for what it was to all and sundry, he was a dedicated nationalist and hardly likely to change his stand at the onset of independence: or so it was imagined.

What very few understood was the ease with which someone, anyone, can revert to type, given the right pressures.

Abu did not spring from a Baganda aristocracy, and beneath the intellectualism which gave him a high profile on the political scene was a traditional Muganda gratified to be recognised by the court at Mengo.

And it was surely the height of flattery to be summoned home from across the seas to play a leading role in his own king’s government, and that the summons should be backed by a personal message from Prince Badru Kakungulu, the Kabaka’s uncle and leader of the Sunni Muslims in Uganda.

When Abu returned from the United States, he had not yet replied to the offer of the ministry but the old guard at Mengo were not short on psychology.

A huge crowd was organised to give him a rousing welcome at the airport, and Prince Badru was there in person to embrace him and lead him ceremoniously to the open car which was all set to drive him to the palace.

Obote and several of his henchmen were also waiting to receive their political colleague, but Abu was barely given time to shake their hands before he was swept along to the cheers and ululating of the crowd.

Even from a distance, it was obvious that he was moving in a delighted daze. He had never before in his life had such a fuss made of him, and it was heady stuff. The private audience with the Kabaka and the cabinet of ministers must have sent him soaring with the clouds. From then on, the chances of his refusing the ministerial post were nil.

The next time I saw him was at his okwyanza in the new Bulange, wearing, rather awkwardly, a kanzu and busuti; and the excitement of the occasion caused his movements to be more nervously jerkier than ever.

It seemed at first that he was in the Kabaka’s government with the cautious blessing of Obote and the rest of the UPC hierarchy.

They, with equal caution, accepted Abu’s reasoning that he was in a position to further their cause and shape political opinion from within the Kabaka’s government.

They showed no surprise, however. When it was learnt how he was deliberately excluded from every important cabinet meeting and deprived of any political clout whatsoever. He was, in fact nearly driven mad with frustration, and everybody in his ministry was aware of it.

He might have been well advised to swallow his pride, drop the lot and go back to the UPC. Instead, he took to a pattern of behaviour more fitting to barbaric chief of the 19th Century than a minister in a government trying to present itself as moving with the times.

His sexual exploits were notorious. On one occasion, he attended a function, picked up a girl and took her in the car he was sharing with his brother and a driver.

He was getting down to business on the back seat when the girl’s boyfriend gave chase, drove Abu’s car off the road and, with the aid of friends, gave him and brother a good hiding. The most startling aspect of all is that afterwards Abu actually went to the nearest police station and tried to lay a charge of assault.

It wasn’t long before he was bragging about the number of children he had sired here, there and everywhere. It was almost as though his political frustration was vented in the contempt he showed for women, treating women as sex machines put on earth for man’s use. The only one he respected was his mother.

I remember him joining us one day when I was asked to show some British journalists over Lubiri. The journalists were keen to have his political opinions: Abu, with a sort of bitter relish, insisted upon describing the effect of worms on his many offsprings.

His bitterness in everything was understandable. As a member of the Kabaka’s cabinet of ministers, he had little option to becoming a member of Kabaka Yekka, which gained him the reputation of a turncoat, and when pre-independence conferences of districts and kingdoms were held up and down the country, he received a barrage of insults to this effect every time he stood up to speak.

I left out these embarrassing exchanges from the notes I was there to take for the Kabaka, but I know that they were gleefully reported to him by members of the Baganda delegation.

The same attitude greeted Abu later in the national assembly where he sat as a Kabaka Yekka member after the Kabaka Yekka/UPC alliance won the elections in the run up to full independence.

Abu remained in a political wilderness for years. Like so many others, he felt the brunt of Obote’s spite during the terrible years of the Obote presidency, and eventually taught in an up-country primary school.

He returned to active politics with President Museveni’s and the National Resistance Army’s takeover in 1986, and immediately became minister for Information.

His former friend and guru, Milton Obote oiled his way into Mengo as an unassuming chap more than willing to accommodate Baganda aspirations.

The Kabaka was pleasantly surprised to find him so agreeable. He made the big mistake of believing he was dealing with a gentleman, while the old guard flattered themselves that they had brought yet another politician to heel.

The trouble was that their form of politics was grossly out of date. The ancient art of palace intrigue was no match for a wily politician who had sprung from the soil.

By promising the Kabaka Yekka party that if they formed an alliance with the UPC and won the crucial elections, as they were almost certain to do, considering that Buganda comprised about one-third of the whole country, the Kabaka would be made President of Uganda, Obote was home and dry.

That such an arrangement was bound to increase the general animosity already directed at the Baganda’s presumption of superiority and claim for special treatment was regarded at Mengo as of no special regard.

William Wilberforce Nadiope, the then Kyabazinga of Busoga and a number of UPC hierarchy, indignantly let it be known that he too had been led to expect the presidency.

Nor was he shy about threatening dire reprisals against Obote if he, Nadiope was not installed in Government House, (to be called the State House after Independence) Entebbe, on the day of Independence.

The other hereditary kings were also annoyed, to put it mildly, when news of Obote’s machinations was leaked, but all was sweetness and light in the new love affair between Mengo and Obote.

The Elites of Mengo at that time did not know that they were dealing with the world’s greatest living liar.

