Regional Tier for the Kingdom of Buganda was refused many years ago.


 With such an arrangement there is no need to have a lukiiko , or use the name Katikkiro or refer to Kabaka.







M/s Mpanga of Buganda Kingdom



They can call him Governor or District Head and seat him anywhere but not in Bulange.


We may be back to the same old arguments.



On 15 Feb 2017


By Haji Ahmed,

  1. Central gov't will cede specified powers and rights to the Buganda Kingdom.
  2. The citizens of Buganda Kingdom (who are these?) will elect a Lukiko (parliament) which will make laws to govern Buganda Kingdom.
  3. The Lukiiko will appoint the Katikioro (Prime Minister or President) who will head a government or administration. .

4.The Katikioro  is accountable to the Lukiiko, and the Lukiiko is accountable to Uganda Parliament.


So where does this leave the Kabaka? What are his constitutional roles: are they spelt out in the Constitution you keep going on and on about?



Buganda Government should be restored first with a Katikkiro with

executive powers and Lukiiko with legislative powers, which shall form

a Buganda Land Board, in accordance with the constituion, which will

manage Lubiri on behalf of the Kabaka, who, according to 1955

constitution holds official mailo and public land in Buganda, in

people;s trust.


 Mayiga is already a walking "former " Katikkiro.  A lot has happened!


 "In tribute to the United Kingdom and the Republic of Uganda, two bastions

 of strength in a world filled with strife, discrimination and terrorism."


*Buganda Lukiiko*,

 Katikkiro Mayiga seemed confident that members would rubberstamp his

 plans

 to lease the 132 year old national and cultural palace of the Kabaka of

 Buganda (*Mengo Lubiri*) to foreigners. He spent over an hour of reverse

 psychology, giving examples of how “naturally short-sighted Baganda” fail

 to appreciate any Katikkiro who introduces modernity to Buganda.  At the end, Mr. Mayiga confidently declared that, ultimately, nothing will stop

 his plans. However, his confidence seemed to evaporate when one Mrs.

 Joyce

 Mpanga got the microphone.

 In his marathon speech, Mr. Mayiga made a few highly contradictory

 statements that may have disturbed Mrs. Joyce Mpanga.  For example, as

 usual, Mayiga claimed that Kabaka Mutebi made the decision to lease Mengo

 Lubiri but, sensing negative reception, he later changed to, “The

 decision

 to re-develop Lubiri was made by the *Bataka Supreme Council* at the time

 government returned it.” Also, he aggressively defended construction of a

 hospital and conference facilities in Lubiri but later insisted that

 everything presented by Mengo so far were just concepts, not real plans.

 He

 blamed the press for saying that the project photos that Mengo

 distributed

 in Serena Hotel or on its Facebook page were real plans. He explained,

 “Those picture were just images downloaded from the Internet; one was, I

 think, the American white house.”

After Mayiga finished his long speech, one of the most intelligent,

 well-educated and knowledgeable Baganda alive, Mrs. Joyce Mpanga, threw

 down a “roadblock” against his scheme. When she got a chance to respond

 to

 Mr. Mayiga’s speech, Mpanga systematically, and with some humor,

explained

 why the Katikkiro’s  plans for Mengo Lubiri were poorly reasoned, not

 well

 informed by Buganda history or culture and are dangerous, even to Kabaka

 Mutebi’s reign.

 In his speech, Mr. Mayiga had spoken in the style of a non-Muganda when

 he

 said, “I can never understand Baganda” and claimed that Baganda are

 short-sighted because they opposed former Katikkiros Kawalya Kaggwa “for> bringing electricity” and “killed Martin Nsibirwa for donating Buganda> land> for the now glorious Makerere University”.  He even claimed that the same

 short-sighted Baganda complained when Ssekabaka Muteesa II brought horses

 to Mengo Lubiri, since they were used to cows.

 Mrs. Mpanga, mother of Buganda Attorney General David Mpanga and Kabaka’s

 Private Secretary Peter Mpanga went straight to the point after thanking

 the Lukiiko speaker. She opened with, “People tell me, sometimes in

 whispers, and others keep phoning me, some anonymously, saying that I

 must

 stop my lawyer sons from selling Kabaka’s palace. They tell me that the

 Katikkiro is my son, the second Katikkiro my son and the other lawyers

 are

 also my sons.

 “It appears that some of these people think that I have easy access to

 Kabaka, which [these days] is impossible. One even warned that [Baganda]

 may replace Kabaka Mutebi, as they have done to other Kabakas in the> past.

 And one of these people wrote to remind me that Baganda forced Ssekabaka

 Muteesa II to have his widowed mother to resign and get replaced as Namasole* (Kabaka’s mother) [when she decided to marry a commoner]. They

 told Muteesa that if his mother did not resign, he would have to go too.”

Pointing out that she was a member of the Bataka Supreme Council (which

 Mr. Mayiga said made the decision to lease Lubiri), Mrs. Mpanga informed

 the Lukiiko that, when they first re-established the Buganda Lukiiko, it

 was designed to ensure that ordinary Baganda were well consulted by their

 representatives and issues were strongly debated before major resolutions

 were passed.

 She complained, “But now, the Buganda Lukiiko is only a rubberstamp

 because there is no debate. The Katikkiro comes here and speaks for over

 one hour. Then the members are given two minutes to make comments. Next

 day, the lady who is minister for Lukiiko publishes resolutions that we

 never debated or agreed on at all.”

 As the clapping and cheers grew, Mrs. Mpanga continued her attack. She

 accused Mayiga and his partners of bringing the topic of Mengo Lubiri to

 the Lukiiko only after they faced serious public opposition. She said it

 was obvious to her that they had already made their decisions and were

 now

 looking for cover from Buganda Lukiiko. She questioned why, when Kabaka

 is

 supposed to have so much land, Mengo should offer Mengo Lubiri to

 foreigners and not some other land.

 “Mr. Katikkiro, you keep talking about putting Buganda’s issues first (

 *okusoosowaza*) and they include *Federo*. What kind of Kabaka are we

 going to have under a Federo where his palace is leased by foreigners?”

 she

 asked. She pointed out that [Kabaka Mutebi] is not supposed to be the

 last

 be Kabaka in Buganda. “What if a future Kabaka wants all the space in

 Mengo

 Lubiri? Are we then going to beg the foreign investors for the space

 our Kabaka needs?” she asked. Adding, “Some say that we got *Byooya bya

 nswa *(ant feathers for a Kingdom), are we going to accept that and also

 lease our Lubiri to foreigners?”

 Fearing that the situation was getting out of hand, one of Mayiga’s

 strongest supporters in Lukiiko, a man called Kasakya, requested the

 speaker that further discussion of the topic be continued in “sessional

 committees” since it was sensitive.

 A day later, the official Buganda Government website, www.

buganda.or.ug,

 only reported that “The Lukiiko agreed that, there is need to develop the

 Mengo palace but with utmost care without tempering with the tradition.”

 All 5 Mayiga watchers that BugandaWatch has contacted since February 1,

 2017, agreed that the “Joyce Mpanga roadblock” did serious damage but

 Mayiga will probably keep trying. In the meantime, Katikkiro Mayiga’s

 contract ends only 3 months away in May 2017.

 Below is additional BugandaWatch reporting on Katikkiro Mayiga’s scheme

 to

 lease Mengo Lubiri to foreigners, since February 25, 2015.

