Regional Tier for the Kingdom of Buganda was refused many years ago.


 With such an arrangement there is no need to have a Lukiiko , or use the name Katikkiro or refer to Kabaka.


M/s Mpanga of Buganda Kingdom


They can call him Governor or District Head and seat him anywhere but not in Bulange.


We may be back to the same old arguments.


On 15 Feb 2017


By Haji Ahmed,

  1. Central gov't will cede specified powers and rights to the Buganda Kingdom.
  2. The citizens of Buganda Kingdom (who are these?) will elect a Lukiko (parliament) which will make laws to govern Buganda Kingdom.
  3. The Lukiiko will appoint the Katikioro (Prime Minister or President) who will head a government or administration. .

4.The Katikioro  is accountable to the Lukiiko, and the Lukiiko is accountable to Uganda Parliament.


So where does this leave the Kabaka? What are his constitutional roles: are they spelt out in the Constitution you keep going on and on about?



Buganda Government should be restored first with a Katikkiro with

executive powers and Lukiiko with legislative powers, which shall form

a Buganda Land Board, in accordance with the constituion, which will

manage Lubiri on behalf of the Kabaka, who, according to 1955

constitution holds official mailo and public land in Buganda, in

people;s trust.


 Mayiga is already a walking "former " Katikkiro.  A lot has happened!


 "In tribute to the United Kingdom and the Republic of Uganda, two bastions

 of strength in a world filled with strife, discrimination and terrorism."


*Buganda Lukiiko*,

 Katikkiro Mayiga seemed confident that members would rubberstamp his


 to lease the 132 year old national and cultural palace of the Kabaka of

 Buganda (*Mengo Lubiri*) to foreigners. He spent over an hour of reverse

 psychology, giving examples of how “naturally short-sighted Baganda” fail

 to appreciate any Katikkiro who introduces modernity to Buganda.  At the end, Mr. Mayiga confidently declared that, ultimately, nothing will stop

 his plans. However, his confidence seemed to evaporate when one Mrs.


 Mpanga got the microphone.

 In his marathon speech, Mr. Mayiga made a few highly contradictory

 statements that may have disturbed Mrs. Joyce Mpanga.  For example, as

 usual, Mayiga claimed that Kabaka Mutebi made the decision to lease Mengo

 Lubiri but, sensing negative reception, he later changed to, “The


 to re-develop Lubiri was made by the *Bataka Supreme Council* at the time

 government returned it.” Also, he aggressively defended construction of a

 hospital and conference facilities in Lubiri but later insisted that

 everything presented by Mengo so far were just concepts, not real plans.


 blamed the press for saying that the project photos that Mengo


 in Serena Hotel or on its Facebook page were real plans. He explained,

 “Those picture were just images downloaded from the Internet; one was, I

 think, the American white house.”

After Mayiga finished his long speech, one of the most intelligent,

 well-educated and knowledgeable Baganda alive, Mrs. Joyce Mpanga, threw

 down a “roadblock” against his scheme. When she got a chance to respond


 Mr. Mayiga’s speech, Mpanga systematically, and with some humor,


 why the Katikkiro’s  plans for Mengo Lubiri were poorly reasoned, not


 informed by Buganda history or culture and are dangerous, even to Kabaka

 Mutebi’s reign.

 In his speech, Mr. Mayiga had spoken in the style of a non-Muganda when


 said, “I can never understand Baganda” and claimed that Baganda are

 short-sighted because they opposed former Katikkiros Kawalya Kaggwa “for> bringing electricity” and “killed Martin Nsibirwa for donating Buganda> land> for the now glorious Makerere University”.  He even claimed that the same

 short-sighted Baganda complained when Ssekabaka Muteesa II brought horses

 to Mengo Lubiri, since they were used to cows.

 Mrs. Mpanga, mother of Buganda Attorney General David Mpanga and Kabaka’s

 Private Secretary Peter Mpanga went straight to the point after thanking

 the Lukiiko speaker. She opened with, “People tell me, sometimes in

 whispers, and others keep phoning me, some anonymously, saying that I


 stop my lawyer sons from selling Kabaka’s palace. They tell me that the

 Katikkiro is my son, the second Katikkiro my son and the other lawyers


 also my sons.

 “It appears that some of these people think that I have easy access to

 Kabaka, which [these days] is impossible. One even warned that [Baganda]

 may replace Kabaka Mutebi, as they have done to other Kabakas in the> past.


 The government of Uganda has procured armoured police vehicles for the 2016 General Elections from South Africa:

For whom are the youths in UGANDA trained in Masindi at,

 8 September, 2014

In January, about 700 Makerere University students were trained as crime preventers at the same school. The criterion used to select these students is not elaborate and is exclusive to those who are either in the patriotic clubs or the youth league of the National Resistance Movement (NRM).

Several student groups have attended these courses at Kabalye. Another one of about 2,400 students from several universities and tertiary institution was passed out last week.

We are told the course content includes ideological orientation, self-defence, martial arts, and security skills, among others. I am not sure of how this programme is supposed to add value onto the lives of students, and Ugandans as a whole! Further, I don’t know whether the police budget should be diverted to this kind of exercise.

What exactly does a crime preventer do? Is he/she a security operative who gathers information on certain offenders and then confront them? Is this a voluntary exercise or it is a paid- for, job? If so, it, therefore, calls for certain regulations, obligations and responsibilities.

Is this an auxiliary group to the security organs? Are these students specifically trained to prevent crimes in universities or in the entire country? Sometimes, armed people commit crimes. So, will the crime preventer be armed in order to counter any armed attack?  It is not clear whether all the national tertiary institutions will be equipped with crime preventers. Once, the dubious Kiboko squad described itself as crime preventers.

So, should Ugandans worry that another dodgy group is being prepared, perhaps for the expected intense political activity in 2016?

What is the relationship between these crime preventers and the police, army, and other security agencies in the country? Many of these questions still remain unanswered.  Inspector General of Police Kale Kayihura says the course is good because it has equipped the young people with ideological direction.

The Oxford Advanced Learners Dictionary defines ideology as a system of ideas and ideals, especially one that forms the basis of economic or political theory and policy. It further defines it as the ideas and manner of thinking characteristic of a group, social class, or individual. So, if the course is supposed to orientate the students in ideology, in whose ideology are they inculcated? Who determines the correct ideology, and anyway, what ideology was being marketed to these students?

Again, there is a trend that one cannot be a complete cadre or patriot without being equipped with military skills. Everything in Uganda is being militarised. Agriculture has to be run by the military. The police have to be steered by a military man. The immigration and national identification process has to be conducted by the military. A military man runs the highest office in the land.

Ruling party MPs have to conduct their annual retreat in a semi-military camp. Early this year, they (MPs) were all clad in attires that resembled military uniforms! Even the beauty contest is a candidate for military takeover! At their pass-out, the youths gleefully displayed their skills of dismantling and assembling guns. Others performed martial art drills.

Some of these youths are, actually, mere opportunists. They are using this training as a pedestal to clutch on better things in future. Many of them have realised that keeping closer to the party means instant wealth. They have seen how those youths who originally backed Amama Mbabazi for president, but later crossed to President Museveni’s camp, have become instant millionaires.

They know that when time comes for recruiting mobilisers for votes in 2016, priority will be given to those who trained at Kabalye.  Instant, and sometimes unexplained, wealth has become the major motivation of joining NRM programmes. I don’t know the exact ideological direction of the NRM. Even if one asked these youths what NRM’s ideology is, the likelihood is that the answer would not be given. And if it is given, the one who asks the question would remain uninformed.

This exercise in Kabalye is as inoperable as the youth representation in Parliament. The lives of the youth in Uganda have not improved as a consequence of being represented in Parliament. I have not seen bills being sponsored by youth MPs, specifically targeting issues that youths grapple with.

The irony is that the very youths who have trained in crime prevention may be the harbingers of crime. There is a temptation to look at crime as mainly a physical thing such as murder, treason, theft and rape. We forget that there is an unemployed youth likely to engage in forgery in order to access someone else’s account in the bank.

And more threatening is the fact that honesty is no longer something taken seriously, as the strength of youths. So, the economic pressures, which Kabalye never addressed, may turn these cadres of crime prevention into victims of the very mischief they intended to cure. It would be stretching the restraint of a hungry hyena to entrust it with the servicing of a loaded butchery. 





Twitter: @piuskm



Mpuuga as the leader of the Uganda opposition, have unfortunately short-changed their voters after a rigged national election:


Written by Yusuf Serunkuma


Leader of Opposition Mathias Mpuuga


Hon. Mathias Mpuuga is a brave and brilliant man. But if one ever wished for the ground to swallow them, it must have been this man during a live TV debate with NRM rabid spokesperson, Ofwono Opondo, sometime in early September.

The topic was their so-called, Legislative Agenda – an NUP (is it opposition?) document which is claimed to contain a 17-point programme of watertight policy recommendations that can move the country forward in the context of the Covid-19 pandemic, et cetera.

Being that NUP is not the government in office, the Mpuuga-NUP document can only see the light of day if Museveni’s NRM collaborated. Yes, Museveni – the ragtag general they had hissed and paced about promising to depose in just a couple of months.

In his usual brilliance, the leader of opposition started on the right foot outlining their recommendations for a better Uganda. The LOP noted that they had robust interventions as related to helping small businesses in the wake of the economy, re-opening schools after the long lockdown, ending corruption, et cetera.

As he spoke, this dandy lawyer from Masaka exhibited excellent sense of diplomacy and a firm awareness of the stuff he was talking about. But sadly, Mpuuga knew this was simply play-acting. He was in a movie chanting meticulously crammed lines. If he thought otherwise, the pugilist on the other side was soon to expose him.

When it was Ofwono Opondo’s chance to speak, this professed spoiler of parties simply jumped into the deep end. The “devil has brought them to us,” Opondo declared and went on to chide Mpuuga like he was reprimanding a braggart student who sadly had poor grades.

“They smear, they are insolent, they are abrasive. You have heard them saying our government is illegitimate; that we came in through fraud; we stole their victory. Now if people describe you in that language, do you even have the appetite to listen to them?”

Threatening that their agenda was to “suffer a still-birth,” Opondo bragged of the superior number they have in parliament and in the committees where they could actually block their agenda.

He concluded by chiding Mpuuga and co. to behave themselves if they wanted to work with them. Basically, without being exact, Opondo was laughing at the confusion and waywardness of NUP for their clear lack of direction.  You cannot seek to work with a government you do not recognise – that you still call a junta.

To understand the embarrassment of that exchange, you need to understand how NUP actually reneged on the grounds upon which they campaigned. [If they were not naïve in their campaign slogans, they simply fooled their voters and never believed in any of their electoral proclamations].

The People Power movement upon which all NUP candidates thrived included a single objective: removing Mr Museveni from office of president – by all [legal] means necessary. For those who stood for parliament, it would be simply a platform to continue the endeavour of removing Museveni, not the final destination. Indeed, many young NUP-People-Power-identifying folks lost their lives on this line, and many are languishing in Kitalya and other jails.

Sadly, once they reached parliament and other local offices, these NUP candidates nowadays behave like they reached the promised land.  They now have the proverbial crown. [Many of course fell in things].

But they also have to keep their voters hooked onto a lie of faith: they have to appear as doing something [not towards removing Museveni] but “playing opposition.”  Thus, the heedless Legislative Agenda.

See, no one voted bwana Joel Ssenyonyi so as to do the job of exposing Museveni’s government as extremely corrupt. That is without question anymore.

Voters need no more evidence of Museveni’s corruption. No one voted for my friend, Muwada Nkunyingi, Allan Ssewanyana or even Mathias Mpuuga himself to make better policies, which Museveni’s government has to implement!

Surely, Uganda’s challenge — as long as Museveni is president — is not a lack of good policy programs. Where did NUP get the idea that they were sent to parliament to drive a so-called ‘legislative agenda’?

In truth, all NUP folks in parliament and other high-level positions were handed a purely political agenda: resist, protest, fight. Their job was to make sure — within the existing laws of the country — Museveni found hawking Uganda to Indians and Mzungu merchants simply impossible.

But because these NUP folks have failed or never intended to work on a comprehensive resistance agenda, they are fooling their electorate as doing something “oppositional” and are being “civil” because a country has “to move forward.” This is why Ofwono Opondo found it extremely easy calling out Hon. Mpuuga’s bollocks.

And what followed, in sheer shamelessness, the leader of opposition invited a leading NRM figure, the Speaker of Parliament, to launch this legislative agenda. They are in on the heist: the children of poor Ugandans are still locked up at home (with our girls being most hit).

After the pandemic, like the economy never closed for months, banks continue to grab borrowers’ properties as curfew rules are still in place. Our gold trade is still monopolized by Indians and Mzungu fronts. The oil agreement between Total and Uganda was exclusively negotiated by NRM mobilisers and our “civil” opposition has no clue about the fine details in the agreement.

Has their legislative agenda changed anything or does it promise to change anything in Museveni’s wishes for country? Not at all. But the so-called legislative agenda caters for the spectacular theatrics of opposition politics as the voters sleep on the same aching earth they slept on 30 years ago.

The author is a political theorist based at Makerere University.


Of course this gentleman is selling hot air. These are some of the members who left the political party of DP for reasons many people know why. One was the great competition that is well known about African democracy in political parties. There may be 10 or 20 candidates fighting over one single electable position. There are many more other reasons. Really the voters and those who were voted in have not lost anything. They knew all the risks and the benefits of a Uganda National Election. For those who were encouraging a boycott of NRM prepared national elections, the advice was only a waste of time. One determined voter said that if opposition does not go for a participation in the national elections, the incumbent will still pronounce himself alone as the winner!






President Museveni of Uganda has deployed over 24,000 soldiers to control the candidates who participated in the recent finished election of 14 February, 2021:

These are candidates who do not agree with the recent concluded election results:


Written by President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda:



In a tweet on Sunday at 7:49 pm, President Museveni said police and the UPDF have been criticised recently for their brutal conduct and the use of excessive force.

He said the criticism is good in an open, free society like Uganda. However, he said, it should be honest and balanced. He added his voice to the debate in the article below.

In the Book “O’ you people of Little Faith” of Matthew Chapter 8, Verses 23 to 26, Jesus, while rebuking the winds, said: “Why are you afraid, O you people of little faith? 

This was as a consequence of lack of faith when the boat they were sitting in was being swamped by the waves and His disciples were afraid that they were going to perish. These thoughts bring me to the events in Uganda where the different elements of the UPDF and Police have been criticized for brutal conduct and use of excessive force. 

The criticism is good and necessary in a free society like Uganda.  However, that criticism should be honest and balanced. The NRA/UPDF came on the scene of Uganda in 1986. Before that, there had been the tribal armies of the kingdoms of these areas, the colonial Army of the British and the post-independence neo-colonial Armies (Uganda Army, UNLA etc.).

All those Armies were famous for beating people, looting (okwaaya), raping women, killings, destruction of property (raiding cattle, destroying buildings etc.) and more.  Kampala and the other towns of Uganda were massively looted in the 1979 war. Some of the companies, such as UGIL – the maker of the famous Yamato shirts – never recovered, after that.

UGIL was jointly owned by UDC and Mzee Kashiwada, a very useful Japanese businessman. NRA captured major towns of Uganda such as Fort-Portal, Mubende, Kiboga, Kasese, Kamwengye, Bushenyi, Ibanda, Mbarara, Kabaale, Masaka, Kampala, Jinja, Tororo, Mbale, Gulu, Lira, Arua etc.

Quote for me a number of incidents of lootings, beatings or killings during that takeover of Uganda by the NRA, if you are honest. If there are none or there are very few, what is the reason for that?  The reason was that somebody had taught them that good soldiers are like good surgeons.

A surgeon uses a knife, just like the butcher does. However, the surgeon’s knife only goes for the tumor, for the cancer. It does not cut anyhow. If you cut anyhow, you are, then, a butcher. Even for the cancer, you do not have to use the knife always.

If chemotherapy and radiation can do, you avoid the knife. Therefore, the NRA/UPDF always goes for the armed enemies that are not willing to surrender. These are the ones that will and should be attacked.  An armed enemy can be armed with a gun, a knife, a panga or a hammer. 

One million people were killed in Rwanda using machetes. This is the uncontested heritage of the NRA/UPDF. Sometimes, mistakes occur like the people who died at Bucoro, Mukula or Mukongoro. Eventually, however, those mistakes get discovered. Why? It is because Uganda, ever since the NRM came to power, is a free society, with elected structures (the LCs) everywhere.

These structures will bring up those mistakes and nobody will intimidate them because we protect them. Once those isolated mistakes are discovered, they are addressed appropriately. Sometimes, those mistakes happen because of inadequate briefing to the soldiers. Where mistakes are intentional, we act harshly against the mistake makers.

All Ugandans know the problems emanating from our cultures in relation to handling crime. Take beating thieves or wrong doers, for instance. The untrained Ugandans, believe in their proverb. It goes: Akabwa akabii, kagumya mugoongo gwaako – a stealing dog, pays with its back.

That is why mobs kill thieves with mob justice. Wife beating. Corporal punishment for children in homes or even in Schools. It is this culture that the NRA had to fight. When there are lapses, however, you may get regression into incorrect ways of handling wrongdoers. Indeed, a few years ago, I had to remind, in writing, all the security personnel, the incorrectness and unproductivity of applying beatings on wrongdoers or the use of extra-judicial killings.

Those actions stopped that time. With the recent allegations, I have already sent out written reminders of our doctrine and why. While it is correct to be concerned when there are arrests and when people are not brought to Court quickly, it is tendentious, dishonest and malicious to compare these mistakes to Amin’s time or present the situation as incurable. 

In the Book of Ephesians 4:15, it says: “Speaking the truth in love should be our primary guide in criticism. Godly criticism is true and loving.  It comes from a humble, caring heart that wishes the best for the other person. It is not bitter, condescending, insulting or cold-hearted”.

Ugandans, therefore, be assured that, like in the past, such mistakes will be identified and corrected. Moreover, with our new campaign, the new actors will absorb the NRA-UPDF culture of their predecessors. However, those who criticize the UPDF should start with the criminals.

The arrests, termed “disappearances” by some, came as a consequence of the myopic plans by the enemies of Uganda that started some years ago with the killing of the Moslem Sheikhs, Joan Kagezi, Policemen Kawesi and Kirumira, Kiggundu, the women in Nansana, the women in Entebbe, the women in Zana, the killing of Susan Magara, the killing of Abiriga, the New Years’ killings of Kisojjo in Masaka, the attacks on factories, the killing of Nagirinya etc. etc. 

Those criminalities caused us to make my address to Parliament, on the 20th of June, 2018, where I outlined new anti-crime measures, including the installation of cameras and the massive recruitment of LDUs. That crime wave, was defeated. Indeed, a number of criminals were either killed or arrested.  Those killed include: those that attacked the Security personnel during the riots as already referred to above.

LDUs patrolling Kampala streets

Those arrested and being tried include: those who attacked the police woman with a hammer, those who undressed women wearing NRM T-shirts and those who were involved in organizing and executing the riots of November, 2020.  Those killings, even at that time, had a political element about them.

There appeared to be an attempt to demoralize the people of Uganda and make them believe that NRM has failed to sustain its long record of maintaining peace in the country. When the time for elections approached, the new campaign was that if anybody continued to support the NRM, he or she would either be killed, attacked or his property would be damaged e.g. destroying people’s crops (kusawa ebirime like the confused Kabaka Yekka did in 1961/62 against the DP support-

Particularly, in some parts of Buganda, on the radios and social-media, vicious sectarian campaigns, were launched, trying to divide the people of Uganda. Even though it was COVID-19 time, some opposition candidates made it clear that for them, they would not obey the directives of the Ministry of Health and the mobilization was that should law and order agencies touch these untouchables, there would be an insurrection. 

Young people were being trained in insurrection tactics. In the meantime, threats against NRM supporters (okuhayira, okwewelela) were intensified and actual attacks started.  “Yemwe abatusibye ko omusajja, mugenda kutulaba” – “You NRM supporters are the ones that have made Museveni to continue in power. You will see the consequences”, were the threats. 

“Yes, sir, we are, indeed, the ones that have kept Museveni and NRM in power”. “How, then, do you, in the same breath, call him a dictator?” “A dictator kept by us in power – so much that you have to threaten us with death to force us to abandon him!!”

If you want to change my political position, persuade me. You have no right to intimidate me. Then, actual attacks on NRM supporters and the destruction of the posters of the candidates these opposition supporters did not like, intensified.  In all this, the opposition was assisted by corrupt elements in the Police Force.

At Katale in Kawempe, when NRM supporters went to complain to the Police about the intimidation by the opposition, they were told: “That is politics. We do not involve ourselves in politics”!!

