Regional Tier for the Kingdom of Buganda was refused many years ago.

 With such an arrangement there is no need to have a lukiiko , or use the name Katikkiro or refer to Kabaka.

M/s Mpanga of Buganda Kingdom

They can call him Governor or District Head and seat him anywhere but not in Bulange.

We may be back to the same old arguments.

On 15 Feb 2017

By Haji Ahmed,

  1. Central gov't will cede specified powers and rights to the Buganda Kingdom.
  2. The citizens of Buganda Kingdom (who are these?) will elect a Lukiko (parliament) which will make laws to govern Buganda Kingdom.
  3. The Lukiiko will appoint the Katikioro (Prime Minister or President) who will head a government or administration. .

4.The Katikioro  is accountable to the Lukiiko, and the Lukiiko is accountable to Uganda Parliament.

So where does this leave the Kabaka? What are his constitutional roles: are they spelt out in the Constitution you keep going on and on about?

Buganda Government should be restored first with a Katikkiro with

executive powers and Lukiiko with legislative powers, which shall form

a Buganda Land Board, in accordance with the constituion, which will

manage Lubiri on behalf of the Kabaka, who, according to 1955

constitution holds official mailo and public land in Buganda, in

people;s trust.

 Mayiga is already a walking "former " Katikkiro.  A lot has happened!

 "In tribute to the United Kingdom and the Republic of Uganda, two bastions

 of strength in a world filled with strife, discrimination and terrorism."

*Buganda Lukiiko*,

 Katikkiro Mayiga seemed confident that members would rubberstamp his


 to lease the 132 year old national and cultural palace of the Kabaka of

 Buganda (*Mengo Lubiri*) to foreigners. He spent over an hour of reverse

 psychology, giving examples of how “naturally short-sighted Baganda” fail

 to appreciate any Katikkiro who introduces modernity to Buganda.  At the end, Mr. Mayiga confidently declared that, ultimately, nothing will stop

 his plans. However, his confidence seemed to evaporate when one Mrs.


 Mpanga got the microphone.

 In his marathon speech, Mr. Mayiga made a few highly contradictory

 statements that may have disturbed Mrs. Joyce Mpanga.  For example, as

 usual, Mayiga claimed that Kabaka Mutebi made the decision to lease Mengo

 Lubiri but, sensing negative reception, he later changed to, “The


 to re-develop Lubiri was made by the *Bataka Supreme Council* at the time

 government returned it.” Also, he aggressively defended construction of a

 hospital and conference facilities in Lubiri but later insisted that

 everything presented by Mengo so far were just concepts, not real plans.


 blamed the press for saying that the project photos that Mengo


 in Serena Hotel or on its Facebook page were real plans. He explained,

 “Those picture were just images downloaded from the Internet; one was, I

 think, the American white house.”

After Mayiga finished his long speech, one of the most intelligent,

 well-educated and knowledgeable Baganda alive, Mrs. Joyce Mpanga, threw

 down a “roadblock” against his scheme. When she got a chance to respond


 Mr. Mayiga’s speech, Mpanga systematically, and with some humor,


 why the Katikkiro’s  plans for Mengo Lubiri were poorly reasoned, not


 informed by Buganda history or culture and are dangerous, even to Kabaka

 Mutebi’s reign.

 In his speech, Mr. Mayiga had spoken in the style of a non-Muganda when


 said, “I can never understand Baganda” and claimed that Baganda are

 short-sighted because they opposed former Katikkiros Kawalya Kaggwa “for> bringing electricity” and “killed Martin Nsibirwa for donating Buganda> land> for the now glorious Makerere University”.  He even claimed that the same

 short-sighted Baganda complained when Ssekabaka Muteesa II brought horses

 to Mengo Lubiri, since they were used to cows.

 Mrs. Mpanga, mother of Buganda Attorney General David Mpanga and Kabaka’s

 Private Secretary Peter Mpanga went straight to the point after thanking

 the Lukiiko speaker. She opened with, “People tell me, sometimes in

 whispers, and others keep phoning me, some anonymously, saying that I


 stop my lawyer sons from selling Kabaka’s palace. They tell me that the

 Katikkiro is my son, the second Katikkiro my son and the other lawyers


 also my sons.

 “It appears that some of these people think that I have easy access to

 Kabaka, which [these days] is impossible. One even warned that [Baganda]

 may replace Kabaka Mutebi, as they have done to other Kabakas in the> past.

 And one of these people wrote to remind me that Baganda forced Ssekabaka

 Muteesa II to have his widowed mother to resign and get replaced as Namasole* (Kabaka’s mother) [when she decided to marry a commoner]. They

 told Muteesa that if his mother did not resign, he would have to go too.”

Pointing out that she was a member of the Bataka Supreme Council (which

 Mr. Mayiga said made the decision to lease Lubiri), Mrs. Mpanga informed

 the Lukiiko that, when they first re-established the Buganda Lukiiko, it

 was designed to ensure that ordinary Baganda were well consulted by their

 representatives and issues were strongly debated before major resolutions

 were passed.

 She complained, “But now, the Buganda Lukiiko is only a rubberstamp

 because there is no debate. The Katikkiro comes here and speaks for over

 one hour. Then the members are given two minutes to make comments. Next

 day, the lady who is minister for Lukiiko publishes resolutions that we

 never debated or agreed on at all.”

 As the clapping and cheers grew, Mrs. Mpanga continued her attack. She

 accused Mayiga and his partners of bringing the topic of Mengo Lubiri to

 the Lukiiko only after they faced serious public opposition. She said it

 was obvious to her that they had already made their decisions and were


 looking for cover from Buganda Lukiiko. She questioned why, when Kabaka


 supposed to have so much land, Mengo should offer Mengo Lubiri to

 foreigners and not some other land.

 “Mr. Katikkiro, you keep talking about putting Buganda’s issues first (

 *okusoosowaza*) and they include *Federo*. What kind of Kabaka are we

 going to have under a Federo where his palace is leased by foreigners?”


 asked. She pointed out that [Kabaka Mutebi] is not supposed to be the


 be Kabaka in Buganda. “What if a future Kabaka wants all the space in


 Lubiri? Are we then going to beg the foreign investors for the space

 our Kabaka needs?” she asked. Adding, “Some say that we got *Byooya bya

 nswa *(ant feathers for a Kingdom), are we going to accept that and also

 lease our Lubiri to foreigners?”

 Fearing that the situation was getting out of hand, one of Mayiga’s

 strongest supporters in Lukiiko, a man called Kasakya, requested the

 speaker that further discussion of the topic be continued in “sessional

 committees” since it was sensitive.

 A day later, the official Buganda Government website, www.,

 only reported that “The Lukiiko agreed that, there is need to develop the

 Mengo palace but with utmost care without tempering with the tradition.”

 All 5 Mayiga watchers that BugandaWatch has contacted since February 1,

 2017, agreed that the “Joyce Mpanga roadblock” did serious damage but

 Mayiga will probably keep trying. In the meantime, Katikkiro Mayiga’s

 contract ends only 3 months away in May 2017.

 Below is additional BugandaWatch reporting on Katikkiro Mayiga’s scheme


 lease Mengo Lubiri to foreigners, since February 25, 2015.

The European Union joins the Ugandan political opposition for Electoral Reforms


The EU Ambassador Kristian Schmidt (pictured) 


File photo 

By Solomon Arinaitwe

Posted  Thursday, March 26  2015 


Kampala.UGANDA. The European Union has become the latest group to rattle government, saying it shares the concerns of the Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC) about delays in passing electoral reforms.

In a statement on Wednesday, EU Ambassador Kristian Schmidt signalled that with less than 12 months before the February 2016 poll, time was running out, backing a view taken in the latest UHRC annual report. 

“With less than a year left to the next elections, electoral reforms need to be prioritised and implemented if they are to be effective and credible. The report is an important and highly relevant contribution by an independent body to the electoral reform debate,” Mr Schmidt said.

The EU is among Uganda’s leading development partners. 

The envoy also observed that in the last 12 months, it was pleasing to witness vibrant public debate on electoral reforms which has resulted in a number of concrete proposals.

Mr Schmidt’s statement came hours after a government reaction suggested it was reeling from the hard-hitting report by the UHRC.

“The EU, therefore urges the government to act promptly on the proposed reforms to ensure a level playing field and transparency in the 2016 General Elections,” the statement said. Government spokesperson Ofwono Opondo, who had on Tuesday said the report was “shallow and unfortunate”, again took a dim view of this latest in a rising chorus of criticism about the handling of the run-in to the 2016 election. 

“If you fast-track electoral reforms, what evidence is there that there will be consensus building and a good outcome? There is no guarantee that if we introduce the electoral reforms now there will be positive response,” Mr Opondo said.

But with the pressure for reforms building, government seems to be flip-flopping on when it will table them. Premier Ruhakana Rugunda last week back-tracked on a promise, saying it would be “erroneous to make false deadlines”.

Shadow Justice Minister Medard Sseggona yesterday indicated that the Opposition has now learnt of a plot by the government to shoot down Opposition plans to table a Private Members Bill on the constitutional amendments to ensure reforms.

“They have taken that decision that they will use their numbers to block us from taking leave of Parliament to prepare our Bill and that we will not be given a Certificate of Financial Implications (a key technical requirement for Bills). We are not deterred. We are preparing our Bills and will cross the bridge when we get there,” Mr Ssegona said.


Sijja kukkiriza baleeta ffujjo mu byakulonda kwa 2016 - Museveni asabye Tonda MU KKANISA:
Dec 27, 2015
Pulezidenti Museveni ne mukyala we, Janet ne bannaddiini oluvannyuma lw’okusaba ku Ssekukkulu mu kkanisa ya St. Luke e Nshwere mu disitulikiti y’e Kiruhura.



PULEZIDENTI Yoweri Museveni alabudde abatiisa okuleeta obutabanguko mu ggwanga mu kiseera ky’okulonda n’agamba nti tajja kubakkiriza.

Yabadde mu kkanisa ya St. Luke Church of Uganda e Nshwere mu disitulikiti ye Kiruhura ku Ssekukkulu. Yasuubizza nti abantu tebasaanidde kutya nti eggwanga liyinza okufuna obutabanguko okuva mu kulonda n’abagumya okusigala nga bakkakkamu.

Yabadde ayanukula Muky. Esther Magagga, eyategeezezza nti mu kiseera kino abantu abamu bali mu kutya, olw’enjawukana mu bantu abawagira ebibiina byobufuzi ebyenjawulo. Museveni yagambye nti abalowooza okutabula emirembe bajja kukolwako.

Mu kwogera kwe, era Pulezidenti yawabudde abalunzi mu kitundu okwewala omujjuzo gw’ente, n’ategeeza nti ng’oggyeeko okukosa ente zennyini, kyonoona n’omutindo gw’ettaka. Yabakuutidde okwawula mu ttaka lye balina, balundire ku limu okumala ekiseera ekigere.