The European Union joins the Ugandan political opposition for Electoral Reforms

 

The EU Ambassador Kristian Schmidt (pictured) 

 

File photo 

By Solomon Arinaitwe


Posted  Thursday, March 26  2015 

 

Kampala.UGANDA. The European Union has become the latest group to rattle government, saying it shares the concerns of the Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC) about delays in passing electoral reforms.

In a statement on Wednesday, EU Ambassador Kristian Schmidt signalled that with less than 12 months before the February 2016 poll, time was running out, backing a view taken in the latest UHRC annual report. 

“With less than a year left to the next elections, electoral reforms need to be prioritised and implemented if they are to be effective and credible. The report is an important and highly relevant contribution by an independent body to the electoral reform debate,” Mr Schmidt said.

The EU is among Uganda’s leading development partners. 

The envoy also observed that in the last 12 months, it was pleasing to witness vibrant public debate on electoral reforms which has resulted in a number of concrete proposals.

Mr Schmidt’s statement came hours after a government reaction suggested it was reeling from the hard-hitting report by the UHRC.

“The EU, therefore urges the government to act promptly on the proposed reforms to ensure a level playing field and transparency in the 2016 General Elections,” the statement said. Government spokesperson Ofwono Opondo, who had on Tuesday said the report was “shallow and unfortunate”, again took a dim view of this latest in a rising chorus of criticism about the handling of the run-in to the 2016 election. 

“If you fast-track electoral reforms, what evidence is there that there will be consensus building and a good outcome? There is no guarantee that if we introduce the electoral reforms now there will be positive response,” Mr Opondo said.

But with the pressure for reforms building, government seems to be flip-flopping on when it will table them. Premier Ruhakana Rugunda last week back-tracked on a promise, saying it would be “erroneous to make false deadlines”.

Shadow Justice Minister Medard Sseggona yesterday indicated that the Opposition has now learnt of a plot by the government to shoot down Opposition plans to table a Private Members Bill on the constitutional amendments to ensure reforms.

“They have taken that decision that they will use their numbers to block us from taking leave of Parliament to prepare our Bill and that we will not be given a Certificate of Financial Implications (a key technical requirement for Bills). We are not deterred. We are preparing our Bills and will cross the bridge when we get there,” Mr Ssegona said.

sarinaitwe@ug.

nationmedia.com


Sijja kukkiriza baleeta ffujjo mu byakulonda kwa 2016 - Museveni asabye Tonda MU KKANISA:
Dec 27, 2015
Pulezidenti Museveni ne mukyala we, Janet ne bannaddiini oluvannyuma lw’okusaba ku Ssekukkulu mu kkanisa ya St. Luke e Nshwere mu disitulikiti y’e Kiruhura.

Bya MUSASI WA BUKEDDE

 


PULEZIDENTI Yoweri Museveni alabudde abatiisa okuleeta obutabanguko mu ggwanga mu kiseera ky’okulonda n’agamba nti tajja kubakkiriza.

Yabadde mu kkanisa ya St. Luke Church of Uganda e Nshwere mu disitulikiti ye Kiruhura ku Ssekukkulu. Yasuubizza nti abantu tebasaanidde kutya nti eggwanga liyinza okufuna obutabanguko okuva mu kulonda n’abagumya okusigala nga bakkakkamu.

Yabadde ayanukula Muky. Esther Magagga, eyategeezezza nti mu kiseera kino abantu abamu bali mu kutya, olw’enjawukana mu bantu abawagira ebibiina byobufuzi ebyenjawulo. Museveni yagambye nti abalowooza okutabula emirembe bajja kukolwako.

Mu kwogera kwe, era Pulezidenti yawabudde abalunzi mu kitundu okwewala omujjuzo gw’ente, n’ategeeza nti ng’oggyeeko okukosa ente zennyini, kyonoona n’omutindo gw’ettaka. Yabakuutidde okwawula mu ttaka lye balina, balundire ku limu okumala ekiseera ekigere.

Yasuubizza okukola okukola oluguudo lwe Nshwere.

Ate Muky. Janet Museveni yasabye Bannayuganda okwongera okuwagira gavumenti ya NRM, kuba y’esobodde okuleeta obumu mu bantu bonna. Yasabye wabeerewo okutabagana mu bantu abalina wadde balina endowooza z’ebyobufuzi za njawulo.


Museveni ng’akutte mukyala we Janet ku mukono.


Bamuseveni nga bayimba mu kusaba ku Ssekukkulu.

Museveni nga tannaba kugenda Kiruhura kukuza Ssekukkulu, yakubye olukuhhana lwa kampeyini ku ssomero lya Nakalama Primary School e Kigulu South gye yasuubirizza abantu b’e Iganga  bw’agenda okussa essira ku kutumbula eby’amazzi n’okukola enguudo mu kisanja ekiddako.

Yasuubizza okwongera okusima nayikondo mu byalo, kuba obubuga bungi nga Namagera, Ndodwe, Nambali, Idudi, Namungaalwe bugenda kufuna amazzi ag’emidumu. Waakugattako okubunyisa amasannyalaze mu kitundu kya Kigulu South kyonna. Yategeezezza nti oluguudo lwa Iganga-Tirinyi-Mbale lukolebwa ku buwumbi 73. Yasuubizza okukola olupya oluva e Iganga okuyita e Kiyunga okutuuka e Bulopa.

Olwaleero, Pulezidenti Museveni azzeeyo e Busoga ayigge akalulu akamuzza mu ntebe y’obwapulezidenti mu 2016. Eggulo ne ku Ssekkukulu yabadde awummuddemu eby’okunoonya akalulu.


1980-86 Ani oyo eyaleeta efujjo mukulonda nemukufuga kwa Uganda ate no nga obululu bwe nga omukulembeze tebubbiddwa?

 The government of Uganda has procured armoured police vehicles for the 2016 General Elections.
 

For whom are the youths in UGANDA trained in Masindi at,

 08 SEPTEMBER 2014

In January, about 700 Makerere University students were trained as crime preventers at the same school. The criterion used to select these students is not elaborate and is exclusive to those who are either in the patriotic clubs or the youth league of the National Resistance Movement (NRM).

Several student groups have attended these courses at Kabalye. Another one of about 2,400 students from several universities and tertiary institution was passed out last week.

We are told the course content includes ideological orientation, self-defence, martial arts, and security skills, among others. I am not sure of how this programme is supposed to add value onto the lives of students, and Ugandans as a whole! Further, I don’t know whether the police budget should be diverted to this kind of exercise.

What exactly does a crime preventer do? Is he/she a security operative who gathers information on certain offenders and then confront them? Is this a voluntary exercise or it is a paid- for, job? If so, it, therefore, calls for certain regulations, obligations and responsibilities.

Is this an auxiliary group to the security organs? Are these students specifically trained to prevent crimes in universities or in the entire country? Sometimes, armed people commit crimes. So, will the crime preventer be armed in order to counter any armed attack?  It is not clear whether all the national tertiary institutions will be equipped with crime preventers. Once, the dubious Kiboko squad described itself as crime preventers.

So, should Ugandans worry that another dodgy group is being prepared, perhaps for the expected intense political activity in 2016?