The Opposition and their foreign backers thought that their schemes of hijacking the destiny of the people of Uganda by installing a quisling regime in Uganda, was now water-tight. 

In this, they were being supported by the parasite elements within Uganda – those who never work, but want wealth and power, including the new comprador (agents of foreign interests) bourgeosie who want our country to remain as a supermarket for foreign products and resent our rapid industrialization. 

In future, we shall say more about these traitors. All this was a serious miscalculation by the quislings.  In particular, they forgot two factors: the freedom fighters that liberated and defended Uganda in the past and the masses of Uganda who resent foreign meddlers and sectarian parasites. 

The heroic Armed Forces, the UPDF, entered the picture, starting with the 20th of November, 2020. The Commandos, the Military Police, the LDUs, other elements of UPDF etc., started operations in Kampala and crushed the insurrection, killing a number of terrorists, such as Semanda Joshua of Makerere Kivulu, who was shot by a woman Commando, the idiot was trying to attack; Serunjoji Alex of Nakivubo channel etc. 

There are other criminals that died in those confrontations that we are still trying to identify.  Many arrests were made, but many were released.  By the time I made my broadcasts on this and other issues on the 13th of February, 2021, SFC was still “holding” 53 persons.  Since that time, 2 persons have been released, one had a problem of TB. 

The other 51 have been with SFC, helping them to expose the whole criminal scheme of elements of the opposition plus their local parasite and foreign backers. Too bad for the traitors.  These poor youth, gave us the whole scheme and they are now our friends.

“Omukwano guvva mungabo”, remember traitors, our proverb.  Or you have forgotten our proverbs!!  Whatever is done in secrecy, will be proclaimed on the rooftops, it says in the Book of Luke Chapter 12, Verse 3. 

Therefore, traitors, local parasites and their foreign backers, be informed that the forces that liberated Uganda and have defended it eversince, are there and will always do their duty. When it came to two days before the voting day, about 24,000 soldiers of the UPDF were deployed in most of the 2,184 Sub-counties of Uganda to defeat the scheme of the undemocratic opposition which was not to allow the elections to take place because they knew that they would lose, unless they intimidated the citizens and stopped them from coming to vote as they did in Kampala. How would they, then, account to their foreign funders?

That scheme failed and elections were held in total peace. Even after the elections, there was total peace.  We were ready to crush any insurrection or disruption by the undemocratic groups. The second factor were the patriotic people of Uganda who resent sectarianism and foreign meddling in our affairs.

I thank the sectarian spokes-men and their foreign backers for campaigning for the NRM and for me.  The more they de-campaigned and demonized the NRM and myself, the more they woke Ugandans up. 

The Ugandans, then, said: “OK. We now know who are behind this scheme” and they massively voted against the scheme, the poor organization of the NRM managers and greed of some of them, notwithstanding. Especially for the uninformed foreigners, it is not in their interests to keep bumping (kutomera) into issues of Africa. 

It is interesting for me to hear ordinary Ugandans saying: “Abazungu bagala kutabura ensi yaffe, kubanga tuzudde amafuta” – “The Whites want to bring upheavals in our country in order to steal our oil”!!  It rhymes with what I keep hearing in Congo from the Runyoro-Hema speakers of Bunya, Mbooga etc.

They say: “Abajungu tibarikugonza obusinge omunsi yaitu” - “The Whites do not want peace in our Country”.  In other parts of Eastern Congo, they speak in Swahili:  “Wazungu hawataki amaani kwa Congo” – “The Whites do not want peace in Congo”.  By “Whites” – “Bazungu” – they are referring to some representatives of Western Countries, the UN etc. 

It is in the interest of those actors, to change that image. Therefore, “the disappearances” are a consequence of the essentially, treasonable acts of elements of the opposition.  It is dishonest for anybody to talk about the mistakes, if any, of the Security Forces without talking about the origin of the problem: treason, using terrorism by the opposition.  Criticize the Army if justified, but also criticize those taking the unconstitutional road of terrorism, intimidation, sectarianism etc.

Yoweri K. Museveni Gen. (rtd)



Indeed NRM is still very lucky to be winning every election.

Unlike the Kabaka Yekka party that was confused and became mad and violent in the 1962 national election.

Really one believes that even the NRM went mad and violent after the national election of 1980. And the citizens of Uganda who died at that time were much more.

Nowadays that the NRM is determined to win every other democratic election, the challenge on the table is that if there is any doubt about such a continuous win of peaceful democratic elections, let there be an open recount of all those votes which the people of this country delivered in this just concluded national election.

Indeed this is a very simple issue that does not need an army of over a million soldiers. African Democratic elections must not be made a war zone!







On Janani Luwum Rememberance Day in Uganda this week, the NRM could not remember the death of the Archbishop's wife:

21 February, 2021

By Joseph Ochieng

When I escaped NRA torture and went into exile in the late 1980s, among the few non-Ugandans I accidentally got in contact with was an Anglican priest who happened to have known Archbishop Janani Luwum personally.

Of his immediate reactions were that after the harrowing death of his friend the Archbishop and the subsequent deposing of Idi Amin a few years later, they (read the British) had thought that with Yoweri Museveni and his NRA, Uganda was soon to become the Vatican of Africa. 

But hardly 10 years after the death of Luwum Ugandans were again fleeing the country and many, with different but, equally harrowing stories. He was distraught. 

Now three decades, the priest has since followed Luwum in heaven and, we now have February 16 as Janani Luwum Day of remembrance – a public holiday in Uganda – it was, Tuesday gone. 

As I reflected shortly before my prayers the night before, my mind flashed possible drama on the one hand and hypocrisy on the other, aware that Mr Museveni would be the chief celebrant. 

He did not disappoint. On the day, he shocked the world (some Ugandans are used), when he said he was ‘expecting’ Mama Mary Luwum to join them at State House to mark her husband’s brutal death at the hands of Amin when in fact the poor woman had died two years earlier, worse a ‘condolence’ message from him was even on record. 

If this is not the peak of insensitivity, or is it indifference to the plight of the likes of the Luwums’, then what is?

But that is not all, Mr Museveni claimed – quite rightly – that killing political opponents or critics means you are ‘insecure…guilty’. 

Adding, you ‘ criticise me, I also criticise you…’ and in some finale, suggested Amin’s army was headed by illiterates and that’s why they killed people.

Yet bang, hardly two days later and Ugandans faced a scene on Kampala streets the kind never witnessed during Amin’s regime – the torture of innocent civilians, politicians and journalists – who were merely covering and reporting a civil and political event, the petitioning of UN agency by opposition party NUP.

While social media and some media houses were full of NRA/M sycophants, praise singers and hangers-on heckling against the obvious, the following day at least Museveni’s army chief came out to ‘apologise’ for their excess, but I now wonder, is Gen David Muhoozi an illiterate or is it Museveni who is insecure – especially – since he is as illegitimate as Amin was; both entered State House by force and, in the latter’s case, continues to hold onto that building through brutal force like my friend Andrew Mwenda eloquently reminded Ugandans just the following day. 

Mr Museveni’s loss of memory over Ms Luwums death might be a manifestation of his advanced age and that would be understandable. Yet I suggest, it is an indication of something more potently nuanced.

The other day I watched someone from Kitgum attempting to justify why they ‘imperatively’ need to join in the scramble for NRA/M high table-crumbs while it lasts and I thought, ‘what would Luwum say’! 

My bedtime story before this piece was by Derek Prince on how to overcome evil. Quoting Romans 12:21, he suggests; you either overcome evil or, evil will overcome you; only two alternatives. 

My conclusion is that there is no room for neutrality over evil. Hypocrites, you decide.






 The opposition in Uganda is appealing for unity as they promise to participate again in the national elections that are not free and fair:

December 31, 2019

Written by URN

Dr Kizza Besigye addresses the media

Dr Kizza Besigye addresses the media

Former Forum for Democratic Change party president Dr Kizza Besigye has urged members of the opposition and pro-people activists to unite and work together towards effecting regime change in the country.



Besigye said the opposition should not lose sight of their main goal and instead focus on bickering between themselves. He said all focus should be on working together to achieve free and fair elections in 2021, which by all available evidence, indicates won't be the case. 

Besigye said this while delivering his end of year address at his home in Kasangati, Wakiso district where he declared 2020 as a year of ‘double action.’ 


At the beginning of this year, Besigye declared 2019 as 'a year of action' with three steps through which the country would be liberated. They included civic awareness, organisation and having political structures across the country. Besigye said much as the opposition should work towards fronting one opposition presidential candidate in the 2021 general elections, they should also work towards creating a free and fair environment under which the elections will take place.  

"You will not stop us and we keep quite. You cannot go to an election when you’re not even allowed to do business - to get money to take to an election. Our brother, Hon [Robert] Kyagulanyi was stopped completely from doing what he has done for a living all his life. He can’t organize a concert in Uganda now. We cannot accept to go to an election when our hands are tied at the back that we cannot even make money for the election. We cannot go to an election with our hands tied. The trajectory is that we cannot get rights and therefore a free and fair election without fighting for it. I will fight for those rights until we get them." Besigye said. 

Besigye added that the pro-change activists should desist from attacking themselves because that is what the regime is working at achieving. Besigye explained that Ugandans must focus on sanitizing and cleaning the institutions that will deliver to the citizen’s desires if they want to have free and fair elections.

"We must all work together and isolate the problem to the maximum which is why I have been pleading with some of our activists not to be distracted by provocative agents. Because one of the tactics that people use to confuse those that are many is to, come and infiltrate you and appear to talk as if they are one of you. You have regime agents who are infiltrating pro-people forces wanting to cause conflict amongst us such that instead of focusing on where the problem is which is a very small group we start focusing on ourselves. We have advised all our colleagues that even if you’re provoked don’t respond in equal terms. If you’re wrongly accused just say the simple truth and stop there." said Besigye. 

To the critics who say that his activism has achieved nothing in 2019 and in the years before, Besigye said some Ugandans mistakenly believe that the role of liberating their country from the junta is limited to some people like himself, yet all Ugandans are obligated to wrestle the country back from the corrupt. He said his ‘People’s Government’ had already challenged in court the legality of the Electoral Commission chairman Eng Simon Byabakama Mugenyi and the commission’s secretary Sam Rwakoojo. 

L-R: Ken Lukyamuzi, Patrick Oboi Amuria, Kizza Besigye and Wasswa Birigwa

According to Besigye, Byabakama is still receiving a salary as a judicial officer and as the head of the electoral body, an act which constitutes illegality.  

"Part of the actions this year was to challenge that very Election Commission that is organizing elections where there are no constituencies. We have gone to court because that Electoral Commission itself should not be there. The law is very clear that the chairman of the Electoral Commission if appointed; one must resign any other post that he or she has. There is absolutely no doubt that Mr Byabakama who is the chairman of the Electoral is still on the role of Ugandan judges. Here is, therefore, holding the office of the chair of the Electoral Commission illegally and must vacate. Secondly, the commissioner, Mr Rwakoojo his term expired a long time ago." said Besigye. 

Besigye also reflected on some of the court decisions that characterized the year 2019, pointing out a recent Constitutional court judgement that threw six legislators out of parliament and his application asking court to nullify the offence of unlawful assembly in the Penal Code Act, which was dismissed last month by a panel of five Constitutional court judges.

The judges noted that since Besigye argues that there is no validly elected government, he should seek the audience before his own court or before the “judge” who swore him in as 'people's president'. But to Besigye, the judgement stimulates Ugandans to know that they should struggle to ensure they put in place a justice system that works for them.    

"I take it that this judgement has positive as it has negative effects out to it. The obvious positive is that even the courts of Uganda have learned now that the people of Uganda cannot be served by the regime courts. Indeed the people of Uganda should work hard to get people that serve them all over Uganda. In other words, they recognize the role of the People’s Government." he said. 






The Kabaka of Buganda, who has been refused to participate in the politics of Uganda, has  called for calm ahead of 2021 national elections:

By James Kabengwa


25 December, 2019

Kabaka Ronald Mutebi. FILE PHOTO 

Kabaka Ronald Mutebi has called for calm amid what he says is mounting hatred and intrigue among Ugandan politicians as the nation approaches the 2021 General Election.

The Kabaka’s concerns were raised in his Christmas and end of year message issued on Monday.
He said a unified nation free of hate was the solution.
The Kabaka took issue with increasing statistics of murders and political conflicts that arise out of opposing affiliations.

“Murders and hatred have escalated, especially as we approach the general election. People should know that political divisions do not make us enemies, (we should) remain brothers and sisters,” Kabaka Mutebi said.
Uganda will be going into its sixth general election in 2021 but nominations will take place in November next year. Since the 1995 Constitution was promulgated, the Electoral Commission has organised and conducted five general elections in 1996, 2001, 2006, 2011 and 2016 with two major referenda on political systems in 2000 and 2005.
But the Opposition have labelled all the previous elections as sham, critising them over unlevelled ground where the military and police have been accused of dispersing and beating up Opposition politicians and supporters.
The Kabaka’s concerns echo those of Opposition politicians, who have consistently claimed a non-levelled ground and have accused the army and police of persecuting them.
The Kabaka stressed that it is needless for a nation to be divided because of election that happens once in five years.
He also used his message to call for the preservation of the environment, warning that the nation was tumbling into disaster.
“We are witnessing floods and these are a result of abuse to the environment,” the Kabaka said.

Last week, at least seven people were killed in Kampala due to flooding. This only added to earlier records in May when eight lost lives during floods around Kampala.
The Kabaka also said the HIV scourge remains a significant threat, calling for safe living and attention to antiretroviral medicines among HIV patients.
He has intensified his calls to safe living since 2017 when the UNDP appointed him their ambassador in Africa in mobilising communities against HIV.
“It is, therefore, important that our people prevent themselves against contracting the disease and those who are positive should seek medicare,” he said.
Mr Mutebi added that land is a cherished asset in Buganda and no one should deprive the other of tenure security.
“Everyone should be protected on land to avoid destitution in their motherland,” the Kabaka said.

Around his kingdom, the 36th Kabaka of Buganda, who is now 64 years old, said he had toured a great part of his 18 counties and the headquarters of many of Buganda’s 52 clans.
“Where we have not visited yet, we will be coming,” the Kabaka promised.
Meanwhile, the Kabaka has sent his administration staff on leave until January 6.
At an event at Bulange last week, several workers were recognised for outstanding service in their various departments.
Kabaka’s own spokesperson Dick Kasolo emerged the best staff in the department of administration. He was given a plaque.






Forum Democratic Change political party in Uganda, has  offered alternative electoral reforms, which seem to ridicule the proposals tabled by the government:

July 30, 2019

Written by URN

Attorney General William Byaruhanga tabled electoral reforms last week

Attorney General William Byaruhanga tabling electoral reforms in the national parliament of Uganda


Opposition political, Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) has offered a number of alternative electoral forms as opposed to what government through the attorney general William Byaruhanga tabled in parliament last week. 

Byaruhanga tabled the Presidential Elections (Amendment) Bill, 2019, the Parliamentary Elections (Amendment) Bill, 2019, Electoral Commission (Amendment) Bill, 2019, the Political Parties and Organization (Amendment), 2019 and the Local Governments (Amendment) Bill No.21, 2019.

Under these bills, government's proposed reforms include barring of cameras and phones at polling areas, barring of candidates from running as independents after participating in a party primary, barring of independent presidential candidates from forming an alliance with any political party, security personnel to vote five days ahead of the official polling date.


Also, political parties are barred from having links with pressure groups and results shall be declared to only five people left at the tally centre as opposed to previously when the results were declared before interested parties. Candidates must also disclose the source of their funding 14 days upon nomination. 

Now, FDC says the reforms were tabled in bad faith, targeting particular individuals most especially Kyadondo East MP Robert Kyagulanyi aka Bobi Wine. FDC says government's proposals are bastardized, unconstitutional and not reflective of a civilized society because reforms should be for the benefit of the country and not for particular individuals.

FDC's proposed reforms include the restoration of presidential term limits two five year terms, open recruitment of Electoral Commission officials and delineation of the military from the electoral process. FDC deputy spokesperson, John Kikonyogo presented the party's proposals during the weekly FDC media briefing at Najjanankumbi.   

"As FDC, we said we need a new Electoral Commission which must be independent, impartial and whose commissioners and staff must follow open processes of application, public hearing and scrutiny and conducted by the Judicial Service Commission." said Kikonyogo. 

Currently, Electoral Commission staff are recruited under the Public Service Commission while the chairperson is appointed by the president. FDC also wants the military eliminated from the electoral process and be left to conduct its constitutional duty of protecting Uganda’s borders.

As for police, FDC says they should provide security during the electoral process under the supervision of the Electoral Commission as opposed to the inspector general of police (IGP) as proposed by government. FDC also wants presiding officers to be recruited in a transparent manner based on merit.

FDC also proposes that the procurement of electoral materials including printing and distribution at all levels and stages should involve security and all key stakeholders particularly political parties, civil society, electoral observers and the media. Asked whether the involvement of political parties wouldn’t compromise the independence of the process, Kikonyogo said there is need for political parties to be involved in the process.  

"That independent candidates should not form any alliances with a party. As you are aware, the chapter on human rights, this is also a unconstitutional. For a country like Uganda to bastardize the reforms and reduce them to independent candidates, associating with pressure groups, I think it sulks, it demeans us to a level we behave as if we’re not civilized." added Kikonyogo. 

Other reforms include devising a mechanism to monitor and prevent raids of funds from the central bank, ministries and international assistance accounts in the period and during campaigns in order to protect the integrity of the campaign process.

FDC also wants the Public Order Management Act (POMA) repealed so as to ensure that the freedoms to organize and assemblies are respected and that an independent and credible judiciary be promoted to adjudicate electoral disputes.

Electoral Reform Committee

An Electoral Reforms Committee may soon be established once parliament adopts new amendments to the Electoral Commission Act. The establishment of the committee is among the reforms in the Electoral Commission (Amendment) Bill, 2019 tabled before parliament by Byaruhanga.

The proposed Electoral Reforms Committee will work in liaison with Uganda Law Reform Commission in studying electoral laws, consult relevant stakeholders on proposed electoral reforms and others. The committee according to the Bill will also be responsible with recommending to the Justice minister concrete proposals for electoral reforms and synthesize various reforms proposed by political parties, election observers, monitors, civil society and others arising from court decisions. 

Election monitors, politicians and civil society organisations (CSOs) have in the past complained about failure by government to implement reforms resulting from election petitions and court decisions. 

Richard Ssewakiryanga, the executive director of the National Non-Governmental Organizations (NGO) Forum tasked government on the 2016 electoral reforms as recommended by the Supreme court judges led by chief justice Bart Katureebe while delivering their judgment in the Amama Mbabazi Vs Yoweri Kaguta Museveni and others presidential election petition.

These include extending the filing and determination period of presidential election petitions to 60 days to enable the concerned parties and court to adequately prepare and present their case, regulation of public officials in elections and punishment of media houses, which refuse to grant equal airtime to all presidential candidates and prohibition of donations during elections among others.

Ssewakiryanga also asked government to also include the electoral reforms proposed by other players like CSOs through the Citizens Compact that were generated following countrywide consultations ahead of the 2016 general elections. 

Government in the Bill proposes that the Electoral Commission chairperson shall constitute the Electoral Reforms Committee within 6 months after the date of the last general elections and the committee make recommendations to the minister in 18 months after being constituted.

“The minister shall present the proposed electoral reforms to parliament, if any, at least two years before the next general elections. The minister may, in consultation with the commission, by statutory instrument, make regulations prescribing the terms and conditions of service of the Electoral Reform Committee,” reads part of the Bill.

It is proposed that the committee shall comprise of 4 persons representing the Electoral Commission, one of whom, the secretary to the commission shall be the chairperson of the committee. 

The proposed committee will also have 3 persons representing the attorney general, a secretary of the Uganda Law Reform Commission, a person representing political parties nominated by the National Consultative Forum, a person representing civil society appointed by the chairperson of the Electoral Commission, Local Government ministry permanent secretary and the permanent secretary of the ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development.  

Shadow attorney general Wilfred Niwagaba said that the proposal is not in good faith since it suggests a study and compilation of reforms after the general elections.


Exactly what are electoral reforms that can come out of an African political party that has become famous in gerrymandering African democratic election processes now 33 years and still counting. 

Soon there is going to be another announcement for the recruitment of more judges and magistrates in the ministry of the judiciary, to cope with the outcome of the election crimes of the next general election of 2021! 

Why should some one or a political party that has a record of crime in the election process be allowed to participate yet again in this process?