Yasuubizza okukola okukola oluguudo lwe Nshwere.

Ate Muky. Janet Museveni yasabye Bannayuganda okwongera okuwagira gavumenti ya NRM, kuba y’esobodde okuleeta obumu mu bantu bonna. Yasabye wabeerewo okutabagana mu bantu abalina wadde balina endowooza z’ebyobufuzi za njawulo.

Museveni ng’akutte mukyala we Janet ku mukono.

Bamuseveni nga bayimba mu kusaba ku Ssekukkulu.

Museveni nga tannaba kugenda Kiruhura kukuza Ssekukkulu, yakubye olukuhhana lwa kampeyini ku ssomero lya Nakalama Primary School e Kigulu South gye yasuubirizza abantu b’e Iganga  bw’agenda okussa essira ku kutumbula eby’amazzi n’okukola enguudo mu kisanja ekiddako.

Yasuubizza okwongera okusima nayikondo mu byalo, kuba obubuga bungi nga Namagera, Ndodwe, Nambali, Idudi, Namungaalwe bugenda kufuna amazzi ag’emidumu. Waakugattako okubunyisa amasannyalaze mu kitundu kya Kigulu South kyonna. Yategeezezza nti oluguudo lwa Iganga-Tirinyi-Mbale lukolebwa ku buwumbi 73. Yasuubizza okukola olupya oluva e Iganga okuyita e Kiyunga okutuuka e Bulopa.

Olwaleero, Pulezidenti Museveni azzeeyo e Busoga ayigge akalulu akamuzza mu ntebe y’obwapulezidenti mu 2016. Eggulo ne ku Ssekkukulu yabadde awummuddemu eby’okunoonya akalulu.

1980-86 Ani oyo eyaleeta efujjo mukulonda nemukufuga kwa Uganda ate no nga obululu bwe nga omukulembeze tebubbiddwa?

Kabaka akyusizza ennyimba y'ekitiibwa kya Buganda

By Dickson Kulumba

Added 31st January 2017

KABAKA Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II asiimye era n'akakasa ennyimba enaagobererwanga mu kuyimba Ekitiibwa kya Buganda ng'eyawuddwamu ebiti bisatu.

Kabaka Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II ng'awuubira Obuganda. EKIF: DICKSON KULUMBA

Ennyimba esooka; ebitundu by'oluyimba luno ebitaano byakumalibwangayo ku mikolo okuli okujjukira Amatikkira ga Kabaka, okuggulawo olukiiko lwa Buganda n'okukuza Amazaalibwa ga Kabaka.

Bino byayanjuddwa Katikkiro Charles Peter Mayiga bwe yabadde alambulira Obuganda ebigenda mu maaso nga yasinzidde mu Lukiiko lwa Buganda olwatudde ku Mmande ya wiiki eno January 30, 2017 e Bulange - Mmengo.

Mayiga yagambye nti ennyimba eyookubiri mwe muli emikolo okuyimbirwa ebitundu bisatu: ekisooka, ekyokuna n'ekyokutaano nga gyegyo Kabaka gy'alabikako ng'oggyeeko egimenyeddwa waggulu.

Ate ennyimba eyookusatu y'enaaberanga ku mikolo emirala gyonna egya Buganda nga gya kuyimbirwangako ebitundu bibiri nga gitandika; Ekisooka (Okuva edda n'edda…) n'ekyokuna (Nze nnaayimba ntya ne sitenda….) ate mu kuggalawo, ekitundu ekisembayo ( Katonda omulungi ow'ekisa…), kiyimbibwenga.

Mu ngeri y'emu, Mayiga yagambye nti omwaka guno Obwakabaka bugenda kuteeka amaanyi mu bulimu bw'emmwanyi mu ηηombo etuumiddwa  'EMMWANYI TERIMBA'.

" Omwaka guno tuluubirira okusimba endokwa obukadde butaano.


Ffe nga Abaganda abanyumirwa okuyimbira ensi nyaffe oluyimba tujja kusigala nga tuyimba nga bwetusobodde ebitundu byonna ebyoluyimba lwe ggwanga lyaffe Buganda. Kumikolo egiwera wano e Buganda a baganda banaffe Abakungu nga ne Bakatikkiro, Abalangira, Nabambejja mwobatadde batono ddala abayimba oluyimba lweggwanga mubantu bebakulembera. Balinga ne Queen wa Bungereza atayimba nako oluyimba olweggwanga lye erya Bungereza. Asirika be che baserikale be nebamuyimbira ko!






Onomulaba Ebitumbwe



Bwobeera ggwe bwakwatula






Talya nkima-takombako



Talya dduma



Senya enku- Twokye enyama



Mugema bwafa

Kudda mulala



Tweddira nkima






Part of Nsambya Police barracks


A number of landlords have secured court orders to evict government institutions and repossess their properties, The Observer has learnt.


The impending evictions follow government’s failure to pay ground rent arrears totaling billions of shillings to the landowners. The institutions that face eviction include public universities, hospitals, Uganda Prisons, Kawanda Agricultural Research Institute, schools and farm institutes, among others.


The embattled landlords include Kampala archdiocese, which is demanding more than $74m (Shs 218bn) over the land currently housing Nsambya police barracks. Leaders of the Catholic Church have been meeting President Museveni over the debt, especially after learning that government planned to give away the land to investors.


During their most recent meeting, church leaders told Museveni that they needed the money to prepare for Pope Francis’ anticipated visit to the country. Other units facing evictions include Buwama and Mityana police stations.


“The pre-colonial governments and first post-colonial governments entered into contractual agreements with privately- registered landlords, and took over their land due to its strategic location for the establishment of infrastructure for government institutions,” an official at the Lands ministry told The Observer this week.



To address this looming quagmire, government recently set up a cabinet subcommittee chaired by the minister for Local Government, Adolf Mwesige. Other officials on the subcommittee are Bright Rwamirama, the state minister for Animal Industry; Daudi Migereko, the minister for Lands; and Henry Banyenzaki, the minister of state for Economic Monitoring in the President’s office, and a representative from the Uganda Land Commission.


On Wednesday, President Museveni told cabinet that government needed to move fast and avert what would amount to a crisis.  He said there was need to renegotiate some of the agreements government signed with the owners of land, occupied by the affected public institutions. The matter was not concluded, our sources said, and was pushed to the next meeting scheduled for March 4.


Sources added that the Mwesige-led committee is expected to advise government on how it can avert the eviction. Migereko told The Observer yesterday that government had taken on short and medium-term strategies to address the problem.


“The problem has not been attended to for a long time but government has now realized that it is a serious issue and all efforts are being made to find a long-lasting solution,” the minister said.


“It [eviction] is an area of concern. Matters are still in cabinet. Cabinet is going to come out with a clear sustainable solution of land for government programmes and departments,” he said by telephone.


Auditor General John Muwanga recently accused district land boards and accounting officers of various government departments and agencies of failing to protect land under their control.


The auditor general said government officials were conniving with unscrupulous people to steal government land. Similar claims were made last year by Idah Nantaba, the minister of state for Lands, who accused some officials at the ministry of conniving with the mafias to grab government land.


Indeed, one of the mandates of the cabinet subcommittee will be to scrutinize reports that some of the people claiming to be owners of the land may in fact be “mafias” out to get land titles, which are later used to grab government land under unclear circumstances.


Rwamirama told us this week that they will reverse any decisions made by the Uganda Land Commission that gave land to private individuals under dubious circumstances. 

During Wednesday’s cabinet meeting at State House Entebbe, Migereko is reported to have tabled documents that showed that the alleged mafias are indeed private landlords who want to take back their land from government.



The Observer has learnt that government has already lost the Mukono district farm institute (DFI) land at Ntaawo, which was re-entered by Church of Uganda. The church has also secured court orders to re-enter part of the land on which Makerere University’s college of Veterinary Medicine, Animal Resources and Bio-security stands because government failed to pay more than Shs 333m in ground rent arrears.


An unnamed private landlord has also secured a court order to re-enter his land occupied by Mityana police station.The Observer has also seen documents indicating that government, through similar court orders, has lost part of Kawanda agricultural research station land at Ssenge in Wakiso district and Njeru stock farm, which was retaken by the Ham Mukasa family.


On May 9, 2014, in an attempt to avert the repossessions, Migereko wrote to Finance Minister Maria Kiwanuka and Attorney General Peter Nyombi and urged them to intervene.


Without any responses from government, the landlords ran to courts and secured orders to repossess their land. Migereko has reportedly blocked the re-entries, forcing the landlords back to court to commit the commissioner for Land registration Sarah Kulata to civil prison for contempt of court.




"Palamenti ya Uganda etambula kasoobo nnyo mu kuyisa amateeka" Deputy Speaker Jacob Oulanyah yemulugunyiza:

By Muwanga Kakooza

Added 30th November 2018



Liv2 703x422

Parliamenti ya Uganda nga etudde okuteesa wano e Kampala


OMUMYUKA wa sipiika Jacob Oulanyah yemulugunyizza ku kasoobo akali  mu ngeri obukiiko bwa palamenti gye bukolamu emirimu gyabwo ky’agamba nti kye kiremesezza palamenti okukola obulungi naddala okuyisa amateeka mu budde.

Oulanyah agamba nti obukiiko buweebwa ennaku 45 okunoonyereza n’okukola lipooti ku nsonga yonna okuli n’amabago agaletebwa gavumenti n’ababaka ssekinomu mu palamenti kyokka olumu ziggwaako nga mpaawo kikoleddwa.

Bino Oulanyah yabyogeredde mu palamenti n’akuutira obukiiko okugoberera amateeka agabufuga.


‘’Omusingi gw’enkola y’emirimu gya palamenti guli ku bukiiko.Era bulina okukola obulungi emirimu gyabwo. Wabula kyenyamizza nti ebikwata  ku kwekenenya amabago g’amateeka agatali gamu bikoleddwa kasoobo’’ Oulanyah bwe yagambye.

Ebbago ly’etteeka lirina okumala mu kakiiko akaba kaliwereddwa ennaku 45 zokka nga lyekenenyezebwa n’abantu abatali bamu okuliwakko ebirowoozo. Era oluvannyuma lizzibwa mu palamenti eya wamu okulikubaganyaako ebirowoozo n’okuliyisa.

Oulanyah era yasabye offiisi ya katikkiro okubuulira palamenti amabago g’amateeka gavumenti ge yayanjulira palamenti kyokka nga tekyagetaaga kuysibwa.


Parliamenti ya Uganda erimu ababaka bangi nyo ddala ate nga ensi ya Uganda nsi ntono nyo ddala. Naye mwe abangi emirimu ki emingi egibayitirideko gyemutasobola kukola nakumaliriza?


Era mwasaba okwongezebwa emyaka okubeera nga mukolera abantu ba Uganda okuteeka amateeka amalungi munsi. Abalamuzi bwebabagana kwekutandika okukola nga empola emirimu gyammwe?