What is the relationship between these crime preventers and the police, army, and other security agencies in the country? Many of these questions still remain unanswered.  Inspector General of Police Kale Kayihura says the course is good because it has equipped the young people with ideological direction.

The Oxford Advanced Learners Dictionary defines ideology as a system of ideas and ideals, especially one that forms the basis of economic or political theory and policy. It further defines it as the ideas and manner of thinking characteristic of a group, social class, or individual. So, if the course is supposed to orientate the students in ideology, in whose ideology are they inculcated? Who determines the correct ideology, and anyway, what ideology was being marketed to these students?

Again, there is a trend that one cannot be a complete cadre or patriot without being equipped with military skills. Everything in Uganda is being militarised. Agriculture has to be run by the military. The police have to be steered by a military man. The immigration and national identification process has to be conducted by the military. A military man runs the highest office in the land.

Ruling party MPs have to conduct their annual retreat in a semi-military camp. Early this year, they (MPs) were all clad in attires that resembled military uniforms! Even the beauty contest is a candidate for military takeover! At their pass-out, the youths gleefully displayed their skills of dismantling and assembling guns. Others performed martial art drills.

Some of these youths are, actually, mere opportunists. They are using this training as a pedestal to clutch on better things in future. Many of them have realised that keeping closer to the party means instant wealth. They have seen how those youths who originally backed Amama Mbabazi for president, but later crossed to President Museveni’s camp, have become instant millionaires.

They know that when time comes for recruiting mobilisers for votes in 2016, priority will be given to those who trained at Kabalye.  Instant, and sometimes unexplained, wealth has become the major motivation of joining NRM programmes. I don’t know the exact ideological direction of the NRM. Even if one asked these youths what NRM’s ideology is, the likelihood is that the answer would not be given. And if it is given, the one who asks the question would remain uninformed.

This exercise in Kabalye is as inoperable as the youth representation in Parliament. The lives of the youth in Uganda have not improved as a consequence of being represented in Parliament. I have not seen bills being sponsored by youth MPs, specifically targeting issues that youths grapple with.

The irony is that the very youths who have trained in crime prevention may be the harbingers of crime. There is a temptation to look at crime as mainly a physical thing such as murder, treason, theft and rape. We forget that there is an unemployed youth likely to engage in forgery in order to access someone else’s account in the bank.

And more threatening is the fact that honesty is no longer something taken seriously, as the strength of youths. So, the economic pressures, which Kabalye never addressed, may turn these cadres of crime prevention into victims of the very mischief they intended to cure. It would be stretching the restraint of a hungry hyena to entrust it with the servicing of a loaded butchery. 


pmkatunzi@

observer.

ug

Twitter: @piuskm

 

I'm lucky to be alive - Ongwen

Publish Date: Jan 15, 2015

Dominic Ongwen 


The captured Lord's Resistance (LRA) commander, Dominic Ongwen, revealed to the African Union contingency in the Central Republic of Africa (CAR) that he is lucky to be alive, according to army spokesperson, Lt. Col. Paddy Ankunda.


Ankunda has told New Vision that Ongwen looks psychologically settled for being in safe hands now and assured of justice at the International Criminal Court (ICC).


"The man has been in the bush for most of his life fighting and eating rats but now he is in our (UPDF) custody eating chicken. He is happy that he will get justice at the ICC," said Ankunda when asked about Ongwen's situation.


"What we are waiting for now is for the CAR government to hand him over to the ICC. When they (CAR Government) ready, they will let us (UPDF) know," added Ankunda.


Ongwen was handed to the AU contingency in CAR by the US Special Forces on Wednesday and he was received by UPDF CAR contingent commander, Col .Michael Kabango, at Obo.


In the picture taken with Kabango, Ongwen is seen in a jolly mood, not reminiscent of a man who has been through thick and thin of Africa's jungles fighting for most of his life.

 

Kasibante

Member of Parliament on tension over Beti Kamya's return for the 2016 national election:

Rubaga North MP Moses Kasibante.

 

By Monitor Reporter


Posted  Tuesday, January 27  2015 

 
Uganda Federal Alliance (UFA) leader Beti Kamya is plotting to return to Parliament in 2016. Political Xtra understands that Ms Kamya, who is also the former Rubaga North MP, took the decision after her supporters reportedly advised her against “chasing shadows”. 

They reportedly told her to admit that she miscalculated when she took the decision to contest for the highest office and asked her not to waste time again. Ms Kamya was a contestant in the 2011 Ugandan presidential elections.

However, Ms Kamya, who accepted to contest for Parliament next year, is said to have told her supporters that she participated in the 2011 elections not to win but to launch the federal ideology outside Buganda; she calls it ‘Ugandanisation’ of federo. 

Apparently, Ms Kamya’s return has taken current Rubaga North MP Moses Kasibante by surprise since he thought the former FDC strong lady would contest for presidency again.

‘Sleepless nights’

Sources close to Mr Kasibante told Political Extra that the UFA leader is giving him sleepless nights. The MP nowadays frequents his constituency and quietly meets voters in order to galvanise his support and has reportedly vowed to give Ms Kamya “a bloody nose” in next year’s parliamentary contest. 

Following the 2011 elections, the former journalist with the help of Kampala Lord Mayor Erias Lukwago and other Opposition sympathisers went to court, challenging NRM candidate Singh Katongole’s disputed win. Mr Katongole, who won the seat through a disputed re-counting process, was ejected by court, allowing Mr Kasibante to reclaim what belonged to him. But it appears what belonged to Mr Kasibante, once belonged to Ms Kamya and she is determined to have it back.

 

America advises Uganda on oil refinery deal with a Russian trade company. 

  Mr Scott De Lisi 

 

By FREDERIC MUSISI


Posted  March 1   2015 

 
KAMPALA, UGANDA:

The US Ambassador to Uganda Scott DeLisi last week expressed disapproval of the awarding of $4b (about Shs11.5 trillion) oil refinery project to the subsidiary of a Russian state conglomerate that also deals in arms and whose chief executive is under heavy US and EU sanctions. He warned that this venture is “not a done deal.”

“On the issue of the sanctions, these are issues I am sure the government will have to look at carefully. They have designated a Russian company as the first on the list, absolutely, but they still have to negotiate a variety of issues that will go to financing and the rest. I would suggest that you wait and see how that all plays out,”

DeLisi was speaking during a 45-minute interface with selected journalists at the US embassy in Nsambya, Kampala, on Wednesday. 

“They [problems] maybe because of the sanctions imposed upon the parent company.

“There may be problems in terms of financing, inability to operate but we will see how all that plays out,” he added.

Last week, the Uganda government awarded the contract for the refinery project to RT Global Resources, a consortium managed by Russia’s Rostec, a defence and technology corporation whose businesses include manufacturing and selling weapons such as the AK-47/Kalashnikov rifles.

In 2013, the government started the search process for a lead investor to undertake construction of the 60,000 barrels-per-day (bpd) oil refinery. About 75 companies picked the Request for Qualification documents and only eight made it to the last submission round. Later, four companies pulled out for diverse reasons.

The four that reached the last round included, RT Global Resources, Japan’s Maruben Corporation, China’s Petroleum Pipeline Bureau (CPPB), and the South Korean SK Group.

Mr Sergei Chemezov, Rostec’s chief executive, is a former officer in the Russian spy agency KGB and close ally of President Vladimir Putin. He has US sanctions on him, which include freezing his assets and barring US companies from dealing with him since 2014.