Wano e Buganda, Norbert Mao ne Muwanga Muhammad Kivumbi beerangidde ebisongovu: ' Oyo Kivumbi ekyalo ky'e Butambala kyamulemeramu'

By Muwanga Kakooza


Added 20th March 2019


OMUBAKA Muwanga Kivumbi alangidde Mao okutabula ekisinde kya People Power ekya Bobi Wine wabula ne Mao n’azza omuliro n’ajerega Kivumbi nti akyalimu amaalo ge yava nago e Butambala. Entabwe yavudde ku Norbert Mao ssenkaggale wa DP okutegeeza nga bw’ateekateeka okwesimbawo ku Bwapulezidenti mu kalulu akasuubirwa mu 2021. 

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Mr Norbert Mao
Mr Muhammad Muwanga Kivumbi


Kivumbi nga mu Palamenti ali ku kkaadi ya DP yagambye nti nga bbo abakkiririza mu kisinde kya People Power ekikulemberwa omubaka wa Kyaddondo East, Robert Kyagulanyi Sentamu (Bobi Wine) okuvaayo kwa Mao kakodyo akaakoleddwa okubanafuya era nga wandibaawo abanene abaamutaddemu ssente.


Yasinzidde mu lukiiko lwa bannamawulire olwatudde eggulo ku Palamenti n’ategeeza nti tafuddeeyo ku kya kunyiiza Mao, wabula okulabula Bannayuganda abangi baleme kuwugulwa muntu gwe yayogeddeko ng’eyeenoonyeza ebibye.


Kivumbi agamba nti waliwo kaweefube eyali akoleddwa okusooka nga waliwo abaagala okukookanaganya ab’ekisinde kya People Power n’aba FDC, kyokka ne birema. Bwe byalema nti baasalawo okufuna Mao.

Yagasseeko nti tagaana muntu yenna kuvaayo kuvuganya, kyokka eyeesimbyewo bw’abeera ng’alina misoni y’okunafuya abavuganya abeera tayinza kumuleka kugenda bwatyo.

Kivumbi era yalumirizza Mao nga bw’aludde ng’akolerera okunafuwa kwe kibiina era nga y’ensonga eyamuyimiriza n’enkung’ana za DP ez’okwezza obuggya oluvannyuma lw’okulaba ng’olw’eMasaka lwali lwa maanyi.

“Nsasulidde bingi ku lwe ggwanga lyange nga namalako emyaka 20 nga mmaze okusoma nga sirina mulimu, ne nsibwa kyokka ekyewuunyisa wadde nga Mao munnateeka talina wadde olunaku olumu lwe yatuwolerezaako,” Kivumbi bwe yagambye.

Yasabye Mao okubeera omulambulukufu mu by’akola mu kifo ky’okumalirira amaanyi mu kulwanyisa abantu abalala kuba ebikolwa bye bulijjo babimanyi nti tebirina kalungi eri kibiina kya DP.

“Bwe zibeera ngatto Mao tasobola wadde okunsibira obuguwa bwazo. Bulijjo avuma abantu nga Lukwago ne Nambooze ne basirika, kyokka bukya alya busujju, leero yalidde butanga”. Kivumbi bwe yagambye.

Yawakanyizza ne Mao byazze ayogera nti azze amuyamba mu kulonda n’agamba nti talina kye yali amukoledde kuba n’okulonda okuwedde teyafuna buwagizi bwonna okuva mu bannabyabufuzi bonna abanene mu ggwanga.

“Mao siyinza ku mutwala Butambala ansabire akalulu wadde okuva ku mulalu kuba teri amumanyi era nze nnina okumulaga abantu. Omuntu bulijjo gwe nsondera n’amafuta 

agamutambuza ate agamba atya nti ye yannyamba?” Kivumbi bwe yatadde Akaka.

Mao era bamulumirizza okutambulira ku ky’amawanga nga buli amuwakanya akimussaako nti amuwakanya lwa kubeera nti ssi Muganda.


Kyokka ne Mao eggulo yasinzidde ku kitebe kya DP ng’ayogera eri bannamawulire n’alumba Kivumbi nti ekyalo ky’e Butambala kyamulemeramu.

‘’Nalangirira nti nja kwesimba ku bwa Pulezidenti bw’eggwanga nga nkyali mu siniya ya kusatu e Namiryango. Nnina ekirooto nti olunaku lumu nja kuba pulezidenti. Nteekwa okufuuka pulezidenti bwe kinaaba tekisobose wakiri nja kufa nga ngezaako nga bwe nnagezaako ne mu 2011’’ Mao bwe yayogedde.

Kyokka yagambye nti wadde ayagala obwa Pulezidenti naye mwetegefu okutuula n’abanaaba bateereddwaawo ebibiina ebirala ebivuganya beerondeko omu asinza amaanyi yesimbewo. Kyokka yakkirizza nti DP ne Bobi Wine be bamu kuba famire y’omubaka Robert Kyagulanyi ya DP nnyo. N’agamba nti atabula DP ne People Power ye mulabe wa Uganda nnamba emu.

Mu lukung’aana luno, Mao yayanjudde Julius Kateregga eyawangudde okulonda kw’abayizi e Makerere. Kateregga yeesimbawo ng’owa People Power ate era owa DP.


Ebulayo emyaka 39 gyokka Uganda eyanirize emyaka 100 bukya yefuga netondebwawo. Sanyu ki erigenda okubawo mu 2062. Oba abazzukulu mukiseera ekyo bali beera baddayo munsiko okukubagana emundu?


Omugenzi Benendicto Kiwanuka yava e London 1958/9 nga ayagala nyo okusomesa Obuganda DEMOCRACIA (amazima nobwenkanya) nga bweyamulaba e Bungereza. Okugezaako okwegata n'omugenzi Musaazi, Obote ne banne bangi nyo ddala kyajjawo okufuga kwa colony mu nsi ya Uganda. Kakati emyaka 61 kiki ekiyombya abazzukulu ba DP mukufuga kwa Uganda bukya ensi eno efuna Kwefuga(Independence)? Kitalo nyo!


Democratic Party ya Uganda eyatandiika ne puliida Omuganda Beni Kiwanuka eringa efanana omusajja wa science eyavumbula okukola omuntu nga ali mu Laboratory ye. Yagenda okulaba nga omuntu gwakoze azuukuka nga amubaka obulago, okwagala okumutta. Ekitabo ekyo kinyuma nyo era buli muna Uganda asaana okukisoma oba okulaba film eyo. Kubanga ne bajjajja balina enjogera yemu nga eyolugero olwomusajja ono omugezigezi, kubamanyi olulimi oluganda.






Presidenti Museveni owa Uganda asiimye ab’e Sheema okulonda Kibaaju owa NRM mubiseera bino nga abaloonzi ba Uganda tebakyayagala kulonda NRM:

By Musasi wa Bukedde


Added 9th December 2018


Museveni asiimye ab’e Sheema okulonda Kibaaju.



Sh1 703x422

 Presidenti wa Uganda nga yesanyusamu naba NRM olwokuwangula akalulu ke biseera bino nga abalonzi ba Uganda bangi tebakyayagala kulonda kibiina kya bufuzi ekya NRM.



PULEZIDENTI Museveni yeebazizza abantu b’e Sheema North olw’okulonda Naome Kibaaju owa NRM n’ategeeza nti kino kyakubawa omukisa okumanya ebizibu byabwe butereevu. Yasinzidde ku mukolo Kibaaju kwe yeebalizza abalonzi ogwabadde ku kyalo Kigalama ku Lwokusatu.


Pulezidenti yagambye nti ababaka ba NRM babeera ba nkizo kuba basobola okumutuukako mu bwangu okusinga ab’oludda oluvuganya abamala ebiseera mu kumuvuma. Abantu b’e Sheema yabasiimye olw’okulonda aba NRM bokka okuli Dr. Elioda Tumwesigye (Sheema Munisipaali) ne Kibaaju owa Sheema North.

Yennyamidde olw’abantu be Buhweju abaalonda Francis Mwijukye n’agamba nti eno baasalwa nnyo kuba omubaka waabwe abeera ku kimu kya kumuvuma.


Museveni era yalabudde nga bw’agenda okukangavvula abakozi ba NAADS olw’okuweereza ensigo mu balimi nga sizoni eweddeko. “Mbalabula abakozi ba NAADS, singa muddamu kino sijja kukigumiikiriza kuba gavumenti ya NRM erwana okuggya abantu mu bwavu ate teyinza kutunuulira muntu alwana okubaavuwaza,” Museveni bwe yalabudde.

Minisita w’ebya ssaayansi ne tekinologiya, Dr. Elioda Tumwesigye n’ewebyobulambuzi, Polof. Ephraim Kamuntu baagumizza Pulezidenti nga bwe batayinza kuganya FDC kwegiriisiza mu kitundu kyabwe era nga bakola buli ekisoboka okulaba nga NRM bagituusa ku buwanguzi.

Baamusabye okutuukiriza obweyamo bwe yakola eri abatuuze obw’okubakolera oluguudo okuva e Bwizibwera-Nsiika-Buhweju- Kabwohe-Kitagata-Rukungiri. Yabagumizza nti kino kyatandise dda okukolebwako era aba UNRA baatandise dda okukikolako. Omuyimbi Catherine Kusasira yabaddewo nnyo ng’asanyusa abantu.


Mukirize okuvumwa kubanga ye democracia eyalwanya aba NRM okuleeta mu Uganda. Okusinga okuwereza aba military police nebajja ne tear gas, emiggo, nemundu okukangavula abavuganya governmenti ya NRM nga mubagoba mubitundu byabantu bammwe abagala enyo NRM. Mukirize mujje bangi muwulirize abalina endowooza endala etali ya NRM naye oluvanyuma akalulu mukawe abo bemwagala. Obwo bwebuntu bulamu, civilization, nokwaniriza abagenyi mumpisa z'Africa.






Musajja Mivule ayomba olwokulonda okubi okuli mu Uganda. Kulimu kyekubira omuyitirivu. Asekerera Dr Besigye:


6 January, 2019


By World Media

Dr Besigye alimba abalonzi. Alina okwetonda.

Politics ali mu Uganda NRM gweyalwanirira wa kulya sente(monetized):







In Uganda, the ruling political party of the NRM is trying to buy off the rest of the political parties in the country, so that they can accept to participate in the next General Election of 2021:

By Umaru Kashaka


Added 7th December 2018 


The items on the agenda include constitutional and electoral reforms, strengthening political parties, inclusiveness and bolstering democratic governance, human rights and the rule of law.


Lumumbajustine703422 703x422
(NRM) secretary general, Justine Kasule Lumumba. Photo/File




UGANDA, KampalaThe National Resistance Movement (NRM) secretary general, Justine Kasule Lumumba, has said everything is set for the summit of five major political parties under the framework of the Inter-Party Organisation for Dialogue (IPOD) on Wednesday next week.

The meeting that President Yoweri Museveni last month agreed to attend at Speke Resort Munyonyo in his capacity as NRM’s national chairman and not as the President will be organised twice annually.

Lumumba told New Vision on Friday that they had already agreed on the agenda as IPOD.

“So everything is set. Let’s present ourselves as IPOD Council and summit to Ugandans to show that we can serve as parties and leaders of this time. It is our responsibility as current leaders to nature multiparty practices in Uganda now beyond ourselves despite the challenges,” she said.

The items on the agenda include constitutional and electoral reforms, strengthening political parties, inclusiveness and bolstering democratic governance, human rights and the rule of law.

Some of the invited guests include former President of Tanzania, Benjamin William Mkapa.

IPOD was set up in 2010 to bring together leaders of all political shades in the country to foster a strong and vibrant multiparty democracy in Uganda based on peaceful co-existence of all citizens to work harmoniously.

Political parties with representation in Parliament include NRM, Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), Democratic Party (DP), Justice Forum (JEEMA) and Uganda People’s Congress (UPC).

NRM hits back at FDC, DP 

Meanwhile, NRM has hit back at FDC and DP for withdrawing from the IPOD summit.

Richard Todwong, the NRM’s deputy secretary general, told New Vision that the U-turn by the country's top opposition political parties was hardly surprising given their history.

“It is unfortunate that FDC and DP are behaving the way they always behave even when they were the ones who were looking for the moment of dialogue. They have confirmed that they are not reliable and that they are not for dialogue. The U-turn is a demonstration to that,” he said.

Todwong, however, said the meeting was on and nothing was going to change. “For us as NRM, we are ready to cooperate with them… But UPC and JEEMA are in for dialogue, so the meeting is there with or without them,” he stated.

FDC chairperson Wasswa Biriggwa told the media on Tuesday that they decided to make a U-turn because there had not been any ongoing negotiations between the parties’ leaders who, in his view, should only meet to endorse matters already agreed by their assistants.

“We do not have room for photo shows with [President Yoweri] Museveni. We shall not attend it (the summit), because we have not been in any kind of agreements for conclusion,” Biriggwa said.

DP’s spokesperson Kenneth Kakande also told the media during a weekly press conference in Kampala, “we are not comfortable at all to sit with NRM to discuss anything to do with the way forward for this country”.

“They do not have faith, instead they care about their stay in power. We state that as DP, in principle, we believe in meaningful dialogue but we cannot participate in a dialogue where its outcome is pre-conceived as window dressing,” he added.

The IPOD council was expected to meet today to decide on what to do for FDC and DP. “IPOD council members are going to meet to decide on what to do and we shall communicate to the country,” Todwong said.






In Uganda, the Katikkiro of Buganda is blaming the leadership of Kooki county for sabotaging the development policies of the Kingdom of Buganda:

December 5, 2018

Written by Sadab Kitatta Kaaya

Charles Peter Mayiga

The Katikkiro of the Kingdom of Buganda, Mr Charles Peter Mayiga


Before the Buganda Lukiiko (parliament) on Monday, Charles Peter Mayiga, the Katikkiro (prime minister), delivered a strong message to the Kamuswaga of Kooki Apollo Ssansa Kabumbuli II and some elements within the central government that he accused of fanning tensions between Buganda and the Rakai-based cultural institution.

Mayiga’s address to the Lukiiko came exactly a week after a combined force of the police and army blocked him at Hotel Brovad in Masaka for several hours in an attempt to stop him from travelling to Kooki county (Rakai district) on official kingdom duties.

Of Buganda’s 18 counties, Kooki enjoys a special status being the only county with a hereditary chief – owing to the 1896 agreement between then Buganda king Mwanga and his Kooki counterpart, Kamuswaga Kezekia Ndawula that placed the chiefdom under the authority of Buganda kingdom.

Until 2013, the Kamuswaga was loyal to the Mengo establishment, but in a surprise turn of events, he turned hostile, and attempted to block the launch of that year’s annual Masaza football tournament at St Bernard’s SS Mannya where 11 students died in an inferno last month.

Mayiga’s first stop last week was at this very school before he went on to visit coffee farmers under his coffee growing promotion campaign dubbed ‘Emmwanyi terimba.’ For more than six hours, he remained blockaded at Hotel Brovad where he had spent the night. Outside the hotel and along the road from Masaka to Rakai, heavily armed police and military personnel were on alert with armoured personnel carriers (APCs) commonly known as Mamba, water cannons and other riot gear were on deployment.

As tensions continued to build in Masaka, groups in Kooki threatened to riot in protest against the government’s closing of the roads to Kooki for Mayiga. Fearing that the tensions could flare out, security eventually cleared Mayiga to proceed to Kooki.

In 2009, deadly riots broke out across the kingdom after Mayiga’s predecessor, John Baptist Walusimbi, was blocked from travelling to Bugerere (Kayunga district) ahead of Kabaka.

Maj Flavia Terimulungi, the spokesperson of the Masaka-based armoured brigade, told journalists security forces had been told that Mayiga hadn’t sought the clearance of the Kooki cultural leadership.

The Kamuswaga had demanded Mayiga writes formally informing him of his visit to the area which, according to the Kamuswaga, is now an autonomous kingdom. The Kooki leadership’s demand for secession from Buganda followed the agreement that President Museveni entered into with Buganda in 2013 that literally recognized the hitherto non-existent cultural institutions in Bugerere and Buruli (Nakasongola district).


On Monday, Mayiga used strong language against the Kooki cultural head though he did not directly mention his name nor title.

“It is surprising how someone can take up childish games against a program meant to develop the people,” Mayiga said. “I don’t partake in childish games, and I am not someone you can joke around with.” Mayiga further told the Lukiiko there are elements in Kooki that are focused at destabilizing the general security situation in the country.

“The same elements are also opposed to development; in fact, they don’t care about the ordinary people [that they claim to be their subjects],” Mayiga said.

Mayiga emphasized that Kooki is an area under the jurisdiction of the Kabaka of Buganda. “How else would I, a lawyer, leave a well-furnished office of the katikkiro to go and drive through Kooki’s dusty roads other than serving my king? And somebody comes up thinking that he can block me from going there, isn’t that being childish?” Mayiga wondered.

He claimed that the Kooki cultural leader is working with some elements in the central government to ferment confusion in Buganda.  


The Kamuswaga did not answer our calls but Stanley Ndawula, his spokesman, accuses Mayiga of being provocative. “He should stop his provocation and get politics out of cultural issues,” Ndawula said. “If we stopped the Kabaka from visiting Kooki for two weeks until protocol was observed, who is Mayiga who was blocked for a few hours?”

Ndawula adds Mayiga should have himself to blame for making the Kabaka to sign a ‘dubious’ agreement that ‘gave away parts of the kingdom in Bugerere and Buruli.’


Before the 2013 agreement, Kooki was agitating for a review of the 1896 agreement with demands for a special status, higher than that of other ssaza (county) chiefs, and to have this throne inside the Mengo Lukiiko hall.

Weeks after Mayiga’s appointment in May 2013, the Kamuswaga’s rhetoric changed, he started making secession threats after Museveni promised a Shs 8.51bn ‘special entandikwa’ project for Kooki. See: Museveni, Mengo collide on KookiThe Observer, June 13, 2013.

Soon, the Kamuswaga declared his area a separate kingdom and withdrew his representatives from the Buganda Lukiiko in addition to futile attempts to withdraw Kooki’s participation from the popular Masaza football tournament.

Matters were not helped when Mayiga appointed Gertrude Ssebuggwawo, who once served as the Kamuswaga’s katikkiro, to take up Kooki’s seat in the Buganda Lukiiko.

Ssebuggwawo, together with some members of the Kooki royal family and some former members of the Kamuswaga’s cabinet, were key in organizing Mayiga’s visit to Kooki last week. 


One cannot see that this Kooki colonial issue is the priority for the subjects of the Ganda Kingdom. If the citizens of Kooki are indeed of the tribe of Ganda, well most problems can easily be solved. Buganda has some sort of a democratic Lukiiko to do that. As most State Affairs of the Ancient Kingdom stand, African development these days can be negative or positive whichever way one chooses to go with!






In Uganda, A prominent Member of Parliament for Buganda has been stopped from doing politics as 2021 General Election approaches:

17 November, 2018

Written by Nicholas Bamulanzeki

Ssemujju addressing residents from his fence

Ssemujju addressing residents from his home fence.

The well armed Uganda Military  Police Force  blocked all exit points on his house.  The Kira Municipality MP, Ibrahim Ssemujju Nganda developed some quick thinking by climbing up his solid brick-built fence so as to address the area residents.



Police, with the help of military, blocked Ssemujju from exiting his home in Bukasa, Kirinya in Wakiso district for a rally in Kireka. As early as 7.30am on Friday, police had already sealed off the MPs’ home and and parked three police trucks in the road enroute to the MP's house inconveniencing his neighbours using the same road. 

Some police officers even jumped over the fence to arrest the MP but took off as soon as they saw media personnel according to Ssemujju’s narration of the days’ events. Ssemujju, together with fellow MPs who voted against the amendment of the Constitution to lift the age limits last year, were meant to hold a rally at Jokas Hotel near Namboole stadium. 

But the over 40 police personnel and about 20 army men surrounded Ssemujju’s home and vowed to arrest the MP as soon as he set foot outside his home. No cars were allowed to drive into the gated house, and neither were any guests wearing red (People Power) or blue (FDC) colours allowed in.

Inside his home, his supporters were also vowing to take on the police to have the MP go for the rally. Kampala East Regional Police Commander (RPC), Musani Sabira said the MP’s letter notifying police about the rally, came on short notice although Ssemujju insisted that he sent in the letter on Monday, November 12 three days before the rally as per the demands of the Public Order Management Act (POMA).

According to a copy of the letter, the Inspector General of Police office received the letter on November 12 but on November 15, police wrote back to the MP stopping the rally saying he submitted the letter just a day to the rally on November 16.

Throughout the entire day standout, Sabira was receiving instructions on his mobile phone on what to do. Police’s intention was to either arrest Ssemujju and drive him away or frustrate him from leaving his home.

Sabina gave Ssemujju two options; to either cancel the rally altogether, or write to police again to reschedule the rally. In Kireka and surrounding areas, police and the army had also deployed heavily. 