Olimba ki Sebo. Wano bwemwayagala okuyisa ekiteeso okukyuusa Ssemmateeka tewali na ssawa emu bweti nga kyayisiddwa dda Parliamenti eno eya Uganda esasulwa omusimbi omuyitirivu ogwomuwi womusolo. Obanga mukola mpola emirimu nga temwagala ani afiirwa ate nga asasula sente nyingi omulimu gukolebwe bulungi?






Very many Ganda civil servants of the State of Buganda have up to now been denied a civil pension:

For Mr Serubyale as he endures hunger now for 38 years,  the central government of Uganda seem to want him dead and forgotten. The incessant civil wars of Uganda have left him homeless, without any historical documents, and Stateless:

31 October,  2018

Written by Yudaya Nangonzi

James Green Serubyale


Mr James Green Serubyale, one of the many old age public servants of the State of Buganda


At 85, James Green Serubyale, struggles with absolute poverty, unanswered requests for pension pay cheques and unfinished plans.

Before he slipped into poverty, Serubyale served Buganda government as an assistant superintendent of works in the ‘50s before briefly joining the post-independence central government of Uganda. He was retired in 1967 and has been fighting for his pension for 38 years, writes Yudaya Nangonzi.

He shakily walks towards our reception with the assistance of a male friend. Clad in full scout uniform patched with various badges, scarf and cap that partly covers his greyish hair, Serubyale is dapper and excited. He opens his old briefcase as I gaze at a grimy identity card fixed with a soft pin on blue ribbon slung around his neck.


“We converged in 2013 to receive music teachers from America. They gave me this ID and I treasure it,” Serubyale recalls with pride as he shares a green file full of original and photocopied documents.

“All those who grabbed my land and that of my wife, curriculum vitae (CV), appointment letter and evidence that my pension was paid but they stopped [remitting money] on December 31, 1980 without clear explanations,” Serubyale says.

From first impressions, one may despise him until you peruse through his rich CV. Serubyale is a civil engineer, an architect, deacon, evangelist, master guide, musician, artist, mathematician, quantity surveyor and herbalist. He is also an official guardian of the children of the late Kabaka Muteesa II.


Having studied in Uganda’s top schools then and stayed in the UK between 1957 and 1963, Serubyale is a confident man. He expresses himself very well in both English and Luganda.

He starts with a quote: “You can delegate authority but you cannot delegate responsibility.”

“President Museveni should come to my rescue. Let him order his people to pay me and as well find me genuine lawyers to fight my land problems,” says the King’s College Budo alumnus (1949-1951).

After serving in various construction companies and the Buganda government as an engineer, Serubyale was on January 7, 1957 appointed acting assistant superintendent of works in the then Mengo government. According to the letter signed by E.H Kamanyi, Serubyale’s starting salary would be Pound Sterling 588 per annum in scale E1, C6-C5 (£ 408 x  £ 18 - £ 516 x £ 24 - £ 684).

“You will abide by the terms and conditions (of 1956) set by Kabaka’s government for chiefs and other kingdom employees. You are entitled to all benefits for chiefs and other employees such as pension and others,” reads Kamanyi’s letter.

After nine years, in a letter dated March 24, 1965, he was appointed assistant engineer-in-chief of the kingdom, another pensionable office, under salary scale AP (£ 1,731 to £ 1,791).

The following year, Prime Minister Apollo Milton Obote, the executive head of the central government, ordered army commander Idi Amin to attack the Lubiri. Serubyale says during this political turmoil, Obote ordered all engineers in the kingdom to join the central government. While his colleagues adhered, Serubyale declined.

“I was too angry because Obote did not respect my king. Obote also got angry with me,” he says. “Since I was a permanent and pensionable civil servant, Obote respected that and instead sent me a letter.”

He no longer has this letter, though. Serubyale says he suffered two house break-ins by soldiers who stole his property and burnt some of his documents including letters of appointment, promotions, salary scales and retirement.  He, however, remembers that the letter went something like this: “I have been directed by the president of the republic of Uganda that you have been retired in public interest with effect from August 1, 1967. You will be given all your retiring benefits including pension.”

Starting August 1, 1967, government started paying his monthly pension until December 31,1980. According to his records, Masaka district administration, which was the paying authority, stopped remitting money on December 31, 1980.  He has written countless letters to the authorities, all in vain.

With support from some officials at the district, Serubyale has compiled a list of particulars for at least 124 cheques, including their numbers, dates and years credited to his bank account between December 11, 1967 and May 7, 1980. But when on June 11, 1996, Serubyale visited the Masaka office, he was told his name was not on the list of pensioners.

“I thought the absence of records in their office was an obstacle and I again on August 9, 2005 carried with me a big file containing overwhelming evidence to clear any doubt that I am a pensioner,” he says.

The officials at the district seemed unconvinced even when he handed over copies of his documents. He cites one Ms Kafeero, a senior personnel officer, who asked him to present his letter of appointment. But the two house break-ins in 1982 and 1994 along Salama road and in Bbunga, respectively, had robbed him of those documents.

The thefts were recorded at Katwe police station under reference number CRB 861/82, and Kabalagala police station reference number SD 02/18/03/94.

Serubyale says Kafeero was “adamant and elusive”, which forced him to engage the services of lawyers. As luck would have it, seasoned lawyer Peter Mulira was the counsel in the matter. When he was at Budo, Mulira was in Budo Junior. One of Mulira’s teachers was Serubyale’s brother, Daniel Kesi Kabugo.

“Mulira was too delighted to help without charging me a single cent. He wrote a letter to Masaka [on May 8, 2006] demanding that my issues be handled or he sues them,” he recalls.

Unfortunately, Kafeero informed him that the first file got lost.

“Ms Kafeero said she would go through the file and inform me later. To-date, I have not heard from Kafeero or any other officer from Masaka district headquarters,” Serubyale says.

“She made me move several times until I ran out of transport [money]. I am an old man and I don’t think she will even respect and help me trace that big file again.”

His efforts to engage the ministry of Public Service did not bear any fruit either as he was referred back to Masaka.

“I don’t have money to bribe officers to help sort my issues. If President Museveni can order his people, maybe they will listen,” he says.

Serubyale is forlorn, having lost his “greatest companion” and wife, Nnalinya Victoria Kamuwanda Mpologoma on September 13, 1978. She succumbed to diabetes and hypertension at Lubaga hospital. They did not have children together due to Mpologoma’s poor health.

“She really tried but failed to carry any pregnancy. With her health, doctors advised that I would lose her, the baby or both,” Serubyale says in a low tone.

Stopping his pension makes his loss doubly unbearable. The acting commissioner for compensation in the ministry of Public Service, Victor Bua, told I recently that Serubyale’s matter can only be addressed if he presents original appointment, confirmation and retirement letters.

“We need to establish circumstances under which he was retired, his salary scale and terms and conditions of the job, among others, before we write to the appropriate office to start processing his pension if he deserves it,” Bua said.

Land disputes

As fate would have it, Serubyale is fighting on a second front. He accuses Kabaka Mutebi’s sister, Nnalinya Sarah Kagere, of grabbing his late wife’s property. Due to his undying love for the kingdom, Serubyale says he has chosen not to sue but engaged Bernard Mutyaba of Kinobe, Mutyaba and Turinawe (KMT) Advocates.

On February 17, 2014, KMT wrote to Kagere demanding that she renounces administration of Mpologoma’s estate.

“It is the client’s considered opinion that the law on succession entitles the legally married husband of the deceased to 99 per cent share of the estate. We believe you will find the proposals herein tenable and we, therefore, hope for your positive action,” reads KMT’s letter.

The land includes; Sozi estate on Bugala island-Kalangala, five acres in Munyonyo (FC 17730), five acres in Kitebi (FC 14241), six acres in Kibuye, a square mile at Lwanjiri Ssingo (FC 19846), 159 acres at Wabutungulu, Bulemezi (FC 14143), 10 acres at Nabukalu, Busiro, a castle at Bamunanika, 190 acres (FC 10068) in Butambala Kibuga and six acres that also comprised their matrimonial home at Salama.

Other properties Kagere allegedly took over are shares and stocks in Uganda Breweries Limited, Lake Victoria Bottling Company and Kasujja Farm and Mining Company Limited. At the Administrator General’s offices, his wife’s file number is registered as Mengo A/c 384/79 under the names Victoria Biyatiriisi Namikka Mpologoma Kamuwanda.

The matter remains unresolved. Meanwhile, Serubyale is also looking for a one Michael Kabugo who allegedly works with Lubowa-based Joint Clinical Research Centre. He claims Kabugo stole an original copy of his land title for 1.29 acres located near Bulange, Mengo.

Kabugo is the one who introduced him to Mutyaba. With no child and wife, Serubyale is now at the mercy of well-wishers who provide food at his home in Masajja B zone along Busabala road. He roams Kampala streets each day looking for scrap or bottle tops and gets paid Shs 500 per kilogramme.

At times, he uses the money to pay tithe in his Najjanankumbi church or cover transport costs whenever he is too tired to walk home.

“You may not believe me but I have survived hunger for 38 years because I don’t get my pension. I have been at the mercy of Muslims in town who give me food and another lady, Joweria Namusisi, who stays along Busabala road,” he says. “One time, I decided to count the times Namusisi has given me food and they are 140. Where can you find such a good Samaritan?”


Such African human suffering mishap is the product of the first DP Catholic Kattikiro of Buganda, Mr Ssemwogerere MulwanyaMuli. He is the one who took over a half baked deal of the State of Buganda to abide with the State of NRM Uganda. When the next Kattikiro of the State of Buganda came around, the country of Buganda was already in double jeopardy.






In Uganda, the Internal Security Organization and the External Security organization are randomly  arresting civilians as the  National military Police looks on helplessly:

August 10, 2018

Written by Zurah Nakabugo and Baker Batte Lule

With practiced patience, the new police leadership has looked on quietly as soldiers deployed by the Internal Security Organisation (ISO) go about snatching civilians off streets in broad daylight or under the cover of darkness.

Officially, the police force has carefully avoided addressing journalists’ questions about alleged torture of such victims at the hands of ISO agents in ungazetted and undisclosed locations.

But inside the force, sources say considerable unhappiness is building over what some see as the irregular usurping of policing duties by other agencies. In recent multiple interviews, police insiders privately voiced their displeasure with ISO chief, Col Kaka Bagyenda’s methods of work.

According to police sources, through these actions ISO seems to have appropriated powers from police.

“We have left them to do their thing,” one angry police official said during an interview.

Police boss Okoth Ochola (L)

Public interest in these developments took hold when military intelligence first began by picking up senior police officers, around the time Gen Kale Kayihura was sacked as inspector general of police in May. The arrests occurred against the backdrop of a wave of violent crime sweeping through parts of the country.