The sanctions are in response to Russia’s annexation and military adventures in Ukraine.

“It is not my job to tell the government of Uganda with whom they can engage but it is my job to share with the government the US policy, its concerns if there is any and to define the nature of our partnership. So that is what we focus on, but I wish them well even in other dealings but we will see how that all plays out,” said Ambassador Mr DeLisi

The refinery project manager Robert Kasande told Sunday Monitor that they are cognizant of the sanctions against Sergei Chemezov but added that these are issues he cannot comment about or are rather beyond him.

He however revealed that they finalised the issues of financing with the Russian company.

President Museveni has in the recent past scolded Western countries for what he called arrogance, and said China and Russia were available as alternatives because they do not meddle in internal politics of other countries.

musisif@

ug.nationmedia.

com

 

Abavubuka abatalina mirimu mu kibuga Kampala babona bona nokweyiya:
Kampala, Uganda
Mar 11, 2015
 
Bya MARTIN NDIJJO NEJOSEPH MAKUMBI

LABA jjaamu wa Kampala watutuusiza!

Jjaamu kye kimu ku bizibu ebikyabobbya Bannakampala omutwe.

Abantu abamu ne batuuka n’okwenyiwa ekibuga ky’eggwanga ekikulu.

Buli ku makya abantu abangi ekibuga bakiyingira balajaana olwajjaamu abaleetera okukeerewa ku mirimu ate bwe ziwera ssaawa 11:00 ez’akawungeezi emitima ne giddamu okubewaanika ng’abalina ebidduka beebuuza waakuyita okudda eka ate abalinnya takisi balowooza ku budde bwe bagenda okumala ku nguudo .

Wadde aba KCCA bagezezzako okulwanyisa omugotteko gw’ebidduka mu Kampala, bamenya n’okugaziya enguudo wamu n’okukola agamu ku makubo agabadde mu mbeera embi nga bayambibwako n’ebintongole ebirala nga poliisi ebibeera ku nguudo okulaba ng’abantu n’emmotoka zitambula bulungi.

Bano bakyalina omulimu munene olw’akalippagano k’ebidduka akalemedde ku nguudo z’omu Kampala eziyingira n’ezifuluma nga Jinja Road, Ntebe Road, Bombo Road, Nateete n’enddala. Jjaamu ono avaako ebizibu bingi eri abantu

baabulijjo olwo abakedde n’essanyu ne batuuka okudda eka nga banyiivu.

OKUKONKOMALIRA KU NGUUDO

Buli lwe ziwera ssaawa 11:00 ez’akawungezi abantu abalinnya takisi ne kosita ng’emitima gibeewanika. olwa jjaamu ku nguudo.

Baddereeva abamu basalawo okusimba mmotoka ne bawummuliramu nga bwe balinda n’omugotteko gw’ebidduka okukendeera ku nguudo.

Ate abamu batya okutuuka mu ppaaka ne mu bitundu by’ekibuga ebimu olw’abasaabaze ababa babalindiridde ne bakonkomalira ku nguudo ne mu ppaaka ssaako okulwanira ezo mmotoka entono eziriwo

Wano aba takisi abamu bagufuula mugano okwongeza ebisale okugeza emisana w’otambulira 1,000/- akawungeezi oba ku makya basaba 1,500/- oba 2,000/- embeera eno y’evaako abantu abamu okubuukira mmotoka za kabangali, loole n’abamu

okwegayirira ab’obumotoka obutono okubatwalako ssaako okulinnya ‘bodaboda oba boda ggaali. Olw’obukoowu okuva ku mirimu ssaako okuyimira okumala ebbanga nga balindiridde mmotoka kivaako abantu abamu okwetamwa ekibuga n’abamu okuggyamu obulwadde n’abalala okuzirika.


OBUBBI

Abamenyi b’amateeka naddala ababbi mu bitundu ebimu beeyambisa embeera ya jjaamu okutuukiriza ebigendererwa byabwe.

Waliwo abavubuka abamanyi okubaza mmotoka bw’oba togisibye ne bagigula naddala mu jjaamu ne bakusikako ensawo, essimu, laputoopu n’ebintu by’omugaso ebirala ne babitwala. Waliwo abeefuula abasabiriza ku nguudo kyokka nga bakola kimu kya kubaza abatudde ku madirisa oba ebintu ebiri okumpi ne ddirisa okubinyakula.

OBUBENJE BWA BODABODA

Olw’akalippagano ate ng’ abantu abamu bali mu bwangu bangi basalawo okulinnya bodaboda ezaakazibwako erya ‘boda takisi’. Zino zisiweka abasaabaze abasuukka mw’omu kyokka nga zidduka kubanga baba ku mugano ng’ayagala okutuusa amangu batwala asobole okudda atwale n’abalala era embeera eno evuddeko obubenje bwa bodaboda ng’abagoba baazo nga bawaganya n’okuyita mu bifo ebikyamu. N’emisana bangi

bettanira bodaboda olwa jjaamu.

Mmotoka zifuna ebizibu. Mu jjaamu abavuzi b’emmotoka bangi bafuniddemu ebizibu omuli okukola obubenje nga bakooye, mmotoka ezimu zigaana okusiba ate abalala amafuuta bateekamu ‘bwendo’ era olugwa mu jjaamu avugamu wano ne wali nga mmotoka esika.

POLIISI EYOGEDDE

Omwogezi wa poliisi mu Kampala n’emiriraano, Patrick Onyango agamba nti nga poliisi, egezezaako okulwanyisa ababbira mu kalippagano k’ebidduka n’okulaba ng’abantu batambula bulungi, bwe batadde abaserikale kumpi buli kafo akabeeramu akalippagano ne mu makoona mu Kampala n’emiriraano.

Onyango yagasseeko nti, kino baakikoze okulaba nga akalippagano k’ebidduka kaggwawo ku nguudo zonna

eziyingira n’okufuluma ekibuga.


Ku nsonga y’ababbira mu jjaamu, Onyango yategeezezza nti bano bamazeeko abasaabaze emirembe era bakoze ebikwekweto mu bitundu bya Kampala okuli Kibuye ne Nsambya ne bakwata abavubuka abawerako ababadde bateega abantu mu jjaamu ne bababbako obusawo, emikuufu, essimu n’ebirala.

“Tubamanyi bulungi ababba abantu mu jjaamu era ebikwekweto byaffe bikyagenda mu maaso mu kaseera katono tujja kuba tubamazeewo bonna.” Onyango bwe yagasseeko.

Abakyala nga basindika mmotoka eweddemu amafuta mu Kampala.

KCCA ereeta bbaasi ne tuleyini

OMWOGEZI wa KCCA, Peter Kaujju ategeezezza nti, pulaani yaabwe ey’okumalawo akalippagano k’ebidduka teri mu

Kampala wakati mwokka wabula mu kibuga wonna nga muno mwe muli okuleeta bbaasi ne tuleyini egenda okutandika okukola mu mwezi guno.

Agattako nti baatandika dda ku kaweefube ono era nga mu bye baasookerako mulimu okutereeza enguudo, okutereeza

entambula ey’olukale omuli bbaasi ne tuleyini egenda okuvanga e Namanve okutuuka ku kitebe ky’eggaali y’omukka mu Kampala wakati n’oluvannyuma bakwate ku luguudo lw’eggaali olugendaokudda e Kyengera ne Portbell.