There was a mini scuffle between Ssemujju’s supporters and police as they attempted to arrest him in the afternoon on his way out with fellow MPs including Medard Ssegoona, Paul Mwiru, Winnie Kiiza, Gafa Mbwatekamwa, Rose Namayanja, Gerald Karuhanga among others. The MPs planted a symbolic ‘Constitution' (freedom) tree in Ssemujju’s compound in recognition of the MPs’ vote against age limit amendment. 

Following the scuffle that left Ssemujju's wife Faridah in tears, the MP was advised by former Leader of Opposition in Parliament (LoP) Winnie Kiiza to avoid being arrested on Friday because that would mean the MP spending the entire weekend in jail. 

Police, who all the time kept a close eye at the the gates, were caught unawares when Ssemujju climbed up on the fence and started addressing the now swelling crowd that had been drawn by the standoff.

Some police officers were bemused to the point of even laughing at the Ssemujju’s short speech in which he attacked President Museveni for refusing to leave power and blocking his political rivals from exercising their rights.

“Museveni has ruled for so long and aged from power, now he even needs pampers. That is why in his convoy, it’s the mobile toilet van that is serviced the most. These policemen are not the problem, they are simply following orders from Mr Museveni. School children are dying because criminals are burning their schools but they are here at my home as uninvited. All these patrols trucks and policemen deployed here are wasting money and time yet there are no medicines in the hospital” he said in Luganda to the cheering crowd.

“As Bobi Wine told you, Ugandans please wake up and liberate your country if you don’t want to live in poverty for the rest pf your lives as Museveni and family keep on living luxuriously at your expense. Even these police officers at the end of the day, they will fall sick and go to hospitals without medicines.” he added.

"If it's money that is keeping Museveni in power, we have special elderly fund of Shs 25,000 per month for the next 10 years for Museveni and his wife to enjoy. They can't fight a wave of change that has come."

Earlier Leader of Opposition in Parliament Betty Aol Ochan who was the first MP to visit Ssemujju said, it’s such a disappointment that a government pushing for national dialogue is the one now blocking an MP from leaving his home to go and address his constituents.

Aol tried to call police boss Martin Okoth Ochola to find out why his police officers were blocking an MP from leaving his home but Ochola’s mobile number was switched off.

Aol said the continued pushing of Ugandans to the wall will eventually force some to go the bush like Museveni did in the 1980s so as to regain their freedoms.

Meanwhile, Kiiza said Ugandans should get angry one day because they have been provoked long enough by the government’s actions and denial of services and force Museveni out of power. Paul Mwiru echoed the same, saying government was wasting resources on blocking one MP from leaving his home yet social services are in an appalling state. 


The Courts of Law in Uganda have warned you politicians to make sure that you have APPROPRIATE reforms concerning elections in this country by the end of this year. If you cannot do it, well, and you all participate in the next coming National General Election, do not go to the Courts of Law crying foul! And by the look of things to come, some of these politicians might be shot.






The State of Buganda is learning the hard way that it is going to pay highly for the misdeed of the Central Government of Uganda:

The whole country is learning to depend on the military General Salim Saleh and President of Uganda, Mr Kaguta Museveni's handouts:

November 14, 2018

Written by Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda

General Salim Saleh having a laugh with one of the many hangers on 


Saturday newspapers carried stories that troubled my mind throughout the weekend.

The first story that troubled me was about activities of Gen Caleb Akandwanaho aka Salim Saleh in the Tooro sub-region. The Daily Monitor reported that Saleh had spent nearly two months in Tooro and, among other things, sponsored two sittings of Kabarole district council. He is helping Fort Portal to become a city and has been offered land to build some factories.

Remember Gen Saleh is a senior presidential advisor on defence and until recently operated an office in Bombo military barracks. He is also the coordinator of an illegal outfit called Operation Wealth Creation. An executive order from his brother that establishes it even expired.


The National Agricultural Advisory Services (NAADS), established by an Act of Parliament, surrenders more than half (about Shs 270 billion) of its budget to this illegal Saleh outfit annually.

This is the money that Saleh is using as he likes. I hope you still remember that he recently dished out some millions to kadongokamu people at a concert in Namboole. He is now sponsoring sittings of various district councils in Fort Portal. What will stop him from sponsoring weddings and traditional marriages?

And the reason NAADS was made to surrender this money was because of abuse. These days they say “Uganda zaabu” which means Uganda is gold.    

The second story which both The Daily Monitor and New Vision carried was about the donation of vehicles to Busoga cultural leaders by another military general, Yoweri Museveni.

The vehicle of Kyabazinga costs more than Shs 400 million if it is a secondhand. This was brand new, which means its cost is about Shs 600 million. The rest of the pick-up trucks I think cost about Shs 250 million each.  You can conservatively say the whole vehicle project cost is about Shs 3 billion.

The president, since he is the de facto minister of finance, has been prevailing over parliament to allocate him Shs 97 billion annually for donations. This money is part of the State House budget. Last financial year, another item called miscellaneous under State House was allocated Shs 78 billion.

It is possible that the vehicles were bought using this money for donations. It is, therefore, not illegal money. The source of the money or its legality is not what troubled me. The collective vulnerability of traditional leaders and their people is what troubled me.

According to the official 2014 housing and population census, Basoga are the third largest ethnic group in Uganda. The census put them at 2.9 million people. Of course they have since grown because our population grows at about 3.1 per cent every year.

One of my constituents who heard us discuss these vehicle donations on Capital Gang told me if each Musoga had contributed just Shs 1,800, they would have bought these vehicles themselves. Either, he argued, “these people have been extremely impoverished or the leadership undermined.”

And Batooro, according to the census results, were 810,708 people by 2014. And the reason districts are created right and centre is to take services nearer to the people.

It appears the districts have failed and Gen Saleh is the one now taking these services nearer to the Batooro. A sitting of the district council, Daily Monitor reported, costs just about Shs 10 million. The people of Kabarole/Fort Portal are too poor to afford this, the reason Gen Saleh intervened.

These two generals are brothers. For me I am emotional when it comes to my ethnic group. I feel very bad that my ethnic group, which contributed to the formation of Uganda in the London 1960 conferences, now must depend on handouts from other people.

Why are we in this marriage? Forgive me but that is what I saw in these two good gestures by the general brothers. That the Basoga - all of them - are incapable of buying their traditional leaders decent vehicles!

If all other things have not united us, this should. All this nonsense of dialogue should focus on this. I can allow you to belittle FDC, but not Buganda. This country should be able to tell off these generals. This is our country, and not their parent’s estate.

The author is Kira Municipality MP and opposition chief whip in parliament.


The leadership of Buganda has for decades been in the habit of inviting foreigners to come in the country and help the country of Buganda to grow and develop. One cannot see an end to this sort of African political manoeuvring. There is a long way to go especially if one sees how many useless civil wars has the country of Buganda suffered?






The Uganda Member of Parliament, Mr  Kyagulanyi has narrated his ordeal before the Arua by-election when he was badly beaten up by the Uganda Army:


Kyadondo East MP Robert Kyagulanyi alias Bobi

Kyadondo East MP Robert Kyagulanyi alias Bobi Wine with his wife Barbra Itungo in the U.S where he travelled for specialised treatment  

By Monitor Reporter

Kyadondo East MP Robert Kyagulanyi alias Bobi Wine who was tortured and held in custody by security agencies for several days before he was produced in court and charged with treason has narrated his ordeal.
In a 3,611 word statement posted on his social media platforms, Mr Kyagulanyi who’s currently undergoing specialized treatment in the U.S says he “felt more compelled to speak out after reading the many posts written by President Museveni and other government officials about what happened.”

Mr Kyagulanyi, Mityana Municipality MP Francis Zaake and a number of MPs and other politicians, including the new MP for Arua Municipality Kassiano Wadri, were embroiled in a spat with security agents on the last day of campaigns for the Arua Municipality seat last month. Thirty three people, including Kyagulanyi and Mr Wadri, have since been charged with treason over allegations of stoning the President’s motorcade in the Arua fracas, where President Museveni had gone to canvass support for his NRM party’s candidate, Ms Nusura Tiperu.

“They wrapped me in a thick piece of cloth and bundled me into a vehicle. Those guys did to me unspeakable things in that vehicle! They pulled my manhood and squeezed my testicles while punching me with objects I didn’t see,” reads part of Mr Kyagulanyi’s statement.

Following the violent episodes that left Kyagulanyi’s former driver Yasin Kawuma shot dead and many nursing gunshot wounds, with Bobi Wine and Mr Zaake beaten into near coma, President Museveni said Mr Zaake had escaped from police custody. That was days after the authorities at Lubaga Hospital in Kampala said Mr Zaake had been dropped at the facility by unidentified people.

Below is Bobi Wine’s full statement


Fellow Ugandans, friends and well-wishers from around the world,
I am sorry, I have taken a bit long to write to you about the trials and tribulations, for which you all stood with me. It's been tough days, as I recover from the physical and mental trauma I endured. I am overwhelmed by your support and words of encouragement. I cannot repay you in any other way, except sticking to those values which bind all of us together- justice, equality and human dignity.

I will be communicating more in the coming days and where possible send my appreciation to the different individuals and organizations. In this post however, I want to recount what exactly happened to me. I am very grateful to my wife Barbie, and my lawyers who narrated to the world these events, but I also wanted to tell this sad story PERSONALLY. I felt more compelled to speak out after reading the many posts written by President Museveni and other government officials about what happened.
I read the things they were saying while I was in detention, and found them absurd to say the least. I was shocked on how they tried to downplay the atrocities committed by security agencies on innocent citizens.
So let me set the record straight.

It was 13th August and it was the last day of campaigns in the Arua municipality by-election. As always we had a great campaign day. As I left the rally, I was convinced that our candidate Hon. Kassiano Wadri would win the election. So we moved from the rally at about 5:30pm and the people followed us, singing songs of freedom and chanting “People Power - Our Power.” Together with Hon. Kassiano and a few other leaders, we parted with the multitude, bade them farewell and went into Royal hotel where Hon. Wadri was staying.

We watched the 7:00pm news from the hotel lobby as we took tea and took stock of the day’s events. It was of course very exciting to watch that day’s news. The anchor said we were clearly ahead of the other candidates and the television relayed images of the massive rally and procession we had had on that day. Shortly after, I decided to move to Pacific hotel where I was staying so as to rest after the very busy day. It was at that point that I sat in my tundra vehicle, in the co-driver’s seat. The gentleman who was driving the tundra that day is one of our drivers (not Yasin). He moved out of the vehicle to call other team members who were supposed to drive with us. He took a bit long and I moved into my other vehicle (a land cruiser) which was right next to the tundra and whose driver was already seated on the driver's seat. We immediately set off for Pacific hotel. I did not even see what happened after or how late Yasin ended up on my seat in the tundra. For clarity, he had been driving another vehicle that day.

I had started taking the stairs to my room when this driver came running to say that Yasin Kawuma had been shot. I could not believe it. I asked him where he was and he told me they were parked outside the hotel. We paced down and I saw with my own eyes, my friend and comrade Yasin, giving way as he bled profusely. I quickly asked a team member to take him to hospital and another to call the police. We had not stepped away from that place when angry looking SFC soldiers came, beating up everyone they could see.

As soon as they saw me, they charged saying “there he is” in Swahili. So many bullets were being fired and everyone scampered to safety. I also ran up into the hotel with a throng of people who had gathered around. Inside the hotel, I entered a random room and locked myself in. It is at that point that my media assistant shared with me Yasin’s picture which I tweeted because the world needed to know what was going on.
I could hear the people outside and in the hotel corridors crying for help. I could also hear the soldiers pulling these helpless people past the room in which I was, saying all sorts of profanities to them while beating them mercilessly.

I stayed in the room for a long time. At some point, I heard soldiers pull some woman out of her room and ask her which room Bobi Wine had entered. The woman wailed saying she didn’t know and what followed were terrible beatings. I could hear her cry and plead for help as she was being dragged down the stairs. Up to now, that is one experience that haunts me; that I could hear a woman cry for help, yet I was so vulnerable and helpless. I could not help her.


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I stayed put for some hours, and I could hear the soldiers come every few minutes, bang some doors on my floor or other floors and go away. At different times I would sleep off, but was always rudely awakened by the banging of doors and the impatient boots that paced throughout the hotel for the whole night. In the wee hours of the morning, the soldiers started breaking doors of the different hotel rooms. With rage, they broke doors, and I knew they would soon come to my room. I therefore put my wallet and phone into my socks. I also had with me some money which I had earned from a previous music show. I also put it into the socks.
A few minutes later, a soldier hit my door with an iron bar and after two or three attempts the door fell in. We looked each other in the eye as he summoned his colleagues in Swahili. Another soldier pointed a pistol on my head and ordered me to kneel down. I put my hands up and just before my knees could reach the floor, the soldier who broke into the room used the same iron bar to hit me. He aimed it at my head and I put up my hand in defence so he hit my arm. The second blow came straight to my head on the side of my right eye. He hit me with this iron bar and I fell down. In no minute, all these guys were on me- each one looking for the best place to hurt. I can't tell how many they were but they were quite a number.

They beat me, punched me, and kicked me with their boots. No part of my body was spared. They hit my eyes, mouth and nose. They hit my elbows and my knees. Those guys are heartless!
As they dragged me out of the room, they continued to hit me from all sides. After some time, I could almost no longer feel the pain. I could only hear what they were doing from a far. My cries and pleas went unheeded. The things they were speaking to me all this while, I cannot reproduce here. Up to now, I cannot understand how these soldiers who I probably had never met before in person could hate me so much.

They wrapped me in a thick piece of cloth and bundled me into a vehicle. Those guys did to me unspeakable things in that vehicle! They pulled my manhood and squeezed my testicles while punching me with objects I didn’t see. They pulled off my shoes and took my wallet, phone and the money I had. As soon as the shoes were off, they started hitting my ankles with pistol butts. I groaned in pain and they ordered me to stop making noise for them. They used something like pliers to pull my ears. Some guy unwrapped me and instead tied the thick cloth around my head. They forced my head below the car seat so as to stop me from shouting. Then they hit my back and continued to hit my genitals with objects. The marks on my back, ankles, elbows, legs and head are still visible. I continued to groan in pain and the last I heard was someone hit me at the back of the head with an object - I think a gun butt or something. That was the last time I knew what was going on.

By the time I became conscious again, I was somewhere in a small room with a small window. My legs were tied together with my hands with very tight cuffs. I was bleeding from the nose and ears. I was in great pain. My whole body was swollen. I was shaking uncontrollably.
Two soldiers came in. I can now recall that they were visibly pleased to see that I was still alive. They came close to me. One of them apologized in tears about what had happened. "Bobi, I am sorry but not all of us are like that. Some of us actually like you," he said. He said that doctors were on their way to treat me. I stayed in the same position and after a few hours, about four soldiers came in and lifted me on a piece of cloth. One of them took a picture of me, (I hope to see that picture some day in my life). As we went out, I read “Arua airfield’ somewhere. I was taken into a waiting military helicopter and taken to a place which I later found out was Gulu 4th Division military barracks. It was at that facility that some military doctors came in and started giving me injections.

At that point I could not even complain as I was not yet fully alert. I was very dizzy and had not eaten or drank anything for many hours. My sight was very weak as well. I spent the night there. Late in the night, I was picked again from this detention facility. With my head covered with a dark cloth that felt like a t-shirt, I was taken to Gulu Police Station where I was forced to sign a written statement by an officer called Francis Olugo in the presence of some other officer who I later learnt is the CID head of Gulu. I can hardly recall what was contained in that statement! I was then returned to Gulu military barracks, put on a metallic bed and handcuffed on it. Very early morning, I was picked from this room and taken to another very secluded and dirty room where I was put on another bed, hand-cuffed again and injected with a drug that immediately sent me into a deep sleep.

The following day I can recall that at some point, Hon. Medard Ssegona and Hon. Asuman Basalirwa came to me. My efforts to rise and speak to them didn’t yield much. The moment they saw me, they could hardly hold tears. I have a faint recollection of what they told me, but their visit was very short.

I was later carried into a hall where I saw soldiers dressed smartly. I would lie if I said I fully appreciated what was going on at that point. I was later told that I was appearing before the General Court Martial!!!
After a short while, I was again carried into a military helicopter.
When it landed, I was put into a vehicle and driven to another place which I later found out was Makindye military barracks.

At Makindye, I was now fully alert and had a drink for the first time after two or three days. I saw doctors come in several times and they gave me all kinds of injections. At some point, I tried to object and these guys would hold my arms from behind and inject me anywhere. If I asked what drug it was, the guy would say something like, “This is diclofenac, can’t you see?” At some point, some guy came in and wanted to stitch my ear which had an open wound. I pleaded with him not to, and he relented. All the while I was spending the day and night with my hands and legs cuffed until a few days later. Thankfully although the scars are still visible, the wound on my ear healed.

It was after some time at Makindye that I was able to see my wife and my brother Eddy Yawe, who came in with some lawyers, some friends and dignitaries from the Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC). I will never forget the atmosphere in that room- people started crying upon setting eyes on me. At that point, I could not sit, walk or even stand by myself. I was still swollen and spoke with great difficulty due to chest pains. My teeth were shaking and the headache was unbearable. I am thankful that the UHRC made a report which I later read. At least it captured in part, the state in which they found me. As the government agency mandated to fight human rights violations, I am eagerly waiting to see what actions they will take to ensure that no Ugandan is taken through this ever again. Not even President Museveni. I cannot wish what happened to me upon anyone. Not even those soldiers who violated me as if they were beasts. I remember two other things about that visit. Despite the pain I had that day, I remember forcing a smile when they told me that I had been charged with unlawful possession of firearms.

I was told that three guns had been assembled and said to have been found in my room! I could not believe that the state would torture a Ugandan so bad and then frame him with possession of guns! I did not stop thinking about that for all the days I spent at Makindye. How ruthless, how callous, how inhumane could these guys be? It was also on that day that I was told about the alleged stoning of the President’s vehicle.



The other thing I remember is this- I asked my visitors if we had won the Arua election. They told me we had won with a big margin and I thanked God. That strengthened my spirit because I knew that the people were with us, even in the kind of sufferings and indignities we were being subjected to.

I was very sad as I am today, that they murdered my brother Yasin in cold blood and did not allow me to bury him. They told me about my other comrades who were also incarcerated and I kept praying for them. (Of course every visitor had to speak to me in the presence of military personnel.) Although I was very pleased to see all visitors, when I was released, I read the comments which some of the visitors made to the press (particularly government officials). I felt sad that we have a lot of dishonest, cold people who don’t care riding on someone’s tragedy for political capital. I want to believe that we are better than that, dear Ugandans.

Anyway, while at Makindye I was briefed that I was expected in court on 23rd August, about nine days after I was taken there. Some military doctors continued to come in to inject me, wash my wounds and give me pain killers. At night on two occasions, I was put into military vehicles and driven to Kampala Imaging Centre for scans. I could not object or even ask questions. I am worried because one of the machines seemed very dangerous. As soon as I was placed into it and it was switched on, the doctors ran to a safe distance and started seeing me from a small window. It was there that the radiologist told me how one of my kidneys and back had been damaged during the assault. I was however not given any written medical report by the military.

It was clear they wanted me to appear in better shape at the next time of my court appearance and they did everything possible to achieve that. A day or two at Makindye, this guy was candid. He told me it was in my interest to eat well, take in all the medicine and look better by 23rd or else they would not allow the press to see me and I would be remanded again until I was presentable enough! They even forcefully shaved my hair and beards. When I hesitated, this soldier told me, ‘gwe osaaga’ (You are kidding). Two of them held my hands from behind and shaved me by force.

At some point, they insisted I must wear a suit for my next appearance before the court martial and asked me to tell my wife to bring me one. I also insisted that I did not have it. At another point I hesitated to allow some eye drops for my right eye which was very red and swollen. I always wanted to know what drugs I was being given. These guys held my arms from behind and one of them literally poured the entire bottle into my eye! Later, the military doctor also provided me with a crutch to aid me in walking. At that point, I was able to stand up, although with difficulty. When you hear all this you may think that all our soldiers are brutal. Far from that, most of them are wonderful people. There are many I interacted with during this ordeal who were extremely professional and sympathetic. It was hard to comprehend how people serving the same force, putting on the same uniform could be very different in appreciation and approach to a citizen of Uganda.

When I was taken back to Gulu on 23rd, I was very happy to see the people who came to court including family members, comrades in the struggle and lawyers. I cannot explain how I felt when the lawyer for the army said that charges of unlawful possession of firearms had been dropped. I did not feel vindicated. I was not excited. I was not moved. I just cannot explain how I felt. I just remembered what these people had done to me and tears came to my eyes. Shortly after, I was rearrested right in front of the courtroom and taken to Gulu prison. At the military prison, I was wearing a red uniform - this time, I was given a yellow one.