Soon after, civilians who were close to the former police chief were also taken into custody by either the Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence or ISO. Those lucky enough to regain their freedom so far have narrated tales of torture and other abuse allegedly at the hands of ISO agents in ‘safe houses’ around Kampala.

The military crackdown has left the police open to public criticism for abdicating its constitutional role although police spokesman Emilian Kayima this week refused to be drawn on this, saying the question of whether they have given up their policing function, can be answered by ISO.

“When a case is reported, we investigate it and make arrests. I am yet to find out at police but there are no complaints so far by people kidnapped by security agencies. The state doesn’t kidnap; they arrest criminals,” he said.

In this environment, other insiders say Col Kaka regularly visits police headquarters in Naguru, Kampala to meet with Kayihura’s replacement, John Martin Okoth Ochola. The two principals, sources say, talk for hours. This picture of close cooperation at the top is, however, contradicted by ISO’s lone ranger tactics.

Security sources told The Observer that while ISO shares some of its intelligence reports with police, the force which is otherwise legally mandated to detect, prevent and investigate crime, and to carry out arrests is not fully in the loop. Both ISO and the External Security Organisation (ESO) came into being with enactment of the Security Organisations Act of 1987.

Role of ISO/Police

Section 3 which lays down the functions of these agencies states that their main role is to collect, receive, and process internal and external intelligence on the security of Uganda; advise and recommend to the president or any other authority as the president may direct on what action should be taken in connection with the intelligence information collected.

Contrary to what is happening, the Act under section 4(1) is specific about arresting powers.

The section states that;

“No officer or employee of either organisation shall take  action directed against or affecting any person following intelligence gathered pursuant to section 3 unless that action has first been sanctioned by the president or such other authority as the president may direct, except that either of the directors general may direct the police to arrest and detain, in relation to intelligence gathered any person for not  more than forty eight hours pending a report by the Director General under section 3 (b) and a decision by the President,”

Section 4(2) states further that that “No officer or employee of either organisation shall have power to arrest, detain, or confine any person by virtue only of being an officer or employee of the organisation.” 

The law goes on in section 12 to state that any officer or employee of the organisations who arrests, detains or confines any person in contravention of the Act is liable on conviction to a term of imprisonment not exceeding ten years.

The Constitution under Article 212, states that the police’s roles are to protect life and property, to preserve law and order and to prevent and detect crime. Article 212(d) says police will cooperate with the civilian authority and other security organs.

Detailed explanation of these roles can be found in the Police Act 1994 (as amended). Interviewed about the arrests of civilians by ISO, Col Kaka was unapologetic. He wondered why other people can pick civilians off streets without presenting an arrest warrant and soldiers cannot.

“I don’t know why it is so special when army officers arrest people who commit crime yet people on streets, and villages arrest others when they are not even in security uniforms,” he told The Observer on Monday, August 6.

His understanding of how suspects should be handled is reported to have attracted police opposition recently. Police insiders said that weeks ago Ochola declined an ISO request for police officers to parade on camera suspects the agency had arrested from upcountry.

Ochola, according to interviewed sources, didn’t want to sully the reputation of his officers, given the constitutional protections and rights of suspects until one is proved guilty. More worrying is that the manner in which ISO operations are being conducted has increased the risk of a friendly fire incident with police personnel.

“They can easily be mistaken for thugs by police,” one officer said.


The Director of Public Prosecutions Mike Chibita on Monday said his office always responds to cases of human rights abuse like torture when brought to their attention.

“We call upon the public; lawyers and civil society organisations if they know people held beyond 48 hours in custody, they can bring the matter up...The lawyers can take the matter to court and the suspects are brought to court or victims released,” he said.

Human Rights

Human rights lawyer and activist with the NGO, Chapter Four, Nicholas Opiyo draws attention to what Uganda’s laws says about torture of suspects.

“According to Article 44 of the Constitution, if anybody is tortured, the person who has tortured him, commits an offence. In the Prevention and Prohibition of Torture act, that person is liable and can be prosecuted or sued for the offence of torture,” he says.


These African intelligency agencies seem stuck somewhere very dark in their work. It is like someone looking for a needle in a hay stark. The workers are looking for the enemies of the state so that they can be taken to the encalyptus tree forests of Katwe, Kampala like President Amin did. They will then be blindfolded and shot in the heart so that the President of Uganda is made safe to rule the country of Uganda.






President Museveni of Uganda has praised the  French revolutionaries

(mutineers) of 1789/98, that toppled the corrupt King of France and introduced a Republican State in that country:


Toast to friendship. Prime minister Ruhakana

Toast to friendship. Prime minister Ruhakana Rugundu toasts with the Ambassador of France to Uganda, Ms Stefanie Rivola, during the Bastille Day in Kampala. COURTESY PHOTO 

UGANDA, Kampala: President Museveni at the weekend commended the French forefathers who ignited the 1789 revolution that midwifed the principles of liberty, equality and fraternity leading to the modern day France.
In the speech delivered by Prime Minister Ruhakana Rugunda at the French national Bastille Day on Saturday, Mr Museveni said “the courage of your forefathers who rejected the injustices occasioned by the absolute monarchy” culminated into a better France.

“They endured over 10 years of a protracted revolution inspired by liberal and radical ideals to establish a republic that served the interests of all,” he said.
The storming of Bastille, a medieval fortress in Paris which represented the despotic monarch, on July 14, was one of the key highlights of the French Revolution that inspired several uprisings across Europe against feudal and corrupt monarchies.

President Museveni, a self-professed admirer of history has always uttered publicly his admiration for freedom-fighting groups particularly those that stood against bad governments, sectarianism, and corruption.
In 1980 Mr Museveni took to the bush and waged a five-year guerilla war against the governments Apollo Milton Obote and Gen Tito Okello military junta. He eventually captured power in 1986, promised a fundamental revolution, scorned leaders who over stay in power, and derided his predecessors for all sorts of ills.

The President described relations between Uganda and France as “historic and continue to develop both in scope and depth over the years” since establishment of bilateral relations.
“We have established and will continue to maintain significant interactions at all levels including in the economic, political and cultural fields,” he said.


Urged. The President commended the French for supporting Uganda in areas of peace and security and Foreign Direct Investment, among others but called upon the French private sector to partake of opportunities in other sectors of the economy.

The Parliament of Uganda is under environmental attack over the removal of Namyoya forest for urban housing projects:

The Namyoyo Forest Reserve in the District of Mukono in Goma Division

22 February, 2018

Mukono Municipality mayor George Kagimu has asked Parliament to respond to a petition where authorities protested the plan to degazette Namyoya Forest Reserve in Goma Sub-county, two years ago.
Mr Kagimu says unscrupulous individuals have taken advantage of the degazettement plan to claim a bigger part of the forest as some have already constructed permanent buildings.
“This matter was left hanging despite leaders petitioning Parliament. We want Parliament to pronounce itself on this matter because the forest is being encroached,” Mr Kagimu said during an interview on Wednesday.
He said Mukono is losing its natural forests at an alarming rate and they cannot accept the remaining few to be destroyed.
“It is sad that those charged with this responsibility of protecting our forests have failed to do so,” he added.

Allegations dismissed
Worldwide, forests are instrumental in shaping the environment, especially through rainfall formation. They are also key in removing carbon dioxide from the atmosphere. Trees also have significant medicinal value.
But the Mukono District chairperson Andrew Ssenyonga dismissed allegations that his administration initiated the idea of degazetting the forest reserve.

He said by the time he assumed office two years ago, his predecessor with the backing of central government had already started on a programme to replace the forest with a satellite city. “The proposal was already in the pipeline although it got setbacks when Mukono Municipality leaders petitioned Parliament protesting the move,” Mr Ssenyonga said.
He, however, noted that the process of degazetting Namyoya Forest Reserve is still ongoing and stakeholders have held several meetings to that effect.
“Each of the parties [Mukono District, Mukono Municipality, Goma Division and central government ] have got interests and we have held several meetings to build consensus and see how both the project [of constructing a satellite city]and the forest can co-exist,” he said.

He noted that as a district, they have since requested for an Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) report before endorsing the project.
“Environmental issues concern all of us and we cannot just allow a project on forest land without any EIA done. When they initiated the degazzettement process, there was a proposal to plant another forest in Nakasongola, and our question has always been; what about Mukono?” he asked.

Mr Ssenyonga also dismissed reports of permanent houses being built on the forest land. He noted that even those who had cultivated on the land have been chased away.

He said the district and community based organisations have launched a programme to plant new trees in the reserve.
Mukono Municipality MP Betty Nambooze who has been on the forefront of saving the forest reserve, says their efforts to block its degazettement are still on, but expressed dismay over some local leaders whom she says have betrayed the cause.
“Many people even those in the current district and municipal council offices are secretly backing the degazettement of the forest after being promised plots when the deal is done. I detected that fraudulent process when one of the former leaders at the district promised me some acres of land if I support their proposal,” Ms Nambooze said.
Namyoya Forest Reserves initially had 900 acres but due to Wanton encroachment over the past two years, less than 500 acres are left intact.

Mr Kagimu said if government is in need of land to erect a satellite city, they should utilise the more than 2,000 acres of free land in Kyesereka and Papati villages rather than cutting down the forest. Government is already in the process of degazetting eight forest reserves in urban centres to pave way for expansion of the towns.






2,000 citizens have  signed a petition against the Member of Parliament over a Presidential Age Limit  Bill

Igara West MP Raphael Magyezi. A

The Igara West Member of Parliament Mr Raphael Magyezi.

By Zadock Amanyisa
21 November, 2017

Uganda, Western Province, Bushenyi- At least 2,268 residents of Igara West, the constituency of mover of the Constitution Amendment Bill, Mr Raphael Magyezi, have signed a petition denouncing his move and said they will walk to Parliament to present their position against the Bill.

The residents started appending their signatures against the proposed amendment to remove the presidential age limit form the Constitution at the weekend. 
They said Mr Magyezi did not consult them and his position on the Bill does not reflect their views.

They are led by the National Resistance Movement chairperson for Nyabubare Sub-county, Mr Naboth Kajungu, and Mr Apollo Lee Kakonge, a resident of Nkuuna parish in Nyabubare who also is the executive director of Western Ankole Civil Society Forum.

Out of 2,592 residents, 2,268 (87 per cent) said the Constitution should not be amended to remove the 75-age limit on the presidency while 328 (representing 13 per cent) said they support the amendment.

Mr Kakonge said the process of collecting the signatures was successful and transparent, and that the petition will be taken to Parliament. 
He did not say how or when the petition will be presented to Parliament.

Mr Kakonge told Daily Monitor that Mr Magyezi has personalised the Constitution Amendment Bill and shunned consultations of voters in his constituency yet he was assigned and given Shs29m by Parliament to seek his people’s views.