“Tuleyini ne bbaasi bwe zinaaba zitandise okukola, tujja kuba tukendeezezza ku muwendo gw’emmotoka eziyingira mu

Kampala ne bodaboda nazo twaziwandiisa buli emu ne tugissa gy’erina okukolera era nga tuli mu nteekateeka okukakasa nti gye twabateeka gye bakolera.” Kaujju bwe yategeezezza.

Agattako nti, bakoze enguudo okwetooloola Kampala era mu bbanga ttono, ebyentambula bigenda kugojoolwa mu Kampala yenna.



The Electoral Commis

sion begs the media not to incite violence as the 2016 National elections approach


By Fred Muzaale

Posted  Thursday, April 2  2015

Luweero in the State of Buganda, Uganda.

The Electoral Commission (EC) chairman, Mr Badru Kiggundu, has cautioned the media to desist from reporting sensational and unbalanced stories that can instigate violence.

In a speech read for him by the EC director of finance and administration, Ms Jovita Byamugisha, during a regional media workshop on the 2016 general elections, in Luweero Town on Monday, Mr Kiggundu said the media should promote peaceful campaigns and support conflict prevention.

“You should study the road map and internalise its content so that you are able to follow the progress and report from a point of knowledge,” the EC boss said.

Study the road map

He added that journalists should acquaint themselves with the EC’s road map for the various electoral activities so that they report from an informed point of view.

The workshop was attended by journalists from Kayunga, Mityana, Luweero, Nakaseke and Kiboga districts.

The EC senior public relations officer, Mr Paul Bukenya, said the 2016 general election will not be free and fair if it does not receive a free and fair media coverage.

fmuzaale@ug.

nationmedia.com


Health workers at Lyatonde Hospital have gone on strike protesting nonpayment of salaries for five months now.


The strike has left hundreds of patients stranded without any assistance. The most affected departments include; surgery, children's, maternity and causality wards.


The health workers are demanding for at least a package to take them through the Christmas season if their salaries of five months are to delay further.


The strike began this morning after receiving communication from Christopher Okumu the Chief Administrative Officer that their accounts would be credited after Christmas or in January 2016.

Stranded patients at Lyantonde hospital

Led by the hospital Medical Superintendent Dr Billy Ssebunya, the health workers stormed the CAO's office after receiving the communication but found it locked.


As a result, they stormed RDC Sulaiman Tiguragara Matojo's office seeking an explanation. Matojo held a closed door meeting with the aggrieved health workers but the meeting did not yielded any positive results.


The health workers stormed out in protest accusing Matojo of being incompetent in managing the affairs of the district including issues of health workers.


Dr Ssebunya says his staff has often complained about the lack of payment and have lost the morale to attend to the patients.


According to Ssebunya the CAO earlier claimed that a cheque was banked in November this year and that all their accounts were to be credited but that has not happened.


When contacted, Okumu said that his office was handling the matter and the workers would get their salary by the first week of January. He however could not explain the delay.

Democracy is failing to improve in the country of Uganda: The Kalungu by-election has got 10 DP supporters detained:

August 31, 2017

Written by URN

Police is holding ten Democratic Party supporters for allegedly stirring violence in the Kalungu district by-elections.  
 
The suspects are Isma Kasozi, Kasana Ssemwogerere, Namuleme Ssebuyaba, Emmanuel Lubega, Rogers Baker, Silus Kasaato and two others only identified as Ssenteza and Kayemba.
 
Lameck Kigozi, the Southern region police spokesperson, says the DP supporters were found beating voters at Bukerere in Kalungu town council. He says they raided Bukerere village like bees and started assaulting voters for unknown reasons.

A voter casting her ballot in Kalungu

He explains that some of the suspects were ferried from Kampala to disrupt the polls. Kalungu residents are voting their LC V chairperson following the nullification of the previous polls results due to electoral malpractice. 

The contestants are Emmanuel Musoke, the Democratic Party candidate, his NRM rival, Richard Kyabaggu, David Busagwa Luyombo and Mathias Kintu Musoke, both independents.

But the accused DP supporters have denied accusations leveled against them by police, saying being victimized for supporting Emmanuel Musoke, the DP candidate.

Isma Kasozi says he was picked up because he was found wearing Musoke's tag and trying to stop Electoral Commission from opening polls before the witnesses and polling agents of all candidates had arrived. The suspects are in custody at Kalungu Central Police Station.

How African governments block International social media in their own countries:

Posted  Monday, April 25   2016

A small but increasing group of African governments is blocking social media during elections. Clare Spencer asks why and how this is done and how people get around it.

Why are African governments blocking social media?
It is safe to say governments aren't blocking social media to cut off the supply of cute kitten pictures.
It's political.
African tweeters tend to be more political than tweeters in other continents, according to research by Portland Communications.

And governments are blocking social media during elections - most recently in Congo-Brazzaville, Chad and Uganda.
For an indication of the political impact social media can make, you just need to look at the uprisings during the "Arab Spring".
"Social media did not cause the 'Arab Spring' but helped to co-ordinate it," Arthur Goldstuck from technology market research company Worldwide Worx, told the BBC.
Governments do not say they are worried that social media could pave the way for popular protests or even a revolution.
But security is often cited - including in the order for mobile operators to stop services in Congo-Brazzaville.
Congolese officials added that they were trying to prevent the "illegal publication of results".

Newsweek interpreted this as a possible attempt to thwart the efforts of election monitors.
The advent of the mobile phone enabled local observer groups to collate the results from individual polling stations around the country and add them up to see if the results were being rigged.
If mobile phones don't work, this can no longer be done.
However, results spread by opposition parties are also not necessarily accurate and Uganda's President Yoweri Museveni insisted that social media was blocked during the election to "stop spreading lies".

How do governments block social media?
Governments don't have the physical or technical ability to block sites, phones or texts themselves, explains Thecla Mbongue, analyst for trend forecasters Ovum.
They issue an order to the companies who do have that power.
Congo-Brazzaville's government issued an order to the country's mobile phone operators such as Airtel and MTN.
This effectively blocks the internet because very few Congolese use fixed lines to access the web.

Ms Mbongue says that the order in Congo-Brazzaville appeared to allow specified numbers to carry on using their mobile phones.
This came out when the communications minister denied the communications block - by tweeting.
The interesting thing about the tweet for her is that someone replied with what appears to be a copy of the order sent to mobile operators.
It shows they were asked not to block specified numbers. Presumably, she says, that is why Mr Moungalla could tweet and others couldn't.

Airtel and MTN have not yet confirmed whether the orders that spread through social networks were authentic.
In the case of Uganda, the telecoms regulator ordered mobile phone operators just to block certain sites.
So people couldn't use Facebook, WhatsApp, Twitter and mobile money services.
Danson Njue, also from Ovum, says it is believed that the regulator was advised by top security and government officials to block the sites over security concerns.
Technically, this is a relatively easy task.
Websites are stored on servers which have IP addresses - a bit like a phone number.

The government can force internet service providers and telecoms companies to block access to a specific IP address.
Smartphone apps, like WhatsApp, will try to connect to its own server and it won't be able to if your internet service provider is blocking connections.
So it is fairly easy to pinpoint a specific site or app and block access.
This makes social networks fairly powerless.
Twitter did not even condemn the ban when the company noted it was blocked in Uganda.