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Friends, you cannot believe that you can be happy to be in prison but that day I was. I was very happy to leave solitary military confinement and meet up with colleagues who were being held at the Gulu prison. That night I was taken to Lachor hospital in Gulu- other tests and scans were conducted. At that point I was feeling better, especially psychologically since I had reunited with my comrades in the struggle.

Later that night the prison authorities decided to take me into the sickbay as opposed to staying with the other comrades. The other comrades led by Hon. Wadri protested. I could hear them bang the doors of their cell. The following day I was allowed to stay with them. The following day I was allowed to stay with them. This is when I interacted with the other 32 colleagues who had been arrested in the Arua fracas. Being in the same prison ward with Hon. Gerald Karuhanga, Hon. Paul Mwiru, Hon. Kassiano Wadri, Hon. Mike Mabike, John Mary Sebuufu and many other comrades made it feel like a boarding school. It was not a very happy reunion though. Because of the torture some of our comrades had been permanently injured. I cannot forget the pain which Shaban Atiku was going through. He spent every day and night groaning. The doctors had told him he would never walk again because his back had been permanently broken. Sadly, the world may never know him, but he will never go out of my mind. He would later collapse during a court session at Gulu. When I later met the women who were brutalised, it was very painful to see them and listen to their stories.

Many times we joked about the possibility of being hanged if the regime decided to give us the maximum penalty of the offence we had been charged with! This got many of our comrades silent.
Away from these sad moments, the overall prison leader had a box guitar in the ward and together we sang songs of freedom all night. This was the routine every night until we appeared before the Gulu High Court a few days later, for our bail hearing.

My next communication will be a vote of thanks to the world for the overwhelming support and comradeship. I will also talk about what I think we must do together to continue this struggle for liberty and freedom.
I am glad that authorities finally have bowed to your pressure and #HonZaake has been given bond to travel for urgent specialised treatment and I join the world to demand authorities to #FreeEddyMutwe and other political prisoners. WE SHALL OVERCOME.

1. Please ignore calls from my phone number (0752013306). It was taken from me by soldiers and am told they're using it to call my friends pretending it is me.
2. Please ignore any communication from other social media accounts and pages under my name apart from this one (with a blue tick) and my verified twitter account (also with a blue tick).

Hon. Kyagulanyi Ssentamu aka Bobi Wine







Media rights body in Uganda has demanded the government of Uganda to drop the charges against NTV journalists:

August 18, 2018

Written by The Observer, Uganda

An independent global media rights body, Committee to Protect Journalist (CPJ) has asked the Ugandan government to immediately drop charges of incitement and malicious damage to property against two NTV journalists.

Herbert Zziwa and Ronald Muwanga were arrested and assaulted by security personnel believed to be presidential guards, Special Forces Command (SFC) on August 13 while covering violent clashes in Arua ahead of the parliamentary seat by-election.  

Zziwa and Muwanga were detained overnight and charged on August 14 with incitement to violence and malicious damage to property before they were released on police bond.

Herbert Zziwa (R) and Ronald Muwanga at Gulu police station shortly after being released

Also that same night, security personnel assaulted and harassed Julius Bakabaage, John Kibalizi, and Benson Ongom, journalists of NBS TV who were also reporting live the shooting of Kyadondo East legislator Robert Kyagulanyi's driver, Yasin Kawuma.

"Journalists reporting in crisis zones should do so without fear that the security personnel that are supposed to look out for their safety will turn on them and assault them. The charges brought against Herbert Zziwa and Ronald Muwanga are also groundless, suggesting that authorities are trying to legitimize the arrest and assault of these journalists," said CPJ's sub-Saharan African representative, Muthoki Mumo.

"Ugandan authorities should immediately drop the charges and ensure those responsible for violence against journalists are held accountable."

On Monday, August 13 chaos and violence erupted in Arua at the conclusion of campaigns for the Arua municipality by-election when President Yoweri Museveni's convoy was allegedly stoned by opposition supporters.

After safely seeing off the president who boarded a chopper back to Kampala, SFC soldiers stormed Hotel Pacific to arrest opposition MPs and supporters who they believed were responsible for the attack on the president's motorcade. It was during the scuffle that Kawuma was shot dead while inside Kyagulanyi's car. 

Zziwa told CPJ that he, Muwanga, and cameraman Jeff Tumwesigye were reporting live from the Pacific Hotel, where the driver had been shot, when security personnel confronted them.

The security officers, whom Zziwa could not identify as belonging to any specific security agency, went after Muwanga, who was holding a camera light, and started beating him with sticks and their fists, Zziwa and Ongom, who also witnessed the incident, told CPJ.

Tumwesigye, the cameraman, ran to safety. Zziwa, who had initially tried to help Muwanga, also decided to flee to safety but ran into another group of about five security officers who beat him with sticks, slapped him, and kicked him.

He told CPJ that he escaped them, running towards a nearby security van with intention of surrendering himself for arrest to avoid further assault. Zziwa said that he found his colleague, Muwanga, already detained in the vehicle.

Zziwa told CPJ that military personnel operating the security van used a rope to tie him together with Muwanga and two other individuals. These soldiers confiscated their phones before driving them to two unknown locations, according to Zziwa and a statement from NTV Uganda.

At around 1:00am on August 14, they were taken to Arua central police station where they were handcuffed, and then they were driven around 250 kilometers to Gulu central police station, where they spent the night and were charged in the morning.

Zziwa told CPJ that he and Muwanga suffered minor injuries to their backs and heads. As conditioned by their bond, yesterday, the duo appeared at Gulu police station, where police extended their bond to August 27 when they are expected to report again. Zziwa told CPJ they were directed to pick up their phones at Arua police station.

Similarly, the NBS TV crew that was reporting live from Hotel Pacific was also assaulted including their cameraman Julius Bakabaage who was beaten on his back and head with the butts of guns. Ongom and the third member of the NBS crew, reporter Kibalizi, escaped by running away from the officers, they recounted.

Ongom told CPJ that later that night, between 8:45pm and 9:00pm, he and Kibalizi received phone calls from someone claiming to be Zziwa, the arrested NTV Uganda journalist. The caller was using Zziwa's phone number and asked the journalists to bring their equipment and footage to a room at the Blue Dove Hotel in Arua.

However, Ongom told CPJ that they were suspicious, since they had witnessed Zziwa's arrest earlier in the evening, and did not go to the hotel room. Daily Monitor, a publication that shares a parent company with NTV, reported that Zziwa's colleagues had that night received calls made from his phone by "unknown people." Zziwa told CPJ he did not know about these calls.

The NBS crew went back to report from Hotel Pacific on the morning of August 14 but a group of presidential guards were blocking the road, according to Ongom and Bakabaage.

Unable to access the hotel, they started setting up their equipment at a distance from the soldiers, with the intention of reporting live. However, three of the soldiers ran towards them, threatening them with guns and telling them to stop filming, they told CPJ.

Although the three journalists managed to get away from the soldiers, their equipment, including a camera and a tripod, was confiscated. They recovered the equipment from Arua central police station that evening, according to Bakabaage and Ongom.

Military spokesperson Richard Karemire said it was "regrettable" that the journalists had been "caught up in this fracas." He declined to discuss specific allegations of assault but said that the military would investigate any formal complaints filed with them.

Police spokesperson Emilian Kayima told CPJ that journalists were not specifically targeted in Arua.

He said that "all issues would be looked at and sorted" though he said he could not commit on whether the case against the two NTV Uganda journalists would be dropped. He did not respond to CPJ's question about whether police had used Zziwa's confiscated phone to call other journalists.






The Sacked leader of the opposition of the political party of the Forum for Democratic Change M/s Kiiza feels that there is no political democracy in her party leadership:

7 August, 2018

Written by URN

The country's largest opposition party, Forum for Democratic Change has been thrown into further turmoil as Winnie Kiiza, who was last week dropped as leader of opposition by party president Patrick Oboi Amuriat has refused to vacate office. 
Kiiza who has just returned from a trip in the USA told journalists at a press conference that she has not yet received official communication from the party and is only relying on media reports.
Besides, she said, Amuriat's reshuffle appears irregular as her replacement Betty Aol Ochan was appointed as the minority leader and not the leader of opposition in parliament.
The Besigye-Amuriat FDC wing still insists to date that it won the 2016 presidential elections, and as thus doesn't consider itself as opposition in parliament. However Kiiza said the same mistake was made earlier and has asked parliament to rectify it. 
M/s Winnie Kiiza of the Uganda Forum for Democratic Change aspirations
Kiiza also says the reshuffles come at a time when the term of the current leaders has not ended. She advised that the party president Amuriat should put his house in order and not be seen to be failing to control it. 
According to Kiiza, standing committee chairpersons are supposed to serve for two and a half years, ending in December this year, but the reshuffle was announced prematurely.
"It would look foolish of us to do the same mistake twice - we did it at the beginning and they said; you know, follow the Constitution. I am one of those who have vowed to protect and defend the Constitution of Uganda. I wouldn’t want to see my own party violating the provisions of the same Constitution….When we begin breaking the rules of the game, begin violating the Constitution before we get into leadership, we may not be any different from the regime in power that we want to chase." she said. 
Kiiza has threatened to exploit any legal loopholes in Amuriat's appointments to keep her seat as leader of opposition. 
"If there is an avenue that I can exploit to achieve what I want to achieve legally, I will do it. If there is a way am seeing that now it's beyond bearing, I can no longer achieve this legally, then I will also systematically follow the procedures that I think can lead me to breaking the law legally," she said. 

Last week Amuriat accused Kiiza of being unreachable and unapproachable. Kiiza belongs to the Gen Mugisha Muntu camp that lost the party presidency to Amuriat in the last FDC elections. But Kiiza said she has been obedient and is in good books with the party, engaging actively in campaign with top party leaders and hosting top party leaders in her office.
According to Kiiza, she has been meeting FDC leaders, wondering however why she has been accused of not working with the party. According to Kiiza, the achievements of the party is due to teamwork.
"No way, it doesn’t work, me, I have been in good books with my party, I have worked out with my party [and] we have achieved a lot together during my term as leader of opposition and actually during the term of the current leader," she said. 

"He [Amuriat] was enumerating his achievements and talking about the accomplishments that we have achieved together if by-elections. We were doing it as a team. He was actually hosted in this office, Dr Besigye was hosted in this office, so how else did they want to reach out to me?"

Kiiza, in counter accusations, accused her party president of holding unto elections grudges and going after party members that did not support him. The Muntu camp believes in building party structures while the Besigye-Amuriat camp believes in activism to force the current regime into concessions or out of power, insisting that the current political volatile environment doesn't allow for growth of opposition parties. 
"The fightings that have been in FDC are; I think positive in a way. But in some way, there is a way we take them to excesses. They are as a result of the various elections that we have been holding at the party headquarters. The disagreements at the party headquarters after elections some people have wanted to carry them along with them. They don’t want to come to peace to themselves and coming to peace with the reality," she said. 

Meanwhile, Elijah Okupa, the Kasilo County MP says due to the 'unfairness' that Amuriat is exhibiting with the reshuffles, MPs who do not support his leadership can easily breakaway and make FDC become a minority party in parliament. 
"You know we [MPs] did amend the Constitution that in the last one year people can cross to other parties without losing the seat…Those who think that those who did not support Amuriat should be thrown out, do they know that FDC risks being a minority party in parliament because out of the 37 members of parliament there were 8 who supported Amuriat. Assuming the 30 decided that remaining one year to leave FDC," Okupa warned. 

The leader of opposition is supposed to serve for two years. Kiiza was appointed in May 2016. Kiiza promised to address the press when she gets an official communication.

There has been media reports attributing the reshuffle to the bad blood in the party, with some saying pro-Muntu MPs were sacked, while those in support of Besigye-Amuriat wing have been rewarded. 


Indeed this is the life style of NRM political parties that continuously hide in all sorts of names to uphold dodgy but legalized NRM National Democracy. If FDC means Forum for Democratic Change then what sort of change is this second majority party bringing to the long suffering people of Uganda? What are the changes of democracy that this party is trying to bring that is far different from the democracy of NRM?






We of the Uganda national  political party of the FDC can celebrate Basalirwa victory at Bugiri, Busoga without insulting our dear party:

The tribulations in pictures of this Uganda political party since 16 December 2004 when it was formed to capture power democratically from the military dictatorship of NRM that is lead by President Yoweri Museveni for 32 years:

The FDC flag

August 1, 2018

Written by Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda of The Forum for Democratic Change in Uganda:

Mr Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda


Asuman Basalirwa’s victory in Bugiri municipality and the judgment on the removal of the presidential age limit from the constitution have dominated debate in the country over the last couple of days.

Elections for mayors and MPs took place in seven municipalities but Bugiri assumed greater importance because of the opposition’s failure to agree on a single candidate.

Kyadondo East MP Robert Kyagulanyi led Asuman Basalirwa’s campaign while Dr Kizza Besigye obviously led the FDC one. In the end, people who have worked together for a common purpose traded insults, further spicing up the Bugiri elections.

Thankfully Asuman Basalirwa, the president of JEEMA, emerged winner, defeating both the NRM and FDC candidates. It would have been a disaster on our part, if our failure to rally behind a single candidate, gifted the NRM victory.

Before I forget, let me congratulate Basalirwa on this deserved victory. I think I first interacted with Basalirwa when he was Makerere University guild president around 2001/2. He later shared a hostel with my young brother Isa Kavuma when they joined Law Development Centre (LDC). I regularly visited them.

We were to work together in the Inter-Party Coalition for Change (IPC) in 2010/11 which I spoke for and was my first major political assignment. We struggled together during the walk-to-work peaceful protests in which he had an additional role of representing us in court each time we were arrested, if he was not on the charge sheet himself.

He represented my Kasokoso constituents when they were charged with attempting to kill former Kira mayor Mamerito Mugerwa during the battles over land there.

Basalirwa has, therefore, been a key pillar in the struggle to free ourselves and he is certainly a valuable addition to the Ugandan parliament.

Busoga region, despite being one of the poorest in the country, has some of the most sycophantic MPs. Interestingly, now all the three opposition Busoga MPs are tested lawyers.

With a little bit of experience, I want to warn my colleagues in the opposition not to use the just-concluded Bugiri campaigns and elections to cement divisions within our ranks.

I know the politics of the next general elections have started in earnest. Colleagues with an axe to grind with Dr Besigye are slowly positioning Bob Wine as their presidential candidate. In him, they think they have found Besigye’s match.

These ones will use every opportunity to cause a clash between these two leaders. Bugiri provided such a good opportunity for them. These fellows will blame Besigye for what he has done and not done.

For example, even if Besigye wanted Eunice Namatende to stand down for Basalirwa, the final decision over such a wish would have to be taken by the FDC organs.

Finally on this matter, I think we must appreciate that while the desire to form a single opposition group is there, we are completely different outfits. We will sometimes agree and disagree. Let us prepare for both situations.

As for the judgement from the Constitutional court, I got the judgment I had expected. Let me say it for the record: the environment in the Constitutional court has drastically improved under Justice Owiny-Dollo.

It is a completely different court from the one Steven Kavuma presided over. Maybe that is what gave people the false confidence that it was possible for this court to throw out the Constitution Amendment Act 2017 previously known as the Magyezi Bill.

I, therefore, commend Dollo and his colleagues for working on the image of the court. Ruling against Museveni’s main interest (die in office) is the least thing I expected the court to do.

No wonder many lawyers think their conclusions except that of Justice Kenneth Kakuru fundamentally differ with their findings. These things happen in parliament almost every day – good debate followed by a bad decision.

And we have got to accept that we are in this situation for us to be able to fight against it. The threats to life against individual actors is so great that it will make people sacrifice the common good for individual survival.

That is what all the judges seemed to suggest; Barishaki and Dollo nearly shed tears for failing to protect the reinstatement of term limits. They rightly argued that it was unconstitutionally done and, therefore, struck it down.

These judges obviously don’t want a leader to become a permanent signature in State House. But I think the circumstances they have found themselves in don’t allow them to rule against Museveni. You all know how they came to be.

We will certainly appeal against their ruling. Keeping the debate on Museveni’s desire to die in office alive won’t be a mean achievement.



"I know the politics of the next general elections(2021) have started in earnest. Colleagues with an axe to grind with Dr Besigye are slowly positioning Bob Wine as their presidential candidate. In him, they think they have found Besigye’s match".
Bob Wine is islamic and a bit of a difficult taste in the mouth of many Uganda Catholics of the Namugongo Shrine. And because the Party of Democracy (DP) and The National Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) are just playing games with African people's great expectations and nothing else, M7 is determined to stay put in power for ever.






Multi-political party politics that CCEDU seems to have come with in the national LC1 elections has been stopped dead in its trucks:

9 July,  2018

Written by URN

The Electoral Commission has suspended the Citizens Coalition of Electoral Democracy in Uganda (CCEDU) from observing elections in the country. 

CCEDU describes itself as a coalition that brings together over 800 similar-thinking civil society organisations and over 8,000 individuals who advocate for electoral democracy in Uganda. 
In his letter to CCEDU, Electoral Commission (EC) chairperson, Justice Simon Byabakama Mugyenyi, says they have resolved to suspend CCEDU as partners in disseminating voter education messages and as an election observer for being partisan.
A CCEDU official observing Kyadondo East by-election in Wakiso last year
EC also accuses CCEDU of shunning the Women Council elections calling it a sham despite the big voter turn up. Byabakama accuses the CCEDU officials of going to the media and discrediting the ongoing electoral processes. 

"Many times CCEDU has acted outside the election observance guideline as set by the Electoral Commission, this undermines the objectivity and commitment in adhering to the laid down standards of engagement as far as election related activities are concerned," the July 4th letter reads.

EC says they need honest, credible and impartial partners, adding that their relations with CCEDU have been suspended until further notice. Byabakama says CCEDU will not observe current and any future elections. On its part CCEDU says it has been working to ensure free and fair elections.

Crispy Kaheru, the national coordinator CCEDU, says their differences with the Commission can be resolved through dialogue.  

"We are also aware of the suspension of accreditation of CCEDU by the EC not to observe these and future elections as well as to conduct voter education. We consider this to be a difference in work methods.  Whereas CCEDU believes in exposing good practices and shortcomings to ensure a free and fair election, the EC believes that CCEDU should merely document and share findings. This is a matter we strongly believe can be resolved through dialogue," Kaheru said.
Kaheru says they are opposed to voting by lining up, even as the country goes to the polls on Tuesday. He says they will voluntarily not observe this election.
"CCEDU subscribes to the internationally recognized standard of elections by secret ballot; and that is why members of the Coalition petitioned the Constitutional Court, for an appropriate interpretation of the law." Kaheru says. 
CCEDU has always operated with a very dynamic social media team that publishes on their various platforms, electoral processes and malpractices in most of the elections in the country. They have also been a source of information for various media houses incapacitated by inadequate staff during elections. 


One reckons the failure to put up these LC elections was the existance of the movement system of governance. Now that there is partisan politics or multi-party politics, to emphasise true democracy in this country, how come the EC in Uganda is not ready or does not want to know such a multi-party system of democratic governance right down to the village level?






Ofiisi za NRM e Luweero ziggaddwa lwa bbanja ate nga aba NRM babadde besunga okutegeka okulonda kwa LC:


ABAKOZI mu ofiisi ya NRM mu disitulikiti ya Luweero ababadde beegeyaamu ku by'okulonda kwa LC baakiguddeko nnanyini kizimbe mwe bakolera bw'abafulumizza wabweru entyagi n'azisibako kkufulu lwa bbanja eriweza 1,800,000/=.


Ekizimbeekyaggaddwaokuliofiisizanrmeluweero 703x422

Ekizimbe okuli ofiisi za NRM e Lwuweero ekyaggaddwa


21 June, 2018


Bya Samuel Kanyike         

Maneja wa kampuni ya Kasoma and sons mu Lumu Zone mu kibuga Luweero aba NRM kwe baapangisa ofiisi Mahad Semmambo ng'ali wamu ne ssentebe wa Lumu Zone Sakka Kisekka ku lw'okusatu baazinzeeko ofiisi ne balagira abakozi okuva muntebe zaabwe bafulume mu bwangu wabweru kye bakoze ekizimbe ne kissibwako kkufulu. 

Semmambo yagambye nti abanjizza ensimbi okuva ku kitebe kya NRM e Kyaddondo obwoya ne butuuka n'okumuggwa ku magulu nga tebamuwa nsonga ntuufu ebagaanyi okusasula ssonga naye alina ebizibu byalina okumala ebimutuuse mu bulago n'ekyasinze okumunyiiza kwe kujjako masimu gaabwe. 