“In the beginning, we thought it was a Bill that he is supposed to tell us about as the people he represents. He is supposed to hold meetings with us as people of Igara West so that we reaffirm this commitment that we do not want the Constitution amended,” Mr Kakonge said.

He also pressed the residents’ demand for Magyezi to account for the Shs29m he received from Parliament for consultative meetings in the constituency to collect people’s views on the Bill. Mr Kajungu, the Nyabubabare NRM chairperson, reiterated his colleague Mr Kakonge’s position and accused Mr Magyezi of subverting the will of the people he represents in Parliament.

The residents, mobilising signatures under their Igara West Power to People Taskforce, threatened to walk to Parliament in Kampala to meet Speaker Rebecca Kadaga to present their position on the Bill.

“We delegated power to him [Mr Magyezi] but he is not using it very well. We want to go to Parliament, meet the Speaker and tell her that our MP is not representing us very well and we don’t know whose views he is representing,” said Mr Savio Tumuramye, the chairperson of the task force.

When contacted by Daily Monitor on Monday, Mr Magyezi challenged the authority of the residents to do the consultations about the Bill. He said it is he, as MP, to consult people, not any other person. He said the residents’ petition cannot negate his consultations.

“What is the mandate of those people and what are their interests? What is the source of the money they are using? Before they even ask of the Shs29m, they must address the issue of who is funding civil society to go to Igara West and Bushenyi,” Mr Magyezi charged. He said he would follow up the matter, adding that he consulted the people and nobody should ask how he did it.




President wa Uganda, Mr Museveni asiimye bannaddiini obuteyingiza mu byabufuzi ekiseera kyamaze ekiwanvu nga afuga Uganda:

By Musasi wa Bukedde


Added 29th October 2017


ESAZA ekkulu ery’e Kampala lijaguzza okuweza emyaka 50, ku mukolo Pulezidenti Museveni kw’asinzidde okusiima bannaddiini olw’okussaawo akakiiko akabagatta ne baggyawo enkola enkadde eyaleetanga enjawukana n’obusosoze obwatuukanga n’okuyingira mu by’obufuzi.


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 President wa Uganda aludde nga afuga Uganda, Mr Yoweri Museveni


Museveni era agambye  nti  gavumenti  egenda kwongera okuwa Klezia n’Ekkanisa ya Uganda ssente okwongera okulakulanya ekifo ky’ebiggwa by’abajjulizi e Namugongo kuba tebikoma ku kuyamba mu bya ddiini byokka wabula n’eby’obulambuzi.

‘’Buli June 3 (lunaku lw’abajjulizi) bwe nzijja wano mpulira bubi okulaba enkuyanja y’abantu ejja wano kyokka nga tewali bikozesebwa bimala. Tujja kwongera okuwaayo ssente okukuza Namugongo’’ Museveni bw’agambye.

Abadde ku mukolo esaza ekkulu ery’e Kampala kwe lijjagulizza okuweza emyaka 50 bukyanga litandikibwawo ogwetabiddwaako Kalidinaali okuva e Vatican , H.E. Ferdinando Filoni, Ssabasumba w’esaza ekkulu e Kampala Dr. Cyprian Kizito Lwanga, abasumba b’Klezia ne Katikkiro wa Buganda Charles Peter Mayiga. Gubadde ku kiggwa ky’abajjulizi  e Namugongo.

Museveni yategeezezza nti amaddiini edda gaali geenyigidde mu bikolwa by’okusosolagana nga gatuuka n’okuwagira ebimu ku bibiina by’obufuzi. Kyokka n’agamba nti ekirungi kati embeera yakyuka ng’amaddiini gonna gali wamu nga galina n’akakiiko akagagatta aka ‘’Inter Religious Council’. Yakunze bannaddiini okulwanyisa obwavu n’agamba nti basaanye okukoppa enkola ng’eya gavumenti ey’okweyambisa ‘emiruka’ okubulwanyisa.

Museveni yagambye nti Uganda erimu abajjulizi bangi abaawayo obulamu bwabwe okutereeza eggwanga mu by’eddiini n’ebyobufuzi. N’agamba: ‘’Nga June 3 tukuza olunaku lw’abajjulizi ab’eddiini ate June 9 ne tukuza olw’abebyobufuzi’’.

Akunze abantu  okwewala okuba abakodo wabula bawengayo eri mu Mukama olw’okubayisa mu biseera ebizibu ebyatuuka n’okufiramu abantu abasoba mu kitwalo 80 mu ntalo ezize zibeera mu Uganda.

Agambye nti gavumenti yawa Klezia ssente z’okulakulanya ekifo kino ng’ezimu zaali zakusasulira ttaka gavumenti ly’ekozesa eririraanye ekisaawe e Ntebe.

Ye Dr. Cyprian Kizito Lwanga  yebazizza Pulezidenti olw’obuyambi obuze buwebwayo okuyamba Klezia naddala okukuza Namugongo. N’agamba nti Klezia esabira eggwanga okubaawo mirembe  n’okulaba ng’ebisalibwawo mu by’obufuzi biyamba okukuuma famile n’okulwanyisa empisa embi.

Yagambye nti Klezia egenda kuzimba ekifo ekikuumirwamu eby’edda ekigenda okuyamba abantu okumanya ebyaliwo bukyanga ddiini ejja mu Uganda nga kyakutuumibwa ‘’ Muteesa 1  Catholic Museum’’.

Asabye gavumenti okussa mu bajeti ssente z’okulabirira abatalina mwasirizi okugeza abalema, abakadde n’abalala.


Okubasiima kudde wali. Abafuzi bo mu Africa bebasiinga okuleeta okubonabona kwabantu ennaku zino mu ntalo ezobutategelagana, nokuttibwa kwabantu ekirindi. Era eddini zino enzungu oba ezebuwalabu zisanidde okulaba nazo bwezisasula KU SSESSOLO okukulakulanya ensi Uganda.

The African Ancient Empire of Bunyoro is now a happy provincial administration, after taking over the administration of Uganda territory lost during its confrontation with the British Empire around 1889/1920:


The chairperson  Uganda Land Commission, Mr

The chairperson Uganda Land Commission, Mr Baguma Isoke 



IN KIBAALE: Bamwira Bamwira, a resident of Karuguza Town, Kibaale District, feels liberated after getting the land title for his two small plots of land where he has been a squatter for the last 90 years.
Bamwira, 95, is among the few elderly local residents who tasted the bitter cold war to regain part of Bunyoro Kingdom counties of Buyaga and Bugangaizi, formally referred to as the ‘‘lost counties’’.
The lost counties currently form the current Kibaale, Kagadi and Kakumiro districts.
The people in the two counties, which had been given to Buganda Kingdom by the British colonialists in 1900, later voted to return to Bunyoro Kingdom in a referendum.
Bamwira describes the annexation of the lost counties to the referendum held on November 4, 1964, as a fresh event in life which resolved the colonial injustices halfway.
Asked to explain what he exactly means; Bamwira says: “The referendum brought back our counties, the chiefs were removed, we stopped paying the Buganda-imposed taxes but the government then did not give us our land titles and we have been squatters on our motherland for all these years.”
Like Bamwira, many natives of Bunyoro saw the return of the lost counties as a sigh of relief, though the same kicked in land injustice that has dragged on for decades.
This meant that the referendum did not address the issue of land ownership as it was expected then.
The Uganda Land Commission chairman, Mr Baguma Isoke, who is also a senior citizen in Kibaale District, explains that after defeating the then Bunyoro king, Omukama Kabalega, the British administration and its collaborators took away Buyaga and Bugangaizi land under mailo tenure system.
“The surveying and mapping of mailo land parcels first happened here (Buyaga and Bugangaizi) by the British in 1927. The land titles were issued out to the collaborators in 1928. These titles were first kept at Mengo, the headquarters of Buganda Kingdom, and later taken to Mityana land offices,” Mr Baguma reveals.
He recounts that after the 1964 referendum, the land titles were taken to Fort Portal land offices.
In the 2002/3 Financial Year, the Uganda Land Commission under the ministry of Lands enacted the Land Fund to kick-start the process of compensating the absentee landlords willing to relinquish interests in land which was occupied by millions of tenants across the country.
Mr Baguma says government, using the Land Fund, has since 2002, purchased 200,000 acres of mailo land from absentee landlords in Bunyoro, Tooro, Buganda and Ankole sub-regions.
“So far, 61 per cent of the purchased land is in Bunyoro, particularly in Kibaale, Kagadi and Kakumiro districts, which constitute the former lost counties of Buyaga and Bugangaizi,” Mr Baguma says.
He further says: “The land purchased in greater Kibaale is only five per cent of the total mailo land that is supposed to be purchased and restituted to the rightful owners in the districts of Kibaale, Kagadi and Kakumiro. This has been done in a bid to redress the past colonial mistakes and correct the land injustices meted against Banyoro by colonialists and their collaborators.”
So far, 504 land titles have been transferred to the rightful owners.
Last month, President Museveni commissioned a land office in Kibaale by giving 254 land titles to tenants in Buyaga and Bugangaizi at a function in Karuguza. To many natives; this was liberation of their land after more than 100 years of living as squatters on their motherland.
The 254 beneficiaries are part of the Buyaga Block 244, Plot 19, Karuguza in Kibaale Town, which formerly belonged to a one Aguste Birimumaso.
Mr Baguma’s concern is the more than 176 land titles which have for more than 100 years never been claimed by any person.
Responding to this issue recently, President Museveni said: “We will distribute these land titles to other people if their owners who collaborated with the British fail to claim them.”
The President blamed the current land troubles in the country on the past mistakes committed by the colonialists, who he said ruled Africa through divisionism based on tribalism.
The Lands minister, Ms Betty Amongi, while speaking at a recent function in Kibaale District, warned the beneficiaries of land titles against using them carelessly and risk losing their land.

The State of Buganda as recognised today on the international scene:

September 13, 2017

Written by Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda


On August 30, signs of what Uganda has become started showing at Entebbe airport before I boarded a KLM flight to New York to attend an annual conference of Baganda at Westin, near Princeton University.

In the VIP lounge at Entebbe, I met Henry Mayega who, about five years ago, was rewarded with a deputy ambassadorial appointment for crossing from Uganda People’s Congress (UPC) to the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM).

Before his formal appointment, Mayega was roaming FM radio stations as a special NRM mobilizer. At Entebbe, like many new NRM converts who routinely seek to impress their new masters, Mayega was dressed in a yellow T-shirt and was carrying a yellow travel bag.

He really looked almost entirely yellow, more yellow than Arua Municipality MP Ibrahim Abiriga. This gentleman is Uganda’s deputy ambassador to China.

At Amsterdam, we took different flights; he flew to Miami to attend the Ugandan North American Association (UNAA) conference and I to New York to attend the Ttabamiruka.

Mayega typifies the new relationship that the revolutionary has built with many politicians. And I know he despises them and holds the rest of us in contempt. He has reduced us into mercenaries who are in politics to hunt for fortunes.