But telecoms companies appear to be powerless too.
Ms Mbongue says she cannot think of a single example in sub-Saharan Africa where the telecoms provider has refused to comply with an order.
She speculates that phone companies could go to court to demand compensation for lost earnings. But she is unaware of this ever having happened.
This is in contrast to the Twitter ban in Turkey which was lifted after two weeks when the constitutional court ruled the ban was a breach of the right to freedom of expression.
Mr Goldstruck adds that because mobile operators work under strict licensing conditions, they have to comply with such government directives.

It is different where there are numerous service providers and numerous routes out of the country, as in Egypt.
Twitter was blocked in Egypt in January 2011, when hundreds of thousands of protestors started to gather in Tahrir Square in the capital Egypt. They had used the hashtag #Jan25 to co-ordinate.
But it wasn't long before Twitter was working again.
Even in this case, internet access was still reduced dramatically, he says.
How do people get around the block?
Many people have found ways to get around government blocks by using internet proxies known as Virtual Private Networks (VPNs).

In Uganda an opposition leader even tweeted on the day of the election a recommendation to download a VPN app called Tunnel Bear.
The top 12 apps people were downloading in Uganda four days after the election were still VPN apps, according to analysts App Annie.
But Congo-Brazzaville and Chad cut off the whole internet and telephone which meant people couldn't use this technique.
VPNs get round government censorship by redirecting your internet activity to a computer in a different country, where the blocks have not been imposed.

This is also used by people to access content that might be restricted to a certain country - letting a European user watch American Netflix, for example.
What next?
Zimbabwe has suggested it could go one step further and create its own social networks that the state can monitor.
The country's state owned newspaper the Sunday Mail reports that local web developers are "stitching together" products similar to Facebook, Twitter and Skype "to enable great supervision".
The newspaper nods to China, where this has already happened.

BBC

You elected ‘mad’ people, Museveni tells the citizens of Wakiso: 

                President Museveni listens to Wakiso District NRM Youth Leaders:

                Andrew Kiryowa (C) and Joseph Sewava during the function in Wakiso on Tuesday.

PHOTO BY JOSEPH KIGGUNDU.

Media Article Researched By Stephen Kafeero

 

Posted  Thursday, September 11  2014 

Castigated. President Museveni has on several occasions castigated voters for electing people who oppose his government.

WAKISO. President Museveni has criticised residents of Wakiso District for electing people that he said are ‘mad’. 

Speaking in Wakiso on Tuesday, President Museveni said: “When we went into elections, you sent me mad people. You sent me my daughter (Rosemary Sseninde Wakiso Woman MP) and my young brother Prof [Gilbert] Bukenya, who I even made vice president but these days I hear he says things that he doesn’t understand.”

Daily Monitor could not get comment from Prof Bukenya as his personal assistant said he was out of the country.

The President was in Wakiso to launch the Youth Livelihood Fund. However, the launch did not take place due to irregularities, according to Mr Museveni.

“I will come back next month [October 2014]. I will officiate on this ceremony when all beneficiaries have received their money. I also want a list of each of the beneficiary groups,” he said.

The President took the decision after some youth leaders claimed the money had been received yet others said intended beneficiaries had been left out.

Attempts by Youth minister Ronald Kibuule and Wakiso RDC Ian Kyeyune to assure Mr Museveni that the youth had received the money fell on deaf ears with the President insisting that “all irregularities be resolved before I can launch the fund”.

However, the Wakiso District chairman, Matiya Lwanga Bwanika appealed to the President to help the district set up an employment bureau, saying: “Youth are manipulated and taken to countries with promises of jobs. We need an employment bureau to assist them.”

Mr Joseph Sewava Mukasa, the NRM youth chairman, said he would combine efforts with government to fight all people who steal or misuse money meant for youth projects.Overstay has painted Museveni darker than Obote, Amin

TRY COMPARING THE REPUBLICAN

RULE OF UGANDA BY OBOTE, AMIN AND

MUSEVENI.

SUNDAY, 25 JANUARY 2015 

 
There was a time when ideas were debated on their merit and whenever President Museveni held a rally, people turned out in droves to listen to his new ideas.

The man was brimming with ‘ideas’. He condemned and characterised the past leaders as swine who could not tell pearls from chuff. He abhorred expensive European merchandise and unnecessary government spending. After taking the presidential oath in 1986, he declared that he was not personally interested in staying in power.

He just wanted to organise the country and then go away to do private things. He has a passion for looking after cows, so he often says. He later inked this disgust for overstaying in power by African leaders in his book What Is Africa’s Problem? This book’s foreword was written by former Tanzanian President Mwalimu Julius Nyerere (RIP).

In November 1985, Nyerere had relinquished power to President Ali Hassan Mwinyi after 23 years in power. And in 1990, he even gave up the chairmanship of the Chama Cha Mapinduzi – the revolutionary party (Tanzania then was a one-party state).

Several self-seekers close to him had urged Nyerere to carry on the mantle but he ridiculed and answered back: “I do not think I can make in five years what I could not achieve in 24 years.” He also admitted mistakes and in a farewell speech at Dar es Salaam on November 4, 1985, Nyerere said: “You have forgiven even if you have not forgotten my many mistakes of commission and omission”.

Such humility from especially African leaders is unheard of today. Many leaders prefer to attribute their mistakes to the party or their subordinates. For them, the leader is infallible! Strange! In Uganda, for instance, President Museveni prefers to express himself in a singular personal pronoun. He often says: “it is me who gave you peace. It’s is me who chased dictators Amin and Obote…”

He has also amended his statement about overstaying in power. He now says: “it is wrong for leaders to remain in power without people’s mandate.”

He has not imposed himself on Ugandans – so he claims now – because he has been voted again and again into office. The last 29 years of Museveni’s stewardship of the country have been instructive. In the early days of assumption of power, it was fashionable to condemn past leaders as dictators and the listeners would respond with a thunderous applause.

The unfortunate thing is that because Museveni has monopolised power longer than the past presidents, he has been exposed as not so different from those who came before him. In some cases he has done worse than his predecessors. It just goes to confirm that absolute power corrupts absolutely.

In the past, Museveni ridiculed his predecessors for chasing people off the roads whenever they passed. “You find a leader with loud sirens chasing people off the roads he passes as if he is a lion,” he would say. Today, the president’s heralding cars and escorts chase other road users off the streets or highway as the big man passes.

We have also witnessed a steady fusion between the ruling party, the National Resistance Movement (NRM), and the state. The president was recently telling people to vote for the NRM candidate for the Busia LC-V chairmanship because the former is the owner of the money in the entire country.

He suggested that Busia people were likely to miss services if they voted for the opposition candidate! What the president forgot to remind his listeners is that all kinds of people, be it opposition or NRM supporters, pay taxes. In that regard, they have a right to enjoy all services that the government offers in a particular locality.

Indeed, the people of Busia seem to have been persuaded by the president’s statement, because the NRM candidate, Steven Wanyama Oundo, won the race. In 1986, President Museveni would never have made such disturbing statements.  There is a complete breakdown of state institutions.

Only those institutions that the president wants to function are working; the rest are dead.  We have often seen the president carrying sacks of money and distributing it to youth and other groups. Right now there is a conflict between the ministry of education and the national teachers union. Why?