Yagambye nti abakozi mu ofiisi ya NRM e Luweero bwabadde abajjukiza ebbanja bamuyombesa na kumujerega kwe kusalawo abafulumye aggalewo okutuusa lwe balimusasula. 

Wabula akulira okulonda kwa NRM mu disitulikiti ya Luweero David Kamugisha yagambye nti Semmambo babaddenga bamusasula mu budde nga n'ogusembyeyo baamusasudde  2,000,000/= za myezi 12 ze yali abanja. 

Yagambye ne zino bakamaabe babadde mutegeka ya kuzisasula nti kyokka yapapye n'afubutuka bufubutusi nga tabawadde na notisi n'amala gaggala ofiisi yaabwe erimu ebiwandiiko ebikulu naddala bye bagenda okukozesa nga beetegekera okulonda kwa LC okubindabinda ebiyinza okubula. 






In Uganda, the Age limit petition at Mbale is on going. The Judges have accuse the Attorney General of the NRM government, Mr Rukutana of shifting goal posts:

April 12, 2018

Written by Observer Media Ltd

The deputy attorney general Mwesigwa Rukutana and the solicitor general Francis Atoke, faced tough times and tough questions from the five judges of the Constitutional court as they began their submissions during the age limit petition hearing in Mbale today. 

The election petition hearing commenced this week on Monday at the Mbale High court with seven different parties challenging the legality of constitutional amendments passed by parliament on December 20, 2017. Among the amendments, parliament lifted presidential age limits and also extended the term of parliament by two more years. 

Deputy attorney general Mwesigwa Rukutana (R) and solicitor general Francis Atoke

In the last three days, the petitioners led by Kampala mayor Erias Lukwago made their submissions before justices Alfonse Owiny-Dollo, Remmy Kasule, Elizabeth Musoke, Cheborion Barishaki and Kenneth Kakuru in an attempt to convince court to declare the amendments null and void. The petitioners claim several rules and procedures were flouted during the debate and amendment processes last year.

Today, Thursday, the respondents led by the attorney general started their submissions, defending the amendments. Rukutana asked court to dismiss the petition with costs but midway through his submissions, Justice Kakuru accused him of shifting goals posts when he said general principles of law don’t apply when amending the Constitution. Rukutana was quoting principles of how the Tanzanian Constitution can be amended. 

In fact, Justice Owiny-Dollo figuratively said Rukutana had not only changed goal posts, he had in fact shifted the entire football field.

Justice Kakuru reminded him that the Supreme court has ruled before that, irregularly amending the Constitution can amount to a coup. Rukutana said that was the opinion of the judges but Justice Owiny-Dollo reminded him that Supreme court rulings are binding and set precedence for future cases even when he [Rukutana] doesn’t agree with them.


Rukutana said parliament, after consultations, and in its wisdom, decided to extent its term of office by another two years. He said the Constitution grants parliament powers to enact laws for peace and good governance of the country.

Rukutana was reminded by the judges that a lot of background effort was done by the Constitutional Review Commission to arrive at the five year term for members of parliament. He was also reminded that the only time given to parliament to extend its mandate beyond five years is under Article 77 (4) and is for not more than six months.

And this is provided for under special circumstances during the state of war or state of emergency that would prevent a normal general election from being held.

“Parliament was elected for five years by the people, how can MPs elect themselves for another two years?” asked Justice Kakuru.

“It now comes down to whether [MPs] was wise to elect themselves”, said Justice Owiny-Dollo.

Justice Kakuru said amending the Constitution is not a casual process that should be done as and when one wishes, otherwise there would not have been creation of the 1996 Constitution because there was already an existing one. All that would have been done would have been to amend the various clauses.

Rukutana was also asked by Justice Owiny-Dollo why government shied away from bill and let a private member present the bill yet the law had financial implications for the state in terms of facilitating the MPs with Shs 29 million each and in terms of salaries for the extended term.

Rukutana said cabinet was not shy at all and did not see the necessity of taking on the bill and that facilitation money was already charged on the constitutional fund.



Justice Owiny-Dollo reminded the NRM attorney that Supreme court rulings are binding and set precedence for future cases even when he [Rukutana] doesn’t agree with them.
That is indeed what guerilla leader M7 overlooked or disagreed with during 1980 and went in the bush so that many lives of Ugandan citizens and their property were lost.






Ugandans should refuse to repay the huge debts their African government is borrowing:

February 28, 2018

Written by Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda

Two important topics have been framed for debate in the country: public debt and management of land. Ideally, the two are not new but are being debated in a new context.

For example, a lot of borrowing to finance infrastructural projects such as power dams and roads has happened in the last few years in anticipation of an oil boom.

The oil boom hasn’t happened yet, but the country is required to begin and continue repaying the debts and the interest accumulated. The country’s financial situation is being made worse by the need for our revolutionary leader to finance his lifestyle and rent support.


That is the context under which you must understand the recent request to borrow Shs 736 billion by the usually-casual Finance minister Matia Kasaija.

For example, before driving to Kiboga to celebrate the removal of presidential age limits from our constitution, each of the 317 NRM MPs was given Shs 60 million. This comes to Shs 19 billion.

In the same week, the revolutionary gave the NRM secretariat Shs 20 billion to meet salaries of party workers who had not been paid for the last nine months.

NRM secretary general Kasule Lumumba says the money given to them was only enough for salaries of seven months. In simple terms, the revolutionary is required to pay Shs 2.8 billion every month to NRM employees, if you divide Shs 20 billion by seven months. That is why many have been laid off.

Most of the individuals that starved themselves almost to death during the five-year Luweero guerilla war because of a common ideological belief have been purged or left the ‘bus’ by themselves. You now have a new breed threaded together by money and the revolutionary knows it.

To meet the financial needs of these new breed of NRM supporters and leaders, the revolutionary has increased the allocations to departments that he singlehandedly controls.

For example, his residence’s (State House) budget has grown from less than Shs 100 billion five years ago to nearly Shs 250 billion.

This financial year 2017/18, State House was allocated (actually it allocated itself) Shs 230 billion but it has returned to parliament to solicit permission to spend more! To be specific, State House wants Shs 16 billion more.

Out of this Shs 16 billion, classified expenditure accounts for Shs 13 billion and the rest will be used to finance valuation of land in Amuru district and development of an anti-tick vaccine. Yes, State House develops vaccines!

These are the sort of things for which Finance minister Kasaija wants permission from parliament to borrow from commercial banks. You certainly know how expensive borrowing from commercial banks is.

So far, government has borrowed Shs 12 trillion from commercial banks and pension funds. That is why next year’s budget is more about paying debts.

The government has presented a budget of Shs 29.2 trillion for processing in parliament. The bigger part of this budget (Shs 15 trillion) will be financed by local revenue through URA. The rest of the money will be borrowed.

What the country should know is that next year we will spend Shs 3.4 trillion on debt repayment. Interest alone, which we will still repay next year, is Shs 2.7 trillion.

By December 2015, the country’s external debt stood at $9.66 billion (Shs 35 trillion) while domestic debt (money borrowed from commercial banks and pension funds) stood at Shs 9.8 trillion.

Today, domestic debt is at Shs 12 trillion, domestic arrears (money owed to suppliers) is at Shs 2.7 trillion and I think external debt is about $12 billion (Shs 43 trillion).

This is what should worry every citizen, especially leaders. But instead of organizing a retreat to discuss a national crisis, NRM MPs descended on Kiboga to roast goats, dance and plan for a referendum to increase the tenure of their master from five to seven years. The economy has slowed down and we are in for hard times.

Finally on land, I want to applaud Justice Catherine Bamugemereire’s probe committee. It has exposed a racket of well-connected people who are stealing public and private land.

My only worry is that some of its recommendations are rolling back all its achievements. I don’t know why the commission thinks Mailo land tenure and district land boards should be abolished.

There are areas in Uganda especially in the north where land is owned by clans. In Buganda, the equivalent of communal (clan) land, the 9,000 square miles, is what is now in the control of district land boards and has unfairly been converted into freehold. That is why for us in Buganda, we are still demanding for the 9,000 square miles.

By its recommendation, the probe committee wants management of this land vested in the Museveni government. This is absurd because land managed by Museveni has been parceled and donated to his cronies under the guise of investment.

I fear the Bamugemereire commission might be helping Museveni achieve what he has all along failed through legislation. Of course such recommendations would require constitutional changes.



But one wants to remember the year the IMF, World Bank and several other donor countries forgave the debts of Uganda because it was too poor to be able to repay its debts(HIPC)! After wards the people of Uganda went on the path of democracy and continued to elect this present government and its leadership.






In a democracy of Uganda, the Electoral Commission is complaining that by- elections are costing the poor country a fortune:


Chairman Electoral commission Justice Simon

Chairman Electoral commission Justice Simon Byabakama at Bushenyi district council hall on December 13. PHOTO BY FELIX AINEBYOONA 

By Zadock Amanyisa & Felix Ainebyoona


BUSHENYI: The Electoral Commission chairperson, Justice Simon Byabakama has said by-elections are costing Uganda a lot of money arguing that the commission has found it hard conducting the elections time after time which lead to wastage of resources in terms of time and money.

Justice Byabakama urged Ugandans especially contestants to desist from making mistakes that call for by-elections.
He was addressing the electoral stakeholders in the Igara East by-election at the Bushenyi District council hall on Wednesday evening.

“Avoid mistakes that may bring a by-election. It is costly. As Ugandans, we owe it to ourselves to clean up our politics. This repeat poll is as a result of voter bribery. You don’t have to go to school to calculate the loss,” he said.

According to him, the commission has spent about Shs390 million on repeating the exercise in Igara East.

“This is costly to the electoral body and the contestants yet the money would have been used for development,” he added.
He asked police to arrest anyone seen distributing money to the voters before and during the polling exercise.

However, the Bushenyi District Chairperson, Mr Jafari Basajjabalaba accused the electoral commission of incompetence saying it is because of the electoral body’s laxity that election petitions have increased.

“Even you, electoral commission, you commit electoral offenses like interchanging of results because you don’t have adequate time to transmit results from the declaration forms to the tally sheets and falsification of results at the tally center. You also need to save us because in any election petition, you are second respondents,” said Mr Basajjabalaba.

The EC chairperson in response apologized for the incompetency saying they (EC) are aware of the weaknesses and are conducting a clean-up exercise to get rid of future mistakes.


There is no free lunch in this world.





Museveni awagidde Parliament ya Uganda, okuggya ekkomo ku myaka gya Pulezidenti mu Ssemateeka:

By Musasi wa Bukedde


Added 7th December 2017


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Pulezidenti Museveni eyava e Rwanda nga muto nakulira wano mu Buganda ne Ankole.


PULEZIDENTI Museveni awagidde eky’okuggya ekkomo ku myaka gy’omukulembeze w’eggwanga n’ategeeza nti Bannayuganda balina okulekerwa eddembe beesalirewo ku muntu asaanidde okubakulembera.

Museveni eyasisinkanye ababaka abatuula ku kakiiko k’eby’amateeka ku Lwokubiri e Ntebe, yategeezezza nti okuteeka ekkomo ku kifo ky’obukulembeze kyonna, kiba kimenya ennyingo esooka eya ssemateeka wa 1995 awa abantu obuyinza.

Olw’okuba Bannayuganda be bakuuma Ssemateeka w’eggwanga, balina okulekebwa obuyinza ku ngeri n’omuntu asaanidde okubakulembera nga balonda buli luvannyuma lw’ekiseera ekigere. Museveni yagambye nti talaba buzibu lwaki bagaana omuntu okwesimbawo olw’emyaka, kyokka nga bamukkiriza okwetaba mu kulonda.

Ababaka baabadde bagenze kufuna birowoozo bya Pulezidenti ku ky’okukyusa Ssemateeka w’eggwanga naddala ennyingo ya 102 (b) eruubirira okuggya ekkomo ku myaka gya Pulezidenti.

Ekiteeso kino ekiri mu Palamenti kyaleetebwa Raphael Magyezi, omubaka wa Igara West. Jacob Oboth Oboth (West Budama South), ssentebe w’akakiiko eyakulembedde ababaka ba Palamenti yategeezezza nti kino baakikoze kuba baabadde beetaaga ebirowoozo bya Pulezidenti ng’eyavuganyaako ku ntebe y’omukulembeze era omukulembeze w’ekibiina.

Yagambye nti Pulezidenti ye muntu gwe baasembyeyo okusisinkana nga bakuhhaanya ebirowoozo ku nnongoosereza ez’okussa mu Ssemateeka w’eggwanga. Akakiiko kati kagenda kwemalirira ku kya kuwandiika lipooti eyawamu egenda okwanjulwa mu Palamenti. Ababaka baabuuzizza Pulezidenti ku nsonga ez’enjawulo n’abategeeza nti amawanga mangi agaakula nga Amerika, Russia, Israel, China okutuuka we gali gaakulemberwa abafuzi abaali bakuze mu myaka nga balina n’obumanyirivu.

Yawadde eky’okulabirako kya Churchhill owa Bungereza eyakulembera okutuusa ku myaka 81 ne Beji Caidi Essebsi owa Tunusia eyagikulembera ku myaka 91. Bwe yabuuziddwa oba Gavumenti erina enteekateeka y’okussaawo akakiiko akakuh− haanya ebirowoozo by’abantu ku nnongoosereza zonna awamu, yagambye nti yalagira minisita w’ensonga za Ssemateeka okukikolako.

Yagambye nti Gavumenti yasalawo okuwagira ebbago lya Magyezi kuba baakizuula ng’obudde obwali buweereddwa kkooti okukola ennongoosereza bwali buweddeyo. Museveni yasabye abantu obutatabiikiriza buweereza ku bukulembeze n’agamba nti emirimu gy’abantu abamu ng’abalamuzi gyetaaga obukugu obwenjawulo ate Obwapulezidenti bwanjawulo.

Ku ffujjo eryayolesebwa ababaka b’oludda oluvuganya bwe baalwanira mu Palamenti yagambye nti kiva ku kuba nga tebaalina birowoozo bizimba bye basobola kugamba bantu. Yawakanyizza n’abantu abalina endowooza nti okwesimbawo ng’ali mu buyinza kirina engeri gye kimuyambako n’ategeeza nti si kituufu. Yayogedde ku bantu abalowooza nti wandibadde bazzaawo ekkomo ku bisanja n’agamba nti mu kiseera kino si y’ensonga enkulu ey’okukolako.

Pulezidenti yalaze nti talina buzibu ku kya kwongeza kisanja kya buweereza okuva ku myaka etaano okutuuka ku musanvu. Yagambye nti abakulembeze mu Afrika baba n’ebintu bingi eby’okukolako n’ategeeza nti takirabamu mutawaana.

Ku kigambibwa nti ennongoosereza zireeteddwa kuyamba ye ng’omuntu yakisambazze n’ategeeza nti n’abantu abatannaweza myaka 75 bagenda kuweebwa omukisa okwesimbawo. Ababaka baasuubizza Pulezidenti nga bwe bajja okuteeka ebirowoozo bye mu lipooti gye bagenda okuwandiika.


Kakati ekyakulwanya abantu nebafa ogobe ba President banno mubuyinza kyali kiki nga oyagala okufuga mubuvubuka ate ne mu bukadde bwo?





The Uganda Peoples Congress hardliners in this political party, have insisted on taking the bribe money concerning the amendment of the Presidential age limit:

By the New Vision, Uganda


Added 27th October 2017 


Lango Members of Parliament opposed to the removal of the presidential age limit from the constitution said they have no problem getting the money.


Of course the Lango UPC political hardliners from day one have always been using bribe money to run the affairs of the State of Uganda.



In Uganda, the Democratic Political Party youth have faulted opposition leaders, for returning the cash-bribe given to them to accept a Second Amendment on the Constitution of Uganda:

By Vision Reporter


Added 26th October 2017 


"I call upon the opposition Members of Parliament that have not yet returned the money not to emulate the MPs..."


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The nine Members of Parliament who have rejected money given to them to accept to amend for a second time the constitution of Uganda. 

The opposition Uganda Young Democrats has castigated their leaders in parliament for returning to the parliament commission the sh29m for consultations.

Yesterday a section of opposition legislators returned the funds meant to facilitate consultations on the lifting of the presidential age limit alleging that it is a bribe to weaken their position to oppose the amendment.

But the secretary general, Charles Wasswa said the opposition could have used the money to strengthen the anti-age lifting campaigns instead of ‘doing showbiz’ in front of cameras.

"I call upon the opposition Members of Parliament that have not yet returned the money not to emulate the MPs. Your people have more problems, you could help some of them using that cash," Wasswa said.

MPs who have so far returned the cash include: Ibrahim Ssemujju, Muwanga Kivumbi, William Nzoghu, Angelina Osege, Robinah Ssentongo, Ana Adeke, Betty Aol and Moses Kasibante.


Of course the DP under Ssemwogerere got the money when the UPC under Obote 2 stole their national election win 1980. The Democratic Political Party cannot give up that greed of owning all the shining gold in the world.



The Vice President of Uganda, Mr Ssekandi has spoken "Hot Air"again in the African regional peace and security conference in the former French colony of the Congo: 

By Vision Reporter


Added 20th October 2017



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The AU conference that continuously fails to secure peace and security on the African continent.

South Aafrican Development Community (SADC) and Great Lakes Region leaders have called on the leaders of South Sudan, DRC and Burundi to return to negotiations as part of the region’s resolve to address conflicts and maintain peace and security in the region.

During their 9th Head of State meeting at the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region that opened today in the Congo Brazzaville Capital, the leaders also asked fighting groups in active combat to cease hostilities or face a full military action.

Opening the conference, Congo Brazzaville President, Denis Sassou n’Guesso called on other leaders in the region to prioritise regional mechanisms in addressing issues but warned of complacence and lack of commitment which he said have been responsible for some of the ranging conflicts in the region.

During the opening the African Union Vice Chairman Moussa Faki Mahamat called upon President Kabila to come up with a roadmap to the country’s next elections to ease the tension in the DRC and also asked him to ensure a sustained peaceful environment in the country to undertake democratic.

He said that DRC bordering nine others and with a quarter of the region’s population is a critical country adding that any instability in DRC generates ripple effects to the whole region and urged regional leaders to come-up with concreate plans to end the insurgency in DRC.

After the official opening, leaders went into a four hour closed door session to further deliberate on sensitive issues that among others concerned the political roadmap and security situation in the DRC, the human rights issues in Burundi, the security situation in DAR and the warring factions in the South Sudan.

Speaking to the media later, Uganda Vice President Edward Kiwanuka ssekandi who led the country’s delegation to the meeting said Uganda will continue supporting all efforts to the peace and stability in the region but also said that there was need for Kinshasa to honour the Nairobi declaration.

The declaration among others asked Kabila’s administration to repatriate, resettle and re-integrate M23 fighters who were given temporary transition status in Uganda as part of the peaceful package to pacify the Eastern DRC region.

On Burundi the Vice President called for an all inclusive Government as a temporary measure to ease on the tensions in the country while on Sudan Ssekandi said that Uganda supports a political settlement between the warring factions.

He also said that Uganda is ready to support capacity building efforts for CAR security agencies to help the country be self-reliant in confronting some of the security challenges it currently faces saying as long as international allies were ready to supports those efforts.

The meeting is based on the 2013 framework agreement established to support the ongoing regional efforts to achieve peace and stability in the Great Lakes Region was to review earlier commitments and consider additional measures aimed accelerating pacification of the region.

It brought together Heads of State and Government officials from Angola, Burundi, CAR, Congo Republic, DRC, South Sudan, South Africa, Sudan, Tanzania, Rwanda and Uganda. Others are from the AU, the International Conference on Great Lakes Region(ICGLR), the South African Development Community (SADC) and the UN.

Kenya was absent at the summit due to the ongoing political un certainty at home following the high court nullification of election results which President Uhuru Kenyata won in the August Presidential Elections.



The absence of Kenya speaks all that this conference is made of. It is about African leadership that does not accept State Democratic Election defeat and rigs Elections left, right and centre to stay put in power whatever the consequence. Whether it is to amend the  country's consititution or to fight a fatal civil war to stay put in power, they do it.

The African peoples have all the foremost right to appeal to the United Nations than to the African Union for all the help they can get to get saved from these modern incessant  African civil wars that are destroying the great continent.

The President of Uganda, who has just won the General Election of 2016, has put political shame aside and is hurriedly planning to win the next General Election of 2021:

October 13, 2017

Written by Sadab Kitatta Kaaya

President Museveni

Behind closed doors at State House Entebbe, President Museveni has held back and forth meetings with his ruling party MPs to plan how to marshal their numbers in parliament for the passage of the age limit removal bill.