I know Mayega and I met him several times when I was still a journalist with The Observer. There was a time I met him at Makerere University in the office of the vice chancellor.

I was crosschecking information on how Ms Janet Kataaha had illegally joined Makerere for a bachelor’s degree in education. 

Mayega was a personal assistant to the then vice chancellor and we really had a good conversation. But at Entebbe, he only opened his mouth when I greeted him and shut it up for the next one hour of waiting. I think he cannot afford a conversation with an FDC spokesperson.

To the contrary, those who are close to Museveni have, either through experience or security of tenure, learnt to be humble and sociable.

That is the experience I got when I shared many hours of flight with Moses Byaruhanga, a senior presidential advisor, from Amsterdam to Entebbe. Byaruhanga, who told me he is turning 50 this year, even spoke about life after public service and how he was preparing for it.

He kept selling Uganda to any foreigner who lent him an ear, including flight attendants. One female attendant told him she could not spend her vacation in Uganda because the country is chaotic where animals and human beings cross highways like their sitting rooms.

She said she experienced this once when she was being driven to a hotel in Kampala. At Westin Princeton at Forrestal Village hotel, Ttabamiruka, under the theme “Breaking Ground on a New Buganda, Rooted in Tradition,” discussed ways through which Buganda can gain some of its lost glory.

Ggwanga Mujje New Jersey/New York, the organizers of Ttabamiruka, used the conference to also commemorate the 10th anniversary of these conferences. The organizers are a radical group who call a spade a spade.

Their view, which I also share, is that Buganda must be treated as a shareholder in the company called Uganda. Buganda must not be boxed in a corner where it negotiates surrender with the occupier.

Three presentations by Mr Ssewava Sserubiri (former Buganda minister), Florence Bagunywa Nkalubo (former Buganda minister) and Eng Allan Waligo Nakirembeka (former clan leaders’ speaker) energized participants who vowed to stop lamentations.

For Buganda to gain some of its lost glory, it must demand the return of the 9,000 square miles of land currently managed and abused by district land boards.

The administrative structures that won admiration from the British colonialists must be revived and strengthened. And of course Buganda must invest in its youthful population. There were other radical resolutions.

Ttabamiruka is the only conference for Ugandans in diaspora the state does not control. And for me, like I have said many times before, this is where we have gone wrong as a country and as a continent.

Those in power have wronged everybody and keep looking over their shoulders to identify pursuers. It is the reason they send delegations to diaspora conferences not to listen, but to control proceedings.

One of the reasons the diaspora is very attractive to African autocrats is because it is liberated and well resourced. Nigeria, for example, receives in the range of $20 billion and $30 billion from its estimated 20 million people who live abroad.

Senegal, Kenya and Uganda each receive between $1 billion and $2 billion. Recent figures from the ministry of Finance suggest that only tourism has overtaken remittances from Ugandans abroad in earning us foreign exchange. Nigeria recently introduced a diaspora bond to tap into these resources.

As usual, instead of starting a conversation with Ugandans abroad on how genuinely they can help develop their country, we are sending Abiriga-like delegates to wave bisanja at them.

The Gulf countries have learnt from their history. They are sponsoring their children to study at world universities like Princeton so they can return with skills.

For us, those who acquire skills just stay away instead of returning to a country where jobs are given out to those in yellow T-shirts.

The author is Kira Municipality MP and spokesperson of the Forum for Democratic Change.


Ganda conferences or Ttabamiruka as such are just talking shops. One who has got to work these days for a living cannot be expected to attend to such organizations talking the same things for ages without any action plan.
As soon as one hops on the plane from diaspora to the State of Buganda and one says such things, the people concerned just look at you as if you are coming from another planet. Munange eno ye Uganda yaffe! Supposing our forfathers used to say such rubbish to the colonialists that imposed on them a dodgy protectorate on their territory, would we as great grand children have found anything called Buganda?

                             This is what  remains of the Greater East African Railways built some 80 years
                              ago by the British Colonialists

President Museveni has appealed to the Chinese government to prioritise funding for the standard gauge railway (SGR) project, where, more than two years after the tender was issued, construction is yet to start.

The SGR is expected to link Uganda with Kenya at Malaba, Rwanda at Mirama Hills, South Sudan at Nimule and the Democratic Republic of Congo at Aruu.

While at a summit in South Africa on Friday, where African leaders met Chinese president Xi Jinping, Museveni said: “Our urgent need that we would like the Chinese government to look at is the building of the regional SGR.”

                 The proposed new modern East African Railway network


At the same meeting, Jinping pledged $60bn for Africa. Uganda has already signed contracts with a Chinese company, China Harbour Engineering Company Ltd (CHEC) to build the SGR.

“The project is just waiting for funding from Chinese financing agencies,” Museveni said. The Uganda section will cost $3.2bn.

The SGR is one of the many projects that China is undertaking in the country. Museveni applauded China for helping Uganda to build two hydro-power dams and the construction of the Kampala-Entebbe Expressway, which connects to the country’s only international airport. The two hydro-power dams will yield 600MW at Karuma and 183MW at Isimba.

Museveni added that Huawei Corporation is also helping with the ICT backbone, with support from the Chinese government. Meanwhile, the SGR will be built in phases, starting with the Kampala-Malaba part of 273 kilometres. The whole line will be 3,000 kilometres.

Kenya has already started building the SGR, a project that will cut transport costs.



Nigeria faces separatist pressure over its international obligation to the British colonial agreement that made that country:
Publish Date: Nov 25, 2015
                               The President of the Federation of Nigeria Muhammadu Buhari.
When Boko Haram captured territory in Nigeria's northeast last year and declared a caliphate, there were real fears for the sovereignty of Africa's most populous nation.

A deadline is looming for the military to end the six years of violence, with signs that troops have wrested back control of most of the towns and villages lost to the Islamists.

But now President Muhammadu Buhari is facing another potential headache with the revival of separatist sentiment in the country's southeast and renewed debate over the sharing of oil wealth.

Recent weeks have seen a wave of protests calling for an independent state of Biafra, 45 years after the end of the brutal civil sparked by a previous declaration of independence.

Now, campaigners in the oil-producing Niger delta are demanding total control of resources to develop the region, which remains under-developed despite billions of dollars earned from crude.

Last Friday, the Niger Delta Self-Determination Movement (NDSDM) lobby group, declared the current agreement, whereby oil revenue is divided among Nigeria's 36 states, was unfair.

"The 13 percent (share for the Niger Delta) enshrined in the 1999 constitution by the military is depriving us of our God-given resources," the group's convener Annkio Briggs told reporters in Lagos.

"We want 100 percent control and ownership of our oil so that we can control our future."

- Northern 'dominance' -

Nigeria's crude-reliant economy has been battered by the fall in global oil prices, hampering government spending and even the payment of state-sector salaries.

Crude accounts for 90 percent of Nigeria's export earnings and 70 percent of government overall revenue.

In 2014, the country earned $77 billion from oil exports, according to the US Department of Energy, down from $84 billion in 2013 and $94 billion in 2012.

How much each state in the federation gets from the sector has long been a thorny issue, exposing barely concealed regional and ethnic rivalries.

Demands for a greater share of oil revenue were a factor in the violence that gripped the delta in the 2000s until a government amnesty programme, which ends this year, bought off militants.

Briggs' group argues Nigeria's political architecture, with 19 states classed as northern and 17 in the south, unfairly penalises the southern states where oil is found.

"Of the 774 local government areas (administrative divisions within each state), the north is given almost 70 percent," she said, calling it "manipulations for... socio-economic and political dominance".

She blamed a succession of northern-dominated military governments for forcing through the revenue-sharing agreement down the barrel of a gun "without our free, prior and informed consent".

Briggs denied calling for a break away from the federation but argued every region instead should use its own natural resources to develop itself.

The NDSDM was founded last year during a national conference convened by former president Goodluck Jonathan at which delegates recommended the delta region received 18 percent of oil revenue.

The recommendation was not implemented before Jonathan left office.

- 'Politically motivated' -

Nigeria is almost evenly split between a Muslim-majority north and largely Christian south and the sharp division informs most aspects of political debate.

But the argument for so-called "fiscal federalism" is seen by some as unrealistic, with sectors such as agriculture and manufacturing not sufficiently developed yet to be sustainable.

Anyakwee Nsirimovu, of the Niger Delta Civil Society Coalition pressure group, said demands from southern pressure groups were predictable now Buhari, a northern Muslim, was in power.

"Why is it after the defeat of Jonathan you see the likes of Annkio Briggs, MASSOB (Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra) and IPOB (Indigenous Peoples of Biafra) asking for resource control and self-determination?" he asked.

The complaints in fact exposed the failure of Jonathan, from the oil-producing Bayelsa state, to help his southern kinsmen during his six years in power, he argued.

"Those who lost out in the power equation are behind the crisis," he claimed.

But Tony Nnadi, of the Movement for New Nigeria, said every ethnic group had the right to either belong to or pull out of Nigeria, nearly 102 years after the country was formed.

"In 1914, the so-called Nigeria came into being through an amalgamation of southern and northern protectorates by the British colonial power," he said.

"By the provisions of the amalgamation, we have the right since 2014 to renegotiate the basis of our continued existence.

The experiences of various ethnic groups "in the last 100 years have shown we cannot continue in the marriage", he added.



This political problem is typical of the many countries on the continent of Africa that are suffering because of British modern colonialism. How can a visitor come to visit your own country and order you never again not to use your vernacular languages to ever discuss your day to day politics other than in his language of English, French, Spanish and Portuguese?

Issues we should address to end land wrangles in Uganda:

Peter Mulira

Mr Peter Mulira


12 November, 2018


By Mr Peter Mulira


In Summary

ln a statement issued last week, the Commission of Inquiry into Land Matters blamed judicial officials for the rising cases of land evictions which have engulfed some parts of the country.

The Judiciary reacted by complaining about the method the commission employed in issuing its statement although it undertook to look into the issues raised.

According to reliable sources, most of the title deeds used in the present wave of land evictions are traceable to government compensations for land required for public purposes, especially after 2010.

All of a sudden, a few people with inside information of government plans, started using fraudulent title deeds to claim compensation from government. Since there were occupants of the land involved who were cheated out, conflicts were inevitable.

As frauds at the Land office became perfected, a sophisticated ring of land agents, who fronted big people with illegally obtained compensation money, became the order of the day. Unfortunately this new class of land grabbers included some senior judicial officials, who have been reported to the commission.

There are seven ways which lead to land frauds:

First, some lawyers connive with Land office staff to issue fraudulent title deeds on somebody’s land. The land is then sold to a land grabber, who knows the risk involved in keeping the fraudulent title for a long time.

They, therefore, take to the bank and raise a loan against it.

Alternatively, the land grabber finds a buyer who is willing to pay a fortune provided all occupants are first removed. This leads to cruel eviction.