 

Nb

Interesting that up to now political coalition is the order of the day for successful governance in an independent Uganda now 56 years

AMAGYE GA UGANDA OBA AGA UPDF SIGA MUNTU OMU BWATI. ENSONGA EYO TEBA YA BWENKANYA YE OMUWI WOMUSOLO ATE NASASULA EMPEERA ENNENE ENYO EYA MAGYE GANO. KISUBIRWA NTI AMAGYE GA UGANDA GALIWO KULWO BULUNGI BWA BANTU BONNA ABENSI YA UGANDA. AMAGYE MU AFRICA TEGALINA KUSIRIKA BUSIRISI KUSONGA ZOBUFUZI EZIKWATA KUNSI YA AFRICA YONNA. TEGAKYADDUKANYIZIBWA NGA KUMUSINGI OGWALIWO NGA AFRICA EKYAFUGIBWA OBUMBULA MUMATWAALE AGA BUNGEREZA, BUFRANSA, PORTUGAL NE SPAIN. OBUKUGU MU MAGYE GAFRICA BULABIKE.
TUKYAGENDA MUMAASO NOKUKUBA TORCH MUNSONGA ZAANI AKUMIDE PRESIDENT WA UGANDA MUBUFUZI BWA UGANDA OKUMALA KAKATI EMYAKA EGISUKA 40. ABANTU BA UGANDA BERABIRA NTI PRESIDENT ONO YALI VICE PRESIDENT WA PRESIDENT MUWANGA NGA BATEGEKA OKUKOMYAWO OBOTE 2. EMYAKA EGYO NAGYO GIRINA OKUTWALIBWA MUKUFUGA KWA PRESIDENT ONO AKYAFUGA ENSI YA UGANDA NAMAGYE.
BWOBA OYAGALA OKUMANYA GYOGENDA KISANIDDE OKUMANYA GYOVA. OKUSINGA OKUSIRIKA NGA OMWAFRICA OMUBUGUYAVU AMANYI EKINTU KIMU KYOKA. KUKUBA MUNDU.
Bwolaba ku video eno kyongera okukakasa nti Buganda terina kutya bamagye ga Uganda. Era video eno ekyeyongerayo okulaga okunyumya mu nabamagye ga Uganda.
KISANIDDE OKUNYUMYAMU NABAMAGYE GA UGANDA WANO E BUGANDA
BUGANDA TERINA NDAGANO YONNA MUBUWANDIIKE KUNSONGA ZA PARLIAMENTI YA UGANDA. GYEVA PARLIAMENT ENO EREMERERWA OKUTEESA ENSONGA ENSI YAFFE BUGANDA KYEYAGALA
KIBI NYO NATE OKUTANDIKA OLUTALO WANO EWAFFE E BUGANDA.
Ekibiina kya kabakayekka government ya NRM yakiwera. Ebibiina ebirala nebikiriza okubeerawo naye nga bisosolwa okuvuganya mubuvuzi. Ebiseera bino ate ekibiina kya NRM kivudeyo nga kyemulugunya nti Ssematteeka gwekyatekawo asosola abafuzi bakyo abakaddiye. Ekibiina kimaliridde okukyusa Ssemmatteka abakadde aba NRM basobole okwesimbawo mu bufuzi awatali kubuzibwa myaka gyabwe.
KABAKAYEKKA NAFFE KATUVEYO TUTANDIKE OKWETASAKO MUNSI YAFFE ENO E BUGANDA
Tonda kwagala. Abeera mukwagala abeera mu Tonda. Isa Masiya kwagalana. Ate yagala mugandawo nga bweweyagala weka. Yagala Tonda wo nomutima gwo gwona, namagezigo gona kubanga yeyakutonda.
Okutambula kulaba kudda kunyumya
Ensi ya bajjajja abazzukulu mulina kujagala
Banja lya muzadde e Buganda wano okusomesa omwaana
Ensi Buganda yeyakola ensi Uganda wakati mu Ndagaano
Ensi ya Buganda yakukolagana nensi ezijiriranye nandagaano eza African democraciya bwekiba nga kisobose.
Akaalo ka Buganda kalina bananyini ko okuva edda lyonna
Ensi Buganda yalina amaggye okutuusa Abazungu bwebajja bo nebewayo okukuuma ensi Buganda. Ebyaddirira buli Muganda yalina okubyesomera abitegeere
Obuzibu obunene obuli mu byokulonda wano e Buganda ate nga bugatamu ne banaffe abamawanga amalala agatulinanye.
Entalo za Buganda nyingi nyo. Naye olutabaalo luno lukulu nyo mubyafaayo bya Buganda
Olutabaalo luno lwongera okulaga okufirizibwa okuva mukuyikirizibwa okuyitiridde munsi Buganda
Entambula nga bweri kakano ate era nokugigerageranya ne ntambula eziri munsi nyingi
Twejjukanye kubujjanjabi obuli mu nsi ya Buganda nemunsi eziriranye Obuganda
EBYAFAYO MUNSI BUGANDA
MUKIBIINA KINO TWOGERA LUGANDA NGA LWELULIMI LWA NYAFFE. AWO TEWALI KUMENYA TTEEKA LYONNA. OLABA NENKIMA MUKIBIRA ERINA OLULIMI OLWAYO. NEBWOYIGIRIZA OTYA BWEZIDDA WALI MUKIBIRA NGA ZEYOGERERA LULIMI LWAZO. TEWALI TTEEKA LYEZIBA LIMENYE
AFRICAN LEADERS WHO OVERSTAY THEIR WELCOME TO RULE THE CONTINENT
Bachwezi etymological break down. Ba in bantu language si plural for people. is the word Chwezi runyankole? Let us try this: In Luo, a potter / creators / craftsman is La Cwech. In Egypt there was a potter Pharaoh Khnum. He was associated with the source of the Nile. According to one creation myth, Khnum moulded everything on his potters wheel, including both the people and the other gods. Kingship was brought to Uganda from Egypt. Now ask Museveni to pronounce this Luo word CWECH - he would say
THE WRITING IS ON THE WALL FOR THE COUNTRY OF BUGANDA TO BE ABLE TO SURVIVE THE CURRENT HIGH TECH MILLENNIUM.