Well-placed sources have told The Observer that the meetings started on Tuesday, October 10 when he met the core team that has for months been quietly working on the bill controversially tabled in parliament on September 27 by Igara West MP Raphael Magyezi.

The Tuesday evening meeting was attended by Prime Minister Ruhakana Rugunda, Government Chief Whip Ruth Nankabirwa, ministers; Kahinda Otafiire (Justice and Constitutional Affairs), Lt Gen Henry Tumukunde (Security), Mwesigwa Rukutana (deputy Attorney General), David Bahati (state for Planning) and Evelyn Anite (state for Investments and Privatisation).

These were joined by Parliamentary Commissioners; Arinaitwe Rwakajara (Workers), Peter Ogwang (Usuk) and Robinah Nabbanja (Kakumiro Woman).

Others were Doreen Amule (Amolatar Woman), Jackson Kafuuzi (Kyaka South), Magyezi, Simeo Nsubuga (Kassanda South), James Kakooza  (Kabula), Moses Balyeku (Jinja Municipality West), Solomon Silwany (Bukooli Central), Mariam Naigaga (Namutumba Woman) and Margaret Muhanga (Burahya), among others.

According to sources, the meeting discussed the strategy for popularising the bill in the countryside and its eventual passing in parliament.

Wary of the strong opposition to the amendment from within the NRM caucus, Museveni asked the meeting to generate a list of MPs whom he has to meet to galvanise support.

In this, Museveni wants to ensure that he has at least 320 MPs on his side physically present in the House during the bill’s second and third reading before it is eventually passed.

Article 262 of the Constitution requires a two-thirds presence of all members of parliament for any constitutional amendment to pass.

It is for this reason that he had invited the ‘rebel’ NRM MPs for a meeting. The Observer reported on Wednesday that Museveni has been reaching out to the ‘rebel’ MPs, namely Theodore Ssekikubo (Lwemiyaga), Monicah Amoding (Kumi Woman), Barnabas Tinkasiimire (Buyaga West), Patrick Nsamba Oshabe (Kassanda North) and Felix Okot Ogong (Dokolo South).

Others are Sam Lyomoki (Workers), Louis Mbwatekamwa Gaffa (Kasambya), John Baptist Nambeshe (Manjiya), Alex Ruhunda (Fort Portal Municipality) and Sylvia Rwabogo (Kabarole Woman) for a meeting following their October 4 letter in which they challenged him to disassociate himself from the Magyezi bill.

Their meeting had been scheduled for Tuesday but was called off after the group made what were deemed to be unrealistic conditions. In fact, during the Tuesday meeting with the pro-age limit removal group, Museveni was advised to ignore the ‘rebel’ MPs.

“We told him that it was not necessary to meet them because it would give them political mileage and even then, we can get the numbers required to pass the amendment,” a source that attended the meeting said.

Museveni is said to have taken this counsel and instead met MPs from the core team singled out for him. Some of those that were included on the list are mainly those seen to be sitting on the fence such as Buliisa MP Stephen Biraahwa Mukitale.

In the corridors of parliament, Mukitale, an Independent, is one of the critical voices to the amendment although he has not featured so much in the media.

He fell out with NRM in 2015 when he worked with civil society organisations and opposition political parties to compile the Citizens’ Compact on free and fair elections, a document that listed a number of electoral and political reforms, which were ignored in the final government Constitutional Amendment bill 2016.

He was part of the group of MPs who Museveni met yesterday (Thursday) at Entebbe. According to MPs who have attended the meetings, Museveni asked the lawmakers to tell him the issues affecting their constituencies which he then promised to work on.

“We need to move as a team and on the same level of development; that is why he wants us to tell him the challenges in our constituencies,” an MP who preferred not to be named said.

From this narrative, it becomes evident that Museveni is using promises of public resources such as good roads, electricity, clean water and refurbished health facilities in their constituencies as an inducement to the MPs to pass the bill.

Claims of such inducements were first made by the ‘rebel’ MPs early this week. 

Rwakajara and NRM caucus treasurer Mariam Naigaga confirmed attending the meeting but declined to delve into the details.

“Are you a spy? Why do you want to know what we discussed?” Rwakajara asked before disappearing into the parliamentary lifts.
Naigaga, on the other hand, said, “What we discussed is confidential, it is not for public consumption but we will brief the media after the caucus meeting.

It is understood that during the Tuesday meeting, Museveni assigned Dr Rugunda to coordinate the age limit removal activities. They also drew a memorandum which will reportedly be read to the ruling party MPs during their caucus meeting today.

In Uganda, the Legal Committee of Parliament that is in a rush to scrutinize the Presidential age limit bill is getting ready to do so as soon as possible, in 2 weeks time:

6 October, 2017

Written by URN

The Legal and Parliamentary Affairs committee of parliament has resolved to defer the consideration of the presidential age limit Bill for at least two weeks.
This was one of the decisions taken in the committee's closed-door meeting yesterday that sought to plan on how to proceed with the bill. 
Igara West MP Raphael Magyezi last week tabled the Constitutional (Amendment) (No. 2) Bill, 2017 before parliament and Speaker Rebecca Kadaga referred the bill to the legal committee for scrutiny.
The bill seeks to, among others; repeal Article 102(b) of the constitution to remove presidential age limits. The article states 35 and 75 as minimum and maximum age for the holder of a presidential office, something Magyezi says is discriminatory against those above 75 as well as those below 35.
Member of Parliament Mr Raphael Magyezi presents his bill for first reading
URN learnt that in a meeting chaired by West Budama South MP Jacob Oboth-Oboth, MPs agreed to first embark on individual consultations on the matter in their respective constituencies since parliament will not be in session.
On Wednesday Kadaga adjourned parliament sittings indefinitely.
"A lot of intrigue among the MPs was cited in the meeting and it was agreed that since all other MPs are going to be in their constituencies, the committee members should take off two weeks in a bid to talk to their voters, with a view of avoiding other MPs speaking to them about the proposed amendment," a technical officer attached to the committee revealed.
The committee chairperson, Robinah Rwakoojo, also told URN that the closed door meeting had discussed areas where the committee is to visit during the consideration of the bill. She noted that they had agreed to hold one meeting in five regions in the country including Central, Western, Eastern, Northern and West Nile. 
She also revealed that the committee resolved to bar Kyaka South MP Jackson Kafuuzi from voting on the matter before the committee. This, she explained, is because Kafuuzi seconded the proposed amendment on the floor of parliament.
"We’re going to sit here and the person we’re going to talk to, is the person who proposed the motion and those who seconded, they will come in as witnesses and we shall listen to them. After that we’ll talk to the relevant stakeholders and these are many. Then we shall go as a committee to five regions to Eastern, Northern, Western, Central and West Nile region and in our capacity as members of parliament in our constituencies. You heard the speaker saying that she wants consultations and that is what we’re looking at", she said. 
Rwakoojo also revealed that the meeting agreed that all committee members suppress their individual opinions during the consideration of the bill before them. Several MPs sitting on the legal committee have come out to strongly speak for and against the lifting of the presidential age limit.
"Here we’re going to look at what comes out of this committee meeting because I said we’re going to surpress our personal opinions about items in this bill  and to discuss the whole bill as a committee. We know everybody actually has an opinion about all the clauses in the bill but we agreed to suppress and deal with the bill in a wholesome manner."
She further revealed that they are to have another meeting today to discuss the issue of logistics among others. MPs are expected to each receive about Shs 20 million to be used for consultations on the matter.
The committee is supposed to present a report to the House on the amendment bill within 45 days according to the rules of procedure.
President Yoweri Museveni could become the first direct beneficiary of the proposed amendment, should the upper age cap be removed. Born in 1944, the president is not eligible for re-election in 2021 as he will be above 75 years.
Besides seeking the amendment of Article 102(b), Magyezi also seeks to amend Article 104(6) to increase the number of days within which the electoral commission is required to hold a fresh election where a presidential election is annulled, from twenty days to sixty days from the date of the annulment.



President Yoweri Museveni could become the first direct beneficiary of the proposed amendment, should the upper age cap be removed. Born in 1944, the president is not eligible for re-election in 2021 as he will be above 75 years.

The words can be changed for this bill to become an effective law after 2026 when this new constitution has seen some peaciful changes in Presidential elections in this country.

The President of Uganda has sent in Parliament, his strong guards to arrest 27 Members of Parliament, who do not want him to rule the country, for the rest of his life:

September 27, 2017


A joint force of presidential guards, the elite Special Forces Command (SFC) soldiers and police officers attached to parliament forcibly pulled out several legislators opposed to lifting the age limit from the chambers of parliament today afternoon.

In a scuffle that lasted more than an hour, at least 30 SFC soldiers in plain clothes poured into the chambers to pick at least 25 MPs who were named and suspended by the Speaker of Parliament, Rebecca Kadaga for three sittings at the beginning of the session, for engaging in disorderly conduct during yesterday’s plenary sitting.

The operation was commanded by Kampala Metropolitan Police Commander, Frank Mwesigwa, who was seen earlier in the day, patrolling the precincts of Parliament with the Inspector General of Police, Gen Kale Kayihura.

Parliament head of security Anabella Nyinamahoro attends to Charles Gutumoi (Erute county) after he collapsed during arrest

The legislators disrupted the House proceedings when fighting broke out between opposition and NRM MPs, forcing the Speaker to adjourn the House.

Those suspended from the House include Ronald Kibuule the state minister of Water, who was accused of carrying a firearm during the House sitting, an act Kadaga explained was a violation of Rule 74 of the Rules of Procedure.

“I have received some terrible information that Hon Kibuule endangered the safety of members by bringing a firearm into this House. I have checked the footage and Hon Kibuule did not go through security checks. He came through the Office of the President into the North wing and into this chamber so I will be suspending you,” Kadaga announced.


Kadaga also suspended 23 opposition legislators, whom she accused of flouting the House rules by engaging in chaotic behavior. They will not be allowed to access Parliament, including committee and plenary sittings.

“The Speaker was not heard in silence. Members were standing, jumping over tables and chairs; they were dressed in a manner that contravened the Rules and despite calls from the Speaker to sit down and be orderly, this was not adhered to. Some members crossed from one side to another in a menacing manner…This Parliament is a place to speak, to exchange views even if you don’t have the same views,” she reminded the legislators.

The suspended MPs include Allan Ssewanyana (Makindye West), Monica Amoding (Kumi Woman), Sam Lyomoki (Workers), Moses Kasibante (Rubaga North), Betty Nambooze (Mukono Municipality), Robert Kyagulanyi (Kyadondo East), Francis Zaake (Mityana Municipality), Ibrahim Kasozi (Makindye East), William Nzoghu (Busongora East), Gilbert Olanya (Kilak North), Jonathan Odur (Erute South), Mohammad Nsereko (Kampala Central), Angelline Osegge (Soroti Woman), Wilfred Niwagaba (Ndorwa East) and Odonga Otto (Aruu).

Others are Nandala Mafabi (Budadiri West), Mubarak Munyagwa (Kawempe South), John Baptist Nambeshe (Manjiya), Mbwatekamwa Gaffa (Kasambya), Roland Mugume (Rukungiri Municipality), Joseph Ssewungu (Kalungu West), Barnabas Tinkasimire (Buyaga West), Muwanga Kivumbi (Butambala) and Medard Ssegona (Busiro East).

Two other MPs who were arrested but were not on the list include Ibrahim Ssemujju Nganda (Kira Municipality) and Matthias Mpuuga (Masaka Municipality).

When the Speaker directed them to leave the chambers with immediate effect, only Kibuule and Mbwatekamwa complied. The opposition legislators refused to budge and kept shouting, “procedure, procedure”.

However, Kadaga did not budge and ordered them to leave immediately or be forced out by officers from the Sergeant-at-Arms. When the MPs remained defiant, Kadaga suspended the House for 30 minutes.

At that point, the police officers walked into the chambers to escort the MPs out but the legislators instead grabbed the microphone stands and tried to scare away the officers.

Some legislators were seen shoving the police officers away, prompting more commotion that saw the SFC soldiers enter the chamber and grab MPs indiscriminately. MPs Odonga, Gerald Karuhanga (Ntungamo Municipality) and Hassan Kaps Fungaroo (Obongi) jumped on the Table of the House, where the mace is usually placed, with microphone stands and warned the officers against touching them.


Zaake pulled out his belt and repeatedly tried to whip the officers. Other MPs hurled chairs at the officers, leaving one of the Parliament police officers bleeding profusely.

The provocation saw the SFC officers, three or four at a go, lunge at the MPs and drag them out of the House. Ssemujju was the first victim to be dragged out. Others followed suit, however the opposition MPs did not go without a fight.

One of the SFC officers jumped on the seats and grabbed Nabila Naggayi Ssempala (Kampala Woman) and tried to drag her out. However, some MPs nearby rushed to save her. It was not until one of his fellow officers shouted that she is not on the list of suspended MPs that were suspended that she got relief.

Former Chief of Defence Forces (CDF) and State Minister of Works, Gen. Katumba Wamala tried to quell the commotion by calling for calm and speaking to the SFC officers; however this did not help save matters.

For close to two hours, the suspended MPs were dragged out, one by one and swiftly taken to the North Wing entrance, opposite National Theatre, where a number of police pickup trucks were waiting to whisk them off to unknown destinations.

At least three MPs fainted, including Osegge, Lucy Achiro (Aruu North) and Angiro Gutumoi (Erute North). Zaake has also been admitted in hospital.

Speaking to The Observer, Mwesigwa revealed that a total of 27 MPs are currently under detention. However, sources within Police intimated to the Observer that the MPs are currently in a number of police stations around the Kampala Metropolitan area. Some of them are currently being held at Special Investigations Unit in Kireka.

The Speaker reconvened the House after 4pm where in her communication she announced that the MPs who caused damage to Parliament property within the chambers would be directed to pay for them.

“Some damage has occurred in the chambers. I will ask the Rules committee to review the footage and identify the members who caused the damage. They will be taken to the disciplinary committee and will be obliged to pay from their salaries,” Kadaga said, adding that Kibuule will also appear before the committee for carrying a gun into the House.

Leader of Opposition, Winnie Kiiza tried to intervene, standing up to express concern over the manner in which the SFC officers handled the MPs, however Kadaga shot her down immediately.

“Take your seat. You are familiar with our rules of procedure. Our rules say if you are asked to leave, you must leave. If you don’t leave, you are removed,” she said, warning that she would suspend any member who disrupted the sitting.

At this point, the opposition MPs walked out of the chamber in protest, as NRM MPs heckled them.

Raphael Magyezi (Igara West) was granted leave of Parliament to draft a bill, which will include amendments to Article 102 (b) of the Constitution to remove the minimum and maximum age criteria of 35 and 75 years respectively for presidential candidates.

In his motion, Magyezi stated that the bill seeks to amend Articles 259 and 262 of the Constitution to provide for the time within which to hold presidential, parliamentary and local government council elections; to provide for eligibility requirements for a person to be elected as president or district chairperson; to increase the number of days within which to file and determine a presidential election among others.

Magyezi was seconded by Moses Balyeku (Jinja West) and Doreen Amule (Amolatar Woman). Magyezi has 45 days within which to present the bill before Parliament for first reading.


Before the ugly events, there was a brawl that ensued between a group of opposition MPs and security operatives at Parliament’s parking lot over the red caps. The MPs had ditched the red ribbons they wore yesterday for red caps after Kadaga forced them to remove them.

MPs including Julius Ochen (Kapelebyong), Phillip Okin Ojara (Chwa West), Joseph Ssewungu (Kalungu West), Mubarak Munyagwa, Gilbert Olanya (Kilak South) and Ssempala Kigozi (Makindye-Saabagabo) were beaten up as they attempted to pick their caps from one of the vehicles.

“We were just picking our caps, we were not violent, they just attacked us and started beating us. If they want to attack us, we shall also revenge. This is not their house [parliament], they are supposed to protect us not to beat us up,” Francis Zaake.

Ojara said the security is now biased, adding  "we are legally dressed and I don’t see any problem with our dress code." Zaake was injured while Kapelebyong MP Julius Ochen was also seriously beaten.

Democracy is failing to improve in the country of Uganda: The Kalungu by-election has got 10 DP supporters detained:

August 31, 2017

Written by URN

Police is holding ten Democratic Party supporters for allegedly stirring violence in the Kalungu district by-elections.  
The suspects are Isma Kasozi, Kasana Ssemwogerere, Namuleme Ssebuyaba, Emmanuel Lubega, Rogers Baker, Silus Kasaato and two others only identified as Ssenteza and Kayemba.
Lameck Kigozi, the Southern region police spokesperson, says the DP supporters were found beating voters at Bukerere in Kalungu town council. He says they raided Bukerere village like bees and started assaulting voters for unknown reasons.

A voter casting her ballot in Kalungu

He explains that some of the suspects were ferried from Kampala to disrupt the polls. Kalungu residents are voting their LC V chairperson following the nullification of the previous polls results due to electoral malpractice. 

The contestants are Emmanuel Musoke, the Democratic Party candidate, his NRM rival, Richard Kyabaggu, David Busagwa Luyombo and Mathias Kintu Musoke, both independents.

But the accused DP supporters have denied accusations leveled against them by police, saying being victimized for supporting Emmanuel Musoke, the DP candidate.

Isma Kasozi says he was picked up because he was found wearing Musoke's tag and trying to stop Electoral Commission from opening polls before the witnesses and polling agents of all candidates had arrived. The suspects are in custody at Kalungu Central Police Station.

How African governments block International social media in their own countries:

Posted  Monday, April 25   2016

A small but increasing group of African governments is blocking social media during elections. Clare Spencer asks why and how this is done and how people get around it.

Why are African governments blocking social media?
It is safe to say governments aren't blocking social media to cut off the supply of cute kitten pictures.
It's political.
African tweeters tend to be more political than tweeters in other continents, according to research by Portland Communications.

And governments are blocking social media during elections - most recently in Congo-Brazzaville, Chad and Uganda.
For an indication of the political impact social media can make, you just need to look at the uprisings during the "Arab Spring".
"Social media did not cause the 'Arab Spring' but helped to co-ordinate it," Arthur Goldstuck from technology market research company Worldwide Worx, told the BBC.
Governments do not say they are worried that social media could pave the way for popular protests or even a revolution.
But security is often cited - including in the order for mobile operators to stop services in Congo-Brazzaville.
Congolese officials added that they were trying to prevent the "illegal publication of results".

Newsweek interpreted this as a possible attempt to thwart the efforts of election monitors.
The advent of the mobile phone enabled local observer groups to collate the results from individual polling stations around the country and add them up to see if the results were being rigged.
If mobile phones don't work, this can no longer be done.
However, results spread by opposition parties are also not necessarily accurate and Uganda's President Yoweri Museveni insisted that social media was blocked during the election to "stop spreading lies".

How do governments block social media?
Governments don't have the physical or technical ability to block sites, phones or texts themselves, explains Thecla Mbongue, analyst for trend forecasters Ovum.
They issue an order to the companies who do have that power.
Congo-Brazzaville's government issued an order to the country's mobile phone operators such as Airtel and MTN.
This effectively blocks the internet because very few Congolese use fixed lines to access the web.

Ms Mbongue says that the order in Congo-Brazzaville appeared to allow specified numbers to carry on using their mobile phones.
This came out when the communications minister denied the communications block - by tweeting.
The interesting thing about the tweet for her is that someone replied with what appears to be a copy of the order sent to mobile operators.
It shows they were asked not to block specified numbers. Presumably, she says, that is why Mr Moungalla could tweet and others couldn't.

Airtel and MTN have not yet confirmed whether the orders that spread through social networks were authentic.
In the case of Uganda, the telecoms regulator ordered mobile phone operators just to block certain sites.
So people couldn't use Facebook, WhatsApp, Twitter and mobile money services.
Danson Njue, also from Ovum, says it is believed that the regulator was advised by top security and government officials to block the sites over security concerns.
Technically, this is a relatively easy task.
Websites are stored on servers which have IP addresses - a bit like a phone number.

The government can force internet service providers and telecoms companies to block access to a specific IP address.
Smartphone apps, like WhatsApp, will try to connect to its own server and it won't be able to if your internet service provider is blocking connections.
So it is fairly easy to pinpoint a specific site or app and block access.
This makes social networks fairly powerless.
Twitter did not even condemn the ban when the company noted it was blocked in Uganda.

But telecoms companies appear to be powerless too.
Ms Mbongue says she cannot think of a single example in sub-Saharan Africa where the telecoms provider has refused to comply with an order.
She speculates that phone companies could go to court to demand compensation for lost earnings. But she is unaware of this ever having happened.
This is in contrast to the Twitter ban in Turkey which was lifted after two weeks when the constitutional court ruled the ban was a breach of the right to freedom of expression.
Mr Goldstruck adds that because mobile operators work under strict licensing conditions, they have to comply with such government directives.