Secondly, Article 41 of the Constitution guarantees the right of the public to access information in public custody. In the case of land, the public is entitled to trace the title to its root. However, today when a search is sought on a title, the registrar gives out only information he chooses and the file is withheld from the public.

Thirdly, many title deeds are still under the old system of land registration, which started with the Registration of Land Titles Ordinance of 1908. A new system based on Bock and Plot Numbers was introduced in 1958, but the old titles remained valid until the old title is converted.

New title deeds are issued to land grabbers, which leads to conflicts with original owners

Fourthly, decentralisation meant that responsibility of land survey became the responsibility of district staff surveyors, who are answerable to district political leaders and not to the commissioner of surveys. Without proper supervision, abuses have occurred on people’s registered land.

Fifthly, expired leases to non-Africans are the subject of abuses. Under the law, such land is supposed to revert to the original owner who issued the lease. However, most of this land has been transferred to land grabbers or transformed into freeholds.

Sixthly, the country welcomed the introduction of computerisation of Land Registry records. Unfortunately, the programme was not properly designed.

In the first place, the user department was responsible for the system development, which meant that there were no checks and balances

Secondly, there is no audit of the information fed into the computer. This means that the information can change as many times as the situation demands, which makes ownership of land insecure.

Lastly, the 9000 square miles, which formed public land in Buganda, are now vested in district land boards, which are managing them irresponsibly. Recently, one board gave away 11 square miles to one person.

We need to address the above points if we are to solve land wrangles. To blame them on the colonialists is to be diversionary.






Gav't egenda kwewola obuwumbi 1,300 okuzimba ekisaawe ky'ennyonyi ekipya

By Muwanga Kakooza

Added 4th December 2017

GAVUMENTI egenda kwewola obuwumbi 1,300 (1.3 trillion) okuzimba ekisaawe ky'enyonyi ekipya e Kabale.

1entebbeairport 703x422

Ekisawe ky'Entebbe ekirabika nga tekikola sente ezikimala okutuusa nga amafuta gatandise okusimwa.


Ekisaawe kino kye kimu ku pulojekiti z’okuyamba Uganda okunyweza eby’okusima amafuta ga Uganda okusuubirwa okutandika mu mwaka 2020.

Ensimbi zigenda kwewolwa okuva mu bbanka okuli UK Export Finance  ne Standard Chartered Bank e London.

Minisita w’eggwanga ow’ebyensimbi David Bahati  yategeezezza nti  ng’oggyeeko ekisaawe gavumenti etegeka okuzimba amakolero, eddongooserezo ly’amafuta n’ebintu ebirala mu kitundu ky’e Bunyoro kino omugenda okusimwa amafuta.

Ekisaawe kigenda kuggwako ennyonyi ennene  ezigenda okuleeta ebyuma by’okusima amafuta wamu n’okuyamba okutumbula eby’obulambuzi mu kitundu.

Palamenti yakkirizza dda Uganda okwewola ssente ezo.


Oba nate nabazzukulu nabo baliba balina kwewola okulongosa nokugaziya nokuzimba obugagga buno buli lunnaku omuva omusimbi ogusolozebwa omuyitirivu ogwobusubuzi.


Ku Ssesolo ensi Buganda ate ne Uganda gwesasula teguyinza kusasula kuzimba bintu bino ebyobugagga bwensi. Kwegamba abaana na bazzukulu bebagenda okusasula amabanja okugamalayo. Oluvanyuma obugagga buno balyoke babufune nga bwabwe okutali mabanja?




Obubaka bwa Pulezidenti obw'omwaka 2017, omuggya nga agumya abantu ba Uganda okuba nemirembe.

By Musasi wa Bukedde


Added 1st January 2017

Pulezidenti Museveni of Uganda


Bya Musasi waffe

Omukulembeze w’eggwanga Yoweri Kaguta Museveni akakasizza nga mu kiseera kino bwe watali muntu ayinza kutabangula mirembe giri mu Uganda.

Bino Pulezidenti abitadde mu mubaka bwe obuyozayoza Bannayuganda okuyita mu mwaka 2016 era ng’abaagalizza n’omwaka 2017 ogw’emirembe.

Museveni agambye nti omulundi ogusookedde ddala mu myaka 500 Uganda erimu emirembe egitakyasobola kutaataganyizibwa muntu yenna.

Mu kusooka Pulezidenti asaaside nnyo abo abafiiriddwa abantu baabwe mu mwaka guno.

Ayongeddeko nti bweyali alayira mu kisanja kino 2016-2021 ku ntandikwa y’omwaka guno aliko ensonga ssemasonga 23 zeyalambika zaagenda okusimbako essira era agamba nti mu myezi mukaaga ezimu ku nsonga ezo zikoleddwako.



Singa no omukulembeze ono agyawo okubba obululu okutagya kuggwawo munsi eno okuggyawo emirembe? Amin 1974, yagyawo emirembe nayimiriza ebyokulonda. Gwe ate sebo sikyekyagyawo emirembe e Luwero nga Obote abye obululu mubyokulonda? Ate era 1966 nga okulonda kubuzayo omwaka gumu, Obote ebyokulonda yabitabangula nawamba governmenti nagyawo emirembe.






Ensi Buganda wakati mu nsi Uganda eyitiddwa Uganda, nga ne Kavirondo mwali 1900.

Bwewetegereza obulungi Bugisu eyitibwa Elgumi.

Bulemezi eyitibwa Bulamwezi.

Lango eyitibwa Langomiro oba Bukedi.



Abazunga(Abazungu) nga tebanaba kutuuka wakati wa Continent ya Africa balina endowooza nyingi ddala kukiri munsi ennene bweti eya Africa. Nga ebyafaayo bwebigamba awo mu myaka gya 1865 basobola okutuuka wano munsi ya Buganda. Bo nebagiyita Uganda munjogera zabbwe era mpozzi okugenda okulaba nokwetegereza ensonga zensi nyingi nga ensi yaffe Buganda bagiwadde erinya eryabwe ---Uganda.  Nga bwetulaba kakano kunsalo za nyaffe ensi Buganda, nebajjajja baffe enyanja yonna Nalubaale yali Buganda era nebitundu bingi ddala wakati mu East Africa byali bikulemberwa Obwakabaka bwa Buganda. Ate yo kuludda lwa Congo nga Obwakabaka bwe Bunyoro Obuganda kwebukoma. Mumambuka ga Sudan Omufuzi Omuwarabu obufuzi bwe webwakoma awo Obwakabaka bwa Buganda webwasinziiranga. E'Kenya Obwakabaka bwa Buganda bwali bukoma ku nyanja Rudolf ne munsi ze Kavirondo. Enkolagana ne nsi nyingi, obuvunanyizibwa bwokukulembera abantu, obuzira bwa Baganda nobugunjufu ensi ya Buganda kyagiyamba okugaziya amatwaale gayo. Newabawo buli ludda okuganyulwa eri obulamu obwali obuzibu enyo wakati mu Africa. Ensalo zino ebiro bino Buganda zerinawo mubugunjufu bwe nnaku zino.



On Tue, Apr 22, 2014 at 7:40 PM, Robukui . wrote:




In the heart of Kampala city is the NRA's military police barracks at Makindye. During the Iddi Amin regime the same barracks was re-known for detention without trial, torture, and killing of many Ugandans. The property housing the said barracks belongs to the Buganda kingdom. It was taken over by the central government around 1966 following the abolition of kingdoms. When Museveni took over power he opportunistically restored the kingdom and promised to return the property. His army continues to occupy the said property with no intention of vacating It has taken him 28 years to handover the title deeds of the said property! The Buganda Kingdom earns rent from the Ministry of Defence.


Even under Museveni the role of Makindye barracks continued to be the same as had been the case under Iddi Amin. The only difference is that under Museveni there has been little information flow about torture at Makindye barracks save for the few highlights by international human rights organisations. Makindye Barracks is the NRA's tactical base for the brutal anti-demonstrations operations in Kampala city. Also during general elections it acts as the base for the army's terror and intimidation unleashed against both the opposition and the general population in order to coarse them to vote for Museveni. Military personnel are dressed in regular Police uniform at Makindye before they are dispatched to the city to cause mayhem. The barracks has been the holding ground of civilians arrested by different intelligence outfits like Operation Wembly, VCCU, KAP, Flying Squad, ISO, CMI, SFG. It has also been taking custody of civilians who are released by courts of law but the army immediately rearrests them from within the court premises and detains them in Makindye. At one time Museveni referring to Makindye barracks boosted thus "I have found a safer place for them where they cant escape". It is at Makindye that the likes of Kayihura and Hope Mwesigye (then Minister) competed for the securing the release of PRA suspects by involving behind the scenes negotiations between suspects, their relatives and Museveni.


At the quarter guard (main entrance) on the left hand side is block that has eight tiny isolation cells. These cells are used as torture chambers for suspects who are picked and isolated for torture from the main detentions facilities inside the barracks. They are used to hold those suspects whom the authorities do not want to be seen by other inmates so that forced disappearance is eased. Also they are used as a temporary holding ground for suspects who are brought in at night and for security reasons the authorities do not want to open the main detention facility. Further, it is at the quarter guard cells that the authorities conduct follow up interrogation and torture to extract more information from those victims who are already in detention. It is very common for operatives from the earlier mentioned intelligence outfits to make regular visits to makindye and order for the production of some suspect for further interrogation and torture. If a victim is lucky he is interrogated from these isolation cells where the interrogators exercise some restraint. During interrogation at the isolation cells, the victim is stripped naked, handcuffed to the iron bars of the door leaving only the toes to touch the floor. If the victim is not cooperative, he will be left in that state for the whole night for the mosquitoes to do the interrogation. However, if the victim is unlucky he is driven off to the safe houses in town from where he may never be seen again. The one time Commanding Officer of Makindye Col. Dick Bugingo used to tell suspects that for them (Military Police) they are just store keepers who were given 'goods' for safe custody such that if the owner(intelligence organisations) demands for his goods, he must be given at any time of the day without question. No wonder Col. Bugingo was retired immediately following the 2006 mysterious escape of high profile suspects from his custody.


Passing this quarter guard cell into the barracks, about 25 meters on the left is the infamous Go-Down cell. It is not clear whether the structure was build by the Buganda Kingdom or by the Iddi Amin government. It is used to house civilian incommunicado. The structure is a huge concrete building block with a high and wide metallic sliding gate. Inside the structure on the immediate left are two huge cells with burglar proof glass windows. The same applies to the right side. This ones are rarely used except for accommodating the terminally sick. Directly opposite the gate about 15 meters away are the infamous three underground cells from which the entire structure derives its name - Go-down. The Go-downs have strong metallic sliding doors and stair cases leading under ground about five metres. They have 30 metres high walls that touch the high roof where very tiny ventilators are located. Both during the day and at night detainees ease themselves in the plastic buckets. Every evening was is left to flow into the cells up to a quarter metre high. Guards are posted even on the roof during day time and can be seen from the 2 metres away main road to Lukuli Nanganda and the surrounding neighbourhoods. After many years of secrecy pertaining to the detention of hundreds of civilians at Makindye, an inmate took the initiative to compile their particulars and pass them on to the press who after running the story, their relatives raised alarm that compelled the authorities to lessen the grip.