Because the teachers were given Shs 10bn for their Saccos but was not hand-delivered by the president. The money ended up on the accounts of the Microfinance Support Centre, and the teachers are protesting.

Today, every ministry has more than three ministers running it. As if that is not bad enough, every ministry has a parallel office or officer in the president’s office. And these officers wield more powers than ministers or the relevant bureaucrats. As a result, every sector wants to have a monitoring committee in the president’s office.

If I were asked what the proudest achievement of NRM in the last 29 years has been, I would confidently say it has managed to give corruption a human face. This vice has become a career and an industry. It is through untrammelled corruption that we have seen the rise of expensive private schools, for example.

And because of corruption, these schools are assured of being filled with students. The parents have to continue embezzling funds in order to feed their insatiable appetites. A privileged group has emerged from the political leaders and bureaucrats who have been poor but are now beginning to use their positions in NRM and government to enrich themselves!

This kind of development has estranged the leadership from the people. Development has ceased to be about people and become a preserve of a privileged minority.  Even if we have a leadership code, the code of conduct for our leaders is never enforced. It would take more than forty years to clear the mess that the NRM has created.

pmkatunzi@observer.ug 

The author is the finance director, The Observer Media Ltd.

There has been a very large turn up for Police

recruitment in Kampala as 2016 Uganda Elections

get near.

Publish Date: Jan 27, 2015

By Taddeo Bwambale 

There has been a massive turn up for Police recruitment exercise in Kampala. The exercise is taking place at Police Children School in Kibuli. 

Over 500 youth had reported for screening by 11:00am. Screening involves verification of academic documents, physical drills and a two kilometre run to test endurance.

The police seeks to recruit 3500 personnel. Of the 3500, the force will be targeting to recruit 500 Cadet Assistant Superintendents of Police (C/ASP) and 3000 Probationer Police Constables (PPC's).  

The recruitment drives for CASPs, who are all supposed to be University graduates starts today and will run for three days, ending Thursday while that for PPCs-applicant with a Uganda Advanced Certificate in Education (senior 6) certificate will run from January 30 to February 5.

According to the programme issued by Police, the recruitment exercise for Police cadets will be carried out at the Police Training School Kibuli as well as at the regional police headquarters at Jinja, Moroto, Gulu, Arua, Hoima, Fort Portal, Masaka, Mbarara, Mbalem, Soroti, Kabaale, Lira, Luwero, Mityana, Iganga, Kapchorwa and Bushenyi. The recruitment for police constables will be in the districts.

"All the applicants must have requisite requirements and over qualified applicants will not be accepted particularly for the PPCs," Kampala police Spokesperson Patrick Onyango said Monday. 

For the CASP the police will be looking to recruit applicant with honors Bachelor’s degrees in Law, Engineering, public Administration, psychology, social work and social administration, education, human resource management, botany/zoology, veterinary medicine, agriculture, economics, finance and accounting, information technology, medicine, nutrition, library and information science. The force is also seeking to recruit aircraft engineers and pilots.

All applicants, Onyango said, must be Ugandan citizens, have no criminal records and should be ready to work for long hours. Additionally they must possess good communication skills and be proficient in computer usage. The applications should be submitted in person by the applicants to regional recruitment centers where the interviews shall also include physical fitness exercises.

"Applicants should bring along their original degree certificates and transcripts," he said. For PPCs a part from being Ugandan citizens and possessing no criminal records, the applicants should have a UACE certificate or its equivalent; should have attained at least six credits in the Uganda Certificate in Educations with a credit in English and a pass in Mathematics and must be physically fit in addition to having good communication skills.  

The recruitment comes at a time when the 40,000 plus force is trying to shore up its physical strength ahead of the 2016 General elections. 

For the people of the State of Buganda, there is no need to panic. Every citizen of the State of Buganda must stay at home. He or She must not be seen going to participate in this fake general election.

 

Bank of Uganda clarifies on fake note as the commercialization of the coming 2016 General Election starts in earnest:

Publish Date: Jan 27, 2015

                                   Bank of Uganda Governor Tumusiime Mutebile

 By Vision Reporter

The Bank of Uganda has clarified on a fake note being circulated in the public. The Central Bank in a statement issued Tuesday said:

 “It has come to the attention of the Bank of Uganda that some individuals are circulating an image of a fake UGX.7000 banknote ostensibly issued by Bank of Uganda on social media sites. This is illegal.

The public is informed that reproduction of images of Uganda Currency can only be done with the express permission of the Bank of Uganda. More specifically, the production of ‘novelty’ currency purportedly issued by the Bank of Uganda and bearing denominations and features alien to legal tender is expressly forbidden and punishable under the Penal Code.

The perpetrators of the fake UGX.7000 banknotes are warned to immediately withdraw the said image. In the same vein, the public is urged to ignore the image as a hoax.”

 

Luttamaguzi Road in Kikandwa village in Nakaseke District.

Bye The Independent journalist: 

PATRICK KAGENDA

Villagers where Museveni based his war say they will develop with or without his help

During its five-year fight against the government of President Milton Obote in the so-called `Luweero Triangle’, then - National Resistance Army (NRA) rebels led by Yoweri Museveni often issued `I-owe-you’ chits to individuals who offered them help.

In this way, the Luweero Bush war became an investment for the fighters and their helpers. It was an unprincipled position propagated by the NRA that led to a belief that when they captured power, everyone would recoup on their investment. The rebels took power in 1986. Some individuals might have collected on their IOUs but 29 years later, dissatisfaction remains in parts of the Luweero triangle.

Today, the area which comprises the districts of Luweero, Mityana, Kiboga, Mubende, Nakaseke, Nakasongola, Wakiso, and Kyankwazi is home to some of the poorest people in Uganda.

Statistics from the Uganda Bureau of Statistics (UBOS) show that the average number of people in these district still living below the poverty line is 20%. This is slightly lower than the national average of 24.5%. However, the poverty levels in these areas are a big concern because the national figure includes the northern and eastern regions which are the hub of poverty in Uganda. In the central region where the former Luweero Triangle districts are located, the number of people living below the poverty level is just 10.7% of the population.  That means that poverty is 2.4 times higher in the districts where Museveni fought his bush war and made promises of a better life when took power.

One of the oldest people still alive today from that period is 90-year-old Erinasani Nsobya.

He lives in Kikandwa a small village of about 400 people living in about 150 homes. Located in Kikandwa parish, Semuto Sub-County in present day Nakaseke district, this area features prominently in all NRA war memoirs as Museveni’s stronghold. It was preferred by the rebels because it is just 35 miles northwest of the capital Kampala.

Today, it remains an out-of-the-way, difficult place to reach. To catch a taxi, one has to ride a boda-boda motorcycle taxi to Semuto; the nearest big town.

Most residents were minors whose parents were killed during the war and are in their late 20s and early 30s. Only few survivors are in the 40-50 year age bracket. In what is called a `trading centre’, Kikandwa has tiny retail shops, bars, and pork eateries. The main business is trading in agriculture produce and buyers have set up a number of collection stores. Of all the IOUs Museveni issued, most must have been negotiated and signed here.

Nsobya recalls the stories the NRA told to win the locals support.