It is different where there are numerous service providers and numerous routes out of the country, as in Egypt.
Twitter was blocked in Egypt in January 2011, when hundreds of thousands of protestors started to gather in Tahrir Square in the capital Egypt. They had used the hashtag #Jan25 to co-ordinate.
But it wasn't long before Twitter was working again.
Even in this case, internet access was still reduced dramatically, he says.
How do people get around the block?
Many people have found ways to get around government blocks by using internet proxies known as Virtual Private Networks (VPNs).

In Uganda an opposition leader even tweeted on the day of the election a recommendation to download a VPN app called Tunnel Bear.
The top 12 apps people were downloading in Uganda four days after the election were still VPN apps, according to analysts App Annie.
But Congo-Brazzaville and Chad cut off the whole internet and telephone which meant people couldn't use this technique.
VPNs get round government censorship by redirecting your internet activity to a computer in a different country, where the blocks have not been imposed.

This is also used by people to access content that might be restricted to a certain country - letting a European user watch American Netflix, for example.
What next?
Zimbabwe has suggested it could go one step further and create its own social networks that the state can monitor.
The country's state owned newspaper the Sunday Mail reports that local web developers are "stitching together" products similar to Facebook, Twitter and Skype "to enable great supervision".
The newspaper nods to China, where this has already happened.


You elected ‘mad’ people, Museveni tells the citizens of Wakiso: 

                President Museveni listens to Wakiso District NRM Youth Leaders:

                Andrew Kiryowa (C) and Joseph Sewava during the function in Wakiso on Tuesday.


Media Article Researched By Stephen Kafeero


Posted  Thursday, September 11  2014 

Castigated. President Museveni has on several occasions castigated voters for electing people who oppose his government.

WAKISO. President Museveni has criticised residents of Wakiso District for electing people that he said are ‘mad’. 

Speaking in Wakiso on Tuesday, President Museveni said: “When we went into elections, you sent me mad people. You sent me my daughter (Rosemary Sseninde Wakiso Woman MP) and my young brother Prof [Gilbert] Bukenya, who I even made vice president but these days I hear he says things that he doesn’t understand.”

Daily Monitor could not get comment from Prof Bukenya as his personal assistant said he was out of the country.

The President was in Wakiso to launch the Youth Livelihood Fund. However, the launch did not take place due to irregularities, according to Mr Museveni.

“I will come back next month [October 2014]. I will officiate on this ceremony when all beneficiaries have received their money. I also want a list of each of the beneficiary groups,” he said.

The President took the decision after some youth leaders claimed the money had been received yet others said intended beneficiaries had been left out.

Attempts by Youth minister Ronald Kibuule and Wakiso RDC Ian Kyeyune to assure Mr Museveni that the youth had received the money fell on deaf ears with the President insisting that “all irregularities be resolved before I can launch the fund”.

However, the Wakiso District chairman, Matiya Lwanga Bwanika appealed to the President to help the district set up an employment bureau, saying: “Youth are manipulated and taken to countries with promises of jobs. We need an employment bureau to assist them.”

Mr Joseph Sewava Mukasa, the NRM youth chairman, said he would combine efforts with government to fight all people who steal or misuse money meant for youth projects.Overstay has painted Museveni darker than Obote, Amin





There was a time when ideas were debated on their merit and whenever President Museveni held a rally, people turned out in droves to listen to his new ideas.

The man was brimming with ‘ideas’. He condemned and characterised the past leaders as swine who could not tell pearls from chuff. He abhorred expensive European merchandise and unnecessary government spending. After taking the presidential oath in 1986, he declared that he was not personally interested in staying in power.

He just wanted to organise the country and then go away to do private things. He has a passion for looking after cows, so he often says. He later inked this disgust for overstaying in power by African leaders in his book What Is Africa’s Problem? This book’s foreword was written by former Tanzanian President Mwalimu Julius Nyerere (RIP).

In November 1985, Nyerere had relinquished power to President Ali Hassan Mwinyi after 23 years in power. And in 1990, he even gave up the chairmanship of the Chama Cha Mapinduzi – the revolutionary party (Tanzania then was a one-party state).

Several self-seekers close to him had urged Nyerere to carry on the mantle but he ridiculed and answered back: “I do not think I can make in five years what I could not achieve in 24 years.” He also admitted mistakes and in a farewell speech at Dar es Salaam on November 4, 1985, Nyerere said: “You have forgiven even if you have not forgotten my many mistakes of commission and omission”.

Such humility from especially African leaders is unheard of today. Many leaders prefer to attribute their mistakes to the party or their subordinates. For them, the leader is infallible! Strange! In Uganda, for instance, President Museveni prefers to express himself in a singular personal pronoun. He often says: “it is me who gave you peace. It’s is me who chased dictators Amin and Obote…”

He has also amended his statement about overstaying in power. He now says: “it is wrong for leaders to remain in power without people’s mandate.”

He has not imposed himself on Ugandans – so he claims now – because he has been voted again and again into office. The last 29 years of Museveni’s stewardship of the country have been instructive. In the early days of assumption of power, it was fashionable to condemn past leaders as dictators and the listeners would respond with a thunderous applause.

The unfortunate thing is that because Museveni has monopolised power longer than the past presidents, he has been exposed as not so different from those who came before him. In some cases he has done worse than his predecessors. It just goes to confirm that absolute power corrupts absolutely.

In the past, Museveni ridiculed his predecessors for chasing people off the roads whenever they passed. “You find a leader with loud sirens chasing people off the roads he passes as if he is a lion,” he would say. Today, the president’s heralding cars and escorts chase other road users off the streets or highway as the big man passes.

We have also witnessed a steady fusion between the ruling party, the National Resistance Movement (NRM), and the state. The president was recently telling people to vote for the NRM candidate for the Busia LC-V chairmanship because the former is the owner of the money in the entire country.

He suggested that Busia people were likely to miss services if they voted for the opposition candidate! What the president forgot to remind his listeners is that all kinds of people, be it opposition or NRM supporters, pay taxes. In that regard, they have a right to enjoy all services that the government offers in a particular locality.

Indeed, the people of Busia seem to have been persuaded by the president’s statement, because the NRM candidate, Steven Wanyama Oundo, won the race. In 1986, President Museveni would never have made such disturbing statements.  There is a complete breakdown of state institutions.

Only those institutions that the president wants to function are working; the rest are dead.  We have often seen the president carrying sacks of money and distributing it to youth and other groups. Right now there is a conflict between the ministry of education and the national teachers union. Why?

Because the teachers were given Shs 10bn for their Saccos but was not hand-delivered by the president. The money ended up on the accounts of the Microfinance Support Centre, and the teachers are protesting.

Today, every ministry has more than three ministers running it. As if that is not bad enough, every ministry has a parallel office or officer in the president’s office. And these officers wield more powers than ministers or the relevant bureaucrats. As a result, every sector wants to have a monitoring committee in the president’s office.

If I were asked what the proudest achievement of NRM in the last 29 years has been, I would confidently say it has managed to give corruption a human face. This vice has become a career and an industry. It is through untrammelled corruption that we have seen the rise of expensive private schools, for example.

And because of corruption, these schools are assured of being filled with students. The parents have to continue embezzling funds in order to feed their insatiable appetites. A privileged group has emerged from the political leaders and bureaucrats who have been poor but are now beginning to use their positions in NRM and government to enrich themselves!

This kind of development has estranged the leadership from the people. Development has ceased to be about people and become a preserve of a privileged minority.  Even if we have a leadership code, the code of conduct for our leaders is never enforced. It would take more than forty years to clear the mess that the NRM has created. 

The author is the finance director, The Observer Media Ltd.

There has been a very large turn up for Police

recruitment in Kampala as 2016 Uganda Elections

get near.

Publish Date: Jan 27, 2015

By Taddeo Bwambale 

There has been a massive turn up for Police recruitment exercise in Kampala. The exercise is taking place at Police Children School in Kibuli. 

Over 500 youth had reported for screening by 11:00am. Screening involves verification of academic documents, physical drills and a two kilometre run to test endurance.

The police seeks to recruit 3500 personnel. Of the 3500, the force will be targeting to recruit 500 Cadet Assistant Superintendents of Police (C/ASP) and 3000 Probationer Police Constables (PPC's).  

The recruitment drives for CASPs, who are all supposed to be University graduates starts today and will run for three days, ending Thursday while that for PPCs-applicant with a Uganda Advanced Certificate in Education (senior 6) certificate will run from January 30 to February 5.

According to the programme issued by Police, the recruitment exercise for Police cadets will be carried out at the Police Training School Kibuli as well as at the regional police headquarters at Jinja, Moroto, Gulu, Arua, Hoima, Fort Portal, Masaka, Mbarara, Mbalem, Soroti, Kabaale, Lira, Luwero, Mityana, Iganga, Kapchorwa and Bushenyi. The recruitment for police constables will be in the districts.

"All the applicants must have requisite requirements and over qualified applicants will not be accepted particularly for the PPCs," Kampala police Spokesperson Patrick Onyango said Monday. 

For the CASP the police will be looking to recruit applicant with honors Bachelor’s degrees in Law, Engineering, public Administration, psychology, social work and social administration, education, human resource management, botany/zoology, veterinary medicine, agriculture, economics, finance and accounting, information technology, medicine, nutrition, library and information science. The force is also seeking to recruit aircraft engineers and pilots.

All applicants, Onyango said, must be Ugandan citizens, have no criminal records and should be ready to work for long hours. Additionally they must possess good communication skills and be proficient in computer usage. The applications should be submitted in person by the applicants to regional recruitment centers where the interviews shall also include physical fitness exercises.

"Applicants should bring along their original degree certificates and transcripts," he said. For PPCs a part from being Ugandan citizens and possessing no criminal records, the applicants should have a UACE certificate or its equivalent; should have attained at least six credits in the Uganda Certificate in Educations with a credit in English and a pass in Mathematics and must be physically fit in addition to having good communication skills.  

The recruitment comes at a time when the 40,000 plus force is trying to shore up its physical strength ahead of the 2016 General elections. 

For the people of the State of Buganda, there is no need to panic. Every citizen of the State of Buganda must stay at home. He or She must not be seen going to participate in this fake general election.


Bank of Uganda clarifies on fake note as the commercialization of the coming 2016 General Election starts in earnest:

Publish Date: Jan 27, 2015

                                   Bank of Uganda Governor Tumusiime Mutebile

 By Vision Reporter

The Bank of Uganda has clarified on a fake note being circulated in the public. The Central Bank in a statement issued Tuesday said:

 “It has come to the attention of the Bank of Uganda that some individuals are circulating an image of a fake UGX.7000 banknote ostensibly issued by Bank of Uganda on social media sites. This is illegal.

The public is informed that reproduction of images of Uganda Currency can only be done with the express permission of the Bank of Uganda. More specifically, the production of ‘novelty’ currency purportedly issued by the Bank of Uganda and bearing denominations and features alien to legal tender is expressly forbidden and punishable under the Penal Code.

The perpetrators of the fake UGX.7000 banknotes are warned to immediately withdraw the said image. In the same vein, the public is urged to ignore the image as a hoax.”


Luttamaguzi Road in Kikandwa village in Nakaseke District.

Bye The Independent journalist: 


Villagers where Museveni based his war say they will develop with or without his help

During its five-year fight against the government of President Milton Obote in the so-called `Luweero Triangle’, then - National Resistance Army (NRA) rebels led by Yoweri Museveni often issued `I-owe-you’ chits to individuals who offered them help.

In this way, the Luweero Bush war became an investment for the fighters and their helpers. It was an unprincipled position propagated by the NRA that led to a belief that when they captured power, everyone would recoup on their investment. The rebels took power in 1986. Some individuals might have collected on their IOUs but 29 years later, dissatisfaction remains in parts of the Luweero triangle.

Today, the area which comprises the districts of Luweero, Mityana, Kiboga, Mubende, Nakaseke, Nakasongola, Wakiso, and Kyankwazi is home to some of the poorest people in Uganda.

Statistics from the Uganda Bureau of Statistics (UBOS) show that the average number of people in these district still living below the poverty line is 20%. This is slightly lower than the national average of 24.5%. However, the poverty levels in these areas are a big concern because the national figure includes the northern and eastern regions which are the hub of poverty in Uganda. In the central region where the former Luweero Triangle districts are located, the number of people living below the poverty level is just 10.7% of the population.  That means that poverty is 2.4 times higher in the districts where Museveni fought his bush war and made promises of a better life when took power.

One of the oldest people still alive today from that period is 90-year-old Erinasani Nsobya.

He lives in Kikandwa a small village of about 400 people living in about 150 homes. Located in Kikandwa parish, Semuto Sub-County in present day Nakaseke district, this area features prominently in all NRA war memoirs as Museveni’s stronghold. It was preferred by the rebels because it is just 35 miles northwest of the capital Kampala.

Today, it remains an out-of-the-way, difficult place to reach. To catch a taxi, one has to ride a boda-boda motorcycle taxi to Semuto; the nearest big town.

Most residents were minors whose parents were killed during the war and are in their late 20s and early 30s. Only few survivors are in the 40-50 year age bracket. In what is called a `trading centre’, Kikandwa has tiny retail shops, bars, and pork eateries. The main business is trading in agriculture produce and buyers have set up a number of collection stores. Of all the IOUs Museveni issued, most must have been negotiated and signed here.

Nsobya recalls the stories the NRA told to win the locals support.

“When Museveni came here,” he says in Luganda, “he, found us in hard times because if you were not a supporter of then president Milton Obote (1981-85) the basket, as it was called, would cover you. We had been coerced into singing one song, ‘Twagala Obote nga sente’ (I love Obote like I love money).”

He said they were told that Obote had said he was going to re-locate Kampala to his home area  in Akokoro and that each Muganda would carry two 9×9 sand and cement blocks on the head  and walk all the way to Lango to deliver the blocks.

“This hurt us a lot,” says Nsobya, “When Museveni came he was on our side of refusing to obey any word from Obote. He promised to salvage us and asked us to give him food and our children to join his fighters.”

Nsobya recalls that when the fighting between the rebels and Obote government forces intensified, Museveni relocated the villagers to the cattle corridor between Singo and Ngoma in Luweero district; an area called “mulokoola”. They returned to their homes after the war ended.

“Since our return we have moved on although with painful memories of the past and the loss of our people and our properties,” he says.

Nsobya says only a few people received compensation while the majority died without ever being compensated. “After the war, we were given blankets, iron sheets, and household items and that was it,” he says.

Happy losers

Nsobya is not bitter.

“As Baganda we feel we got our biggest treasure when Museveni returned the Kabaka as he had promised during the war. When the Kabaka is seated on the throne, as a Muganda I feel very proud. Regardless of Museveni`s failure to deliver on the other promises, we have to continue living and have to work to provide for ourselves.”

But 35-year old Mulindwa who was just one year old when the fighting started in 1981 is angry.  “Our parents lost all their property and today many among the few who are still living have not been compensated apart from a few selected ones. Even the families that have been built houses, they were built when the actual beneficiaries were long dead. Many of us have lost hope in ever getting anything from this government. Even the maize mill that was given to this village has been personalised by one family, the school that was built by the people helped by government has also been personalised by another family, may be the tomato processing plant is the only thing we know is being run by General Salim Saleh at Kapeka on behalf of the tomato farmers of Nakaseke”.

“Look at the power in Mabindi that was brought five years ago, no one uses it because it is not connected. Do they want us to cut the poles like the people in Mubende did so they come connect us? Look at the Luttamaguzi road, Museveni said it is a memorial road, are memorial roads supposed to be murram or tarmac?” asks a visibly frustrated Mulindwa.

Mausoleums and memorials

The Luttamaguzi Road; a stretch of about 5.5kms that starts from the road to Kapeka and ends at the Mabindi junction, is named after one of Museveni’s supporters in the area, Edidian Luttamaguzi. He was a wealthy resident who mobilised intelligence, food, and troops for Museveni and was killed when he allegedly refused to reveal Museveni’s hideout to government forces.

A mausoleum was built in memory of the late Luttamaguzi (who saved president Museveni`s life on June 9, 1981 when then government troops UNLA raided the village to kill or capture Museveni). But that too has been turned into a family enterprise and no one goes near it without permission from Luttamaguzi’s heir, one John Kaddu. He is a government-leaning politician and one time deputy RDC of Nakaseke district.

Still, Nsobya differs from Mulindwa. He says Museveni has done well.

Nsobya says: “During my lifetime; where I have seen three Buganda Kings (Kabaka Cwa, Mutesa and now Mutebi, and all the Uganda Presidents, I have never seen the development like what is taking place today. In this village there is no one who sleeps in a grass-thatched house anymore, everyone sleeps on a sponge mattress, has a blanket, we have electricity and borehole water, we have security and peace and people are listened to when they have issues they want addressed.”

“I hear people say Museveni has brought poverty but in my lifetime I have never seen a government give free money to people. What I know is that people work to get what they want.

“In the late 1940`s when I bought my first bicycle at Shs 90, many people asked me how I had done it and  many people of my age at the time later died without ever buying one. When late Luttamaguzi bought his Zephyr Zodiac at Shs4,000 in the 1950s we all went to congratulate him and ask how he had done it. Of course we knew he was a rich man who had money and was hard working. People should stop the wishful thinking but work hard.”

Fred Kavuma, a secretary in the Kikandwa Local Council says people should not keep focusing on the past.

“There are things government has done and failed on others. The most urgent thing government needs to do is help people process their farm produce to add value.”

He says this will stop the exploitation of the farmer at the hands of traders and middle men.

“Government needs to fix commodity prices to stop the exploitation, look at the Mulwana Milk factory where they buy our milk at Shs550 a litre yet a litre of packed milk is sold at over Shs 2000. This is what I mean by helping us add value onto our products.”

“Government also needs to re-focus its educational policies and build us tertiary institutions than have all these UPE schools which have no economic viability,” he says.

According to him, a UPE school in every village is a misallocation of resources because it is useless having only 100 pupils in an entire school. He says it would make better economic sense if you had a UPE school for every four villages and a tertiary institute also for the same coverage.

“As  people who live in the villages we need to produce job creators unlike now when kids are dropping out in S.2 and very few ever completing S.4 yet these could have learnt trades like tailoring, mechanics, and other trades that don’t require too much learning,” Kavuma says.

Kavuma says regardless of the unfulfilled promises made by President Museveni the village today is better off.  He says the health facility always has drugs although it needs more buildings to house more health services and medical staff.

“We have borehole water every 200 metres, our village is peaceful meaning security is efficient, people are working hard and their standard of living is improving by the day.

“We don’t have any grass thatched houses on this village and all homes are brick and mortar as you can see, people are involved in improved agriculture and are moving away from traditional farming to commercial farming growing crops like tomatoes, water melon, passion fruit, greens e.t.c.

“Almost every home has a motorcycle for transport unlike in the past when bicycles were the order of the day. To me what is happening in this village is actual development,” he says.

“As Kikandwa we are developing on our own. With time our house hold incomes will also improve and life will go on,” he says, “You can’t keep crying over spilt milk”.

Voter awareness campaign for 2016 election is being started sooner than later.

 By Stephen Kafeero

Posted  Sunday, April 12  2015


In an attempt to increase voter turnout in the 2016 general election, a coalition of civil society organisations on Friday launched a campaign to sensitise people on their right to participate in the electoral process.

The campaign dubbed “Votability” aims at mobilising Ugandans aged 18 and above to participate in the upcoming general voters’ register update. Different messages will run concurrently on various media platforms across the country during the voter registration and register display exercise.

On Tuesday, the Electoral Commission (EC) started updating the national voters’ register but the exercise had a slow start with many people either unaware or disinterested in the 23-day exercise.

The exercise also aims at reversing the diminishing voter turnout during the previous elections.

In the 1996 elections, voter turnout was 72 per cent, 69.7 per cent in 2001 and 69.2 per cent in 2006 before hitting a record low of 57.1 per cent in 2011, according to EC figures.

“As someone who worked in the interim EC, I can tell you that elections are a process. They impact on our democratic rights and our rights help us to realise our needs and potential leading to a meaningful life,” said Ms Margaret Sekaggya, the former UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders.

The campaign, a combination of activities and messages, is spearheaded by the Coalition for Electoral Democracy in Uganda (CEDU). Mr Crispy Kaheru, the CEDU coordinator, called for a joint approach in ensuring the updating of the voters’ register is credible.

“Stakeholders, including the Electoral Commission, and those institutions accredited to conduct voter education must intensify mobilisation efforts for people to eagerly participate in this exercise,” he said.