“When Museveni came here,” he says in Luganda, “he, found us in hard times because if you were not a supporter of then president Milton Obote (1981-85) the basket, as it was called, would cover you. We had been coerced into singing one song, ‘Twagala Obote nga sente’ (I love Obote like I love money).”

He said they were told that Obote had said he was going to re-locate Kampala to his home area  in Akokoro and that each Muganda would carry two 9×9 sand and cement blocks on the head  and walk all the way to Lango to deliver the blocks.

“This hurt us a lot,” says Nsobya, “When Museveni came he was on our side of refusing to obey any word from Obote. He promised to salvage us and asked us to give him food and our children to join his fighters.”

Nsobya recalls that when the fighting between the rebels and Obote government forces intensified, Museveni relocated the villagers to the cattle corridor between Singo and Ngoma in Luweero district; an area called “mulokoola”. They returned to their homes after the war ended.

“Since our return we have moved on although with painful memories of the past and the loss of our people and our properties,” he says.

Nsobya says only a few people received compensation while the majority died without ever being compensated. “After the war, we were given blankets, iron sheets, and household items and that was it,” he says.

Happy losers

Nsobya is not bitter.

“As Baganda we feel we got our biggest treasure when Museveni returned the Kabaka as he had promised during the war. When the Kabaka is seated on the throne, as a Muganda I feel very proud. Regardless of Museveni`s failure to deliver on the other promises, we have to continue living and have to work to provide for ourselves.”

But 35-year old Mulindwa who was just one year old when the fighting started in 1981 is angry.  “Our parents lost all their property and today many among the few who are still living have not been compensated apart from a few selected ones. Even the families that have been built houses, they were built when the actual beneficiaries were long dead. Many of us have lost hope in ever getting anything from this government. Even the maize mill that was given to this village has been personalised by one family, the school that was built by the people helped by government has also been personalised by another family, may be the tomato processing plant is the only thing we know is being run by General Salim Saleh at Kapeka on behalf of the tomato farmers of Nakaseke”.

“Look at the power in Mabindi that was brought five years ago, no one uses it because it is not connected. Do they want us to cut the poles like the people in Mubende did so they come connect us? Look at the Luttamaguzi road, Museveni said it is a memorial road, are memorial roads supposed to be murram or tarmac?” asks a visibly frustrated Mulindwa.

Mausoleums and memorials

The Luttamaguzi Road; a stretch of about 5.5kms that starts from the road to Kapeka and ends at the Mabindi junction, is named after one of Museveni’s supporters in the area, Edidian Luttamaguzi. He was a wealthy resident who mobilised intelligence, food, and troops for Museveni and was killed when he allegedly refused to reveal Museveni’s hideout to government forces.

A mausoleum was built in memory of the late Luttamaguzi (who saved president Museveni`s life on June 9, 1981 when then government troops UNLA raided the village to kill or capture Museveni). But that too has been turned into a family enterprise and no one goes near it without permission from Luttamaguzi’s heir, one John Kaddu. He is a government-leaning politician and one time deputy RDC of Nakaseke district.

Still, Nsobya differs from Mulindwa. He says Museveni has done well.

Nsobya says: “During my lifetime; where I have seen three Buganda Kings (Kabaka Cwa, Mutesa and now Mutebi, and all the Uganda Presidents, I have never seen the development like what is taking place today. In this village there is no one who sleeps in a grass-thatched house anymore, everyone sleeps on a sponge mattress, has a blanket, we have electricity and borehole water, we have security and peace and people are listened to when they have issues they want addressed.”

“I hear people say Museveni has brought poverty but in my lifetime I have never seen a government give free money to people. What I know is that people work to get what they want.

“In the late 1940`s when I bought my first bicycle at Shs 90, many people asked me how I had done it and  many people of my age at the time later died without ever buying one. When late Luttamaguzi bought his Zephyr Zodiac at Shs4,000 in the 1950s we all went to congratulate him and ask how he had done it. Of course we knew he was a rich man who had money and was hard working. People should stop the wishful thinking but work hard.”

Fred Kavuma, a secretary in the Kikandwa Local Council says people should not keep focusing on the past.

“There are things government has done and failed on others. The most urgent thing government needs to do is help people process their farm produce to add value.”

He says this will stop the exploitation of the farmer at the hands of traders and middle men.

“Government needs to fix commodity prices to stop the exploitation, look at the Mulwana Milk factory where they buy our milk at Shs550 a litre yet a litre of packed milk is sold at over Shs 2000. This is what I mean by helping us add value onto our products.”

“Government also needs to re-focus its educational policies and build us tertiary institutions than have all these UPE schools which have no economic viability,” he says.

According to him, a UPE school in every village is a misallocation of resources because it is useless having only 100 pupils in an entire school. He says it would make better economic sense if you had a UPE school for every four villages and a tertiary institute also for the same coverage.

“As  people who live in the villages we need to produce job creators unlike now when kids are dropping out in S.2 and very few ever completing S.4 yet these could have learnt trades like tailoring, mechanics, and other trades that don’t require too much learning,” Kavuma says.

Kavuma says regardless of the unfulfilled promises made by President Museveni the village today is better off.  He says the health facility always has drugs although it needs more buildings to house more health services and medical staff.

“We have borehole water every 200 metres, our village is peaceful meaning security is efficient, people are working hard and their standard of living is improving by the day.

“We don’t have any grass thatched houses on this village and all homes are brick and mortar as you can see, people are involved in improved agriculture and are moving away from traditional farming to commercial farming growing crops like tomatoes, water melon, passion fruit, greens e.t.c.

“Almost every home has a motorcycle for transport unlike in the past when bicycles were the order of the day. To me what is happening in this village is actual development,” he says.

“As Kikandwa we are developing on our own. With time our house hold incomes will also improve and life will go on,” he says, “You can’t keep crying over spilt milk”.

Voter awareness campaign for 2016 election is being started sooner than later.

 By Stephen Kafeero

Posted  Sunday, April 12  2015

KAMPALA. UGANDA.

In an attempt to increase voter turnout in the 2016 general election, a coalition of civil society organisations on Friday launched a campaign to sensitise people on their right to participate in the electoral process.

The campaign dubbed “Votability” aims at mobilising Ugandans aged 18 and above to participate in the upcoming general voters’ register update. Different messages will run concurrently on various media platforms across the country during the voter registration and register display exercise.

On Tuesday, the Electoral Commission (EC) started updating the national voters’ register but the exercise had a slow start with many people either unaware or disinterested in the 23-day exercise.

The exercise also aims at reversing the diminishing voter turnout during the previous elections.

In the 1996 elections, voter turnout was 72 per cent, 69.7 per cent in 2001 and 69.2 per cent in 2006 before hitting a record low of 57.1 per cent in 2011, according to EC figures.

“As someone who worked in the interim EC, I can tell you that elections are a process. They impact on our democratic rights and our rights help us to realise our needs and potential leading to a meaningful life,” said Ms Margaret Sekaggya, the former UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders.

The campaign, a combination of activities and messages, is spearheaded by the Coalition for Electoral Democracy in Uganda (CEDU). Mr Crispy Kaheru, the CEDU coordinator, called for a joint approach in ensuring the updating of the voters’ register is credible.

“Stakeholders, including the Electoral Commission, and those institutions accredited to conduct voter education must intensify mobilisation efforts for people to eagerly participate in this exercise,” he said.

sdkafeero@ug.nationmedia.com