Bypassing this Go-down on the right is the Commanding Officers office. By passing it on the left about 20 metres away is the main kitchen for the suspects on the right and on the left is the clinic. From the clinic upward about 10 metres away is a strong metallic gate leading to another detention facility called Zimwe. It derives its name from the contract to build a high concrete fence all around that Gen Kaziini awarded to Zimwe Construction. Its located at the barracks' peripheral bordering with the main road and the civilian residential quarters outside the barracks. This facility has four huge concrete structures with each one having two different big cells. The cells are self contained in terms of toilet and laundry. Among the Old Boys of Zimwe wing is Col. Samson Monday who was housed in Ward D. Also, one of the wards is called Ituri because that is where the PRA suspects were housed after being rearrested from court by the black mambas following their release by courts of law. The fourth structure was recently constructed to provide for senior army officers at a time the army was contemplating to detain Dr. Kiiza Besigye and was also stuck with Brig. Tumukunde's detention at the Officer's mess at Acasia Avenue in Kololo.


Around 2006 the detention facilities at Makindye underwent major renovation that was carried out by the NRA department of Construction and with the physical supervision of officials from the Buganda kingdom land board. Therefore, there is no doubt that Buganda Kingdom as landlords are fully aware of what their tenant (Musevenis) is using and abusing their property but since they are reaping huge sums of money they are not bothered. At the time, these officials from Buganda land board were even used by detainees to smuggle notes to media houses. The said notes contained the details of torture and incarceration that was being carried out by the NRA at the facility and The Monitor ran these details.


Kigo Prison on the outskirts of Kampala city is another Buganda property that is used by the NRA to torture and kill Ugandans whenever Makindye Barracks ran out of sufficient space. CMI, JATT, Operation Wembly, ISO, KAP, RRU, VCCU, and SFG turned Kigo Prison into an intelligence agencies detention facility. Using the cover of the General Court Martial, these intelligence outfits would detain and withdraw victims at will. The said Remand and Production Warrants by the court martial were mere papers in the possesion of these agencies and the victim needed not to have appeared before the court martial. At any time of the day or night, a victim could be removed from Kigo for further torture in the safe houses and never to be seen again. The OC of the Prison became an incorporated member of JATT with a monthly allocation of operation funds. Gen Tumwine as a special task Chairman of the General Court Martial at the time played a crucial role in legitimising the legal detention (see: General Court Martial - a tool of illegal detention by NRA).


Therefore, much as the Buganda kingdom financially benefits from its property being inappropriately used by the NRA, it is also knowingly aiding and abetting the commission of atrocities against Ugandans by the NRA.



It is now only  A Change of Guards! 


The recently built Mandela stadium has failed to make enough money for its survival. 

 Namboole stadium may be on the way down according to a report

Mandela National stadium is on the verge of collapse and is in need of a government bailout, a report has noted.

The parliamentary report of the committee on Commissions, Statutory Authorities and State Enterprises (Cosase) shows that the stadium has suffered more than a decade of “mismanagement and wanton abuse.”

The only way to resuscitate it is by injecting in more money, the report advises. The report notes that over the years, the stadium has accumulated losses to the tune of Shs 3.6bn, of which Shs 375m was in one year – 2011/12.

“In these circumstances, the going concern of the company may be compromised. It also means the stadium may not continue to operate without capital restructuring,” the report says.

“Government should recapitalise Namboole, renovate it and set targets for new managers and board of directors.”

The report says some of the challenges at the stadium include frequent and unplanned change of leadership, various government departments’ refusal to pay for the use of the stadium; vandalising of assets and equipment, lack of government funding, and accumulated debt, among others.

According to the stadium’s management, the frequent change of the board and management had weakened the structures and systems, rendering the enterprise unable to do business smoothly.

Constructed in 1997, the stadium’s shares are owned equally by the ministry of Finance and ministry of Education. It finances its Shs 1.9bn annual budget by renting out the stadium, halls, and office space. It receives no allocation from the treasury. The management is only able to collect Shs 1bn annually, which means they have been operating under a deficit.

However, most of the people who rent its facilities never pay, and the stadium does not have the capacity to collect the debts. The government bodies that hold events there never pay because they take it as a government facility.

The NRM, for instance, held the delegates' conference at the stadium in 2010 and paid part of the money. Fufa is yet to clear Shs 170m, while Pioneer Easy Bus has also not cleared Shs 180m for both parking and office space.

Yet creditors demand huge amounts of money to the tune of Shs 2.3bn from the stadium. Some Shs 270m is due to URA and Shs 1.6bn to NSSF, with some of the debts stretching from as far as 2004.

One of the people who served on the management team for some years says the problem stretches back from the day the stadium was handed over to Uganda by the Chinese.

He told The Observer: “It was run as a project and entrusted to people who had been doing the construction. There was never formal recruitment of staff. They would just call people to come and work either because they have been seen around the stadium often or known by management.”

This, he noted, made the situation worse as no system was put to plan to manage the income.

He added that there was also never a distinction between Fufa, ministry of [Education] and sports and the stadium itself, which exacerbated the abuse with officials at the ministry and Fufa ordering for events to be held there without pay.



While the enterprise is struggling to survive, there is high-level misuse of funds and abuse, the report notes. It says, for instance, management paid Shs 114.2m in 2012 to various undisclosed individuals as commission for bringing business.

“There was no policy regarding payment of commission and no receipts were shown to acknowledge that the named people actually received the money,” the report says.

A religious concert in Namboole stadium

Also, Shs 60m was advanced to staff and it remains unaccounted for. The issue is being investigated by the IGG. Some Shs 63m worth of goods were purported to have been delivered for consumption at the stadium, but there was no documentation for that. Meanwhile, another Shs 173m moved from different bank accounts without documentation or authority. The IGG is investigating the case.

While all this was happening, the stadium did not have an internal audit system, with management saying they did not have the money to hire an auditor, as unscrupulous staff exploited the loophole to swindle money from the stadium.

The board, too, does not have an audit committee, the report says.



Ssewanyana, the managing director, told the committee that encroachers have continued to occupy and erect permanent structures on parts of the stadium’s 50-hectare land. In total, it is reported that 10 hectares are now under encroachment. The encroachers include self-styled veterans of Luweero bush war, Sports view hotel, a church and cultivators.

“But even in this sorry state, the stadium has experienced some of the worst mismanagement, which is an indictment to both ministry of finance and education, but in particular the minister responsible for sports,” the report concludes.

The stadium was built using a Chinese grant totalling about Shs 30bn. To run it, government incorporated the stadium as a limited liability company in 1999.


The NRM Chief Whip Ruth Nankabirwa.

In districts, members of the ruling NRM have begun to untangle the most complex hurdle to the re-election of President Museveni in 2021 – the constitutional presidential age limit.

But the campaigners are not presenting a unified front. In the open, many NRM leaders feign ignorance about the ongoing campaign to push for the removal of article 102(b) of the Constitution that caps the age for a president at 75. But in private, the campaign seems to be fast gaining traction every day.

Some NRM leaders have condemned the Kyankwanzi Woman MP and district NRM chairperson Anna Maria Nankabirwa for spearheading the first public adoption of an NRM district resolution to lift the presidential age limit. The resolution was adopted and announced on July 4.

“She is being overambitious because, maybe she wants to be seen but I am sure President Museveni doesn’t want it, at least for now,” the minister of state for Tourism, Godfrey Kiwanda Ssuubi told The Observer on July 11.

The Kyankwanzi district NRM conference chaired by Nankabirwa took the lead on July 4 and passed the resolution urging its MPs to move a motion in Parliament for the amendment of the age-limit clause, which remains the only obstacle to Museveni’s hold onto power beyond 2021.

Museveni will turn 75 midway his current presidential term, which will make him ineligible to stand for another election. Government Chief Whip Ruth Nankabirwa too in a July 14 interview said that her namesake’s campaign was overly ambitious.


“It is their project and I can confirm to you that there is no forum where it has been discussed whether at the cabinet level or within the party leadership,” Ruth Nankabirwa said.

“I sit in cabinet and CEC [Central Executive Committee] of the party, and I have not got access to that information,” she added.

But an investigation by The Observer found the denials and criticisms of the Kyankwanzi Woman MP to be a façade. The government chief whip spoke to The Observer hours after a dinner for NRM district chairpersons at Hotel Africana in Kampala where the push was further amplified.

Museveni was the chief guest at the dinner that was hosted under the theme; Igniting the centrality of district chairpersons in the performance and growth of NRM to help Uganda achieve a middle-income status. The proposal for the removal of the age limit at the dinner was fronted by the Mitooma NRM district chairman Benon Karyeija soon after he delivered the opening prayer.


It was also included in a memorandum that was presented to the president by the interim chairman of the NRM district chairpersons’ forum Hajji Twaha Ssonko.

“Because we didn’t have enough time, I was not able to read our memorandum at the dinner but it [removal of the age-limit clause] is one of the items contained in it,” Ssonko said in a Saturday interview.

In the interview, Ssonko said the campaign has been on for some time and it will be discussed further at a retreat for the district party leaders at the National leadership Institute (NALI) Kyankwanzi.

“It is an outcome of the regional meetings that have been going on, and it is good that the president agreed to have a retreat for us at which we shall discuss at length the proposals contained in the memorandum,” Ssonko said.

The NRM district chairpersons are fourth in the queue of delegations lined up for retreats at NALI. The retreats begin this weekend with ministers who will be followed by youth leaders, women leaders and then the NRM district leaders.


An MP from western Uganda who preferred not to be named told this writer at Parliament last week that much as some party leaders were admonishing the Kyankwanzi Woman MP, she is not moving in isolation.

“Hers was a first step; it was timely because we needed to test the waters before moving on with it because it is likely to generate a lot of controversy,” the MP said. “You wait, within a month, another district is going to pass the same resolution, and it will go on like that.”

Within a week after the Kyankwanzi NRM leaders passed the resolution, the MP said, momentum began to build up among NRM MPs to support it. Removal of the age limit campaign is moving in tandem with a proposal to amend Article 105(1) of the Constitution to extend the term of office of all national leaders by two years.

“We are not handling it singularly [because] we don’t want the public to think that the amendment is about only the president, we are pushing it together with the extension of our term to seven years,” the MP said.

According to this MP, the proposal to extend the elective term from five to seven years is popular among MPs but lifting of the age-limit is still contentious. The term extension bill was first suggested late in 2013, under the title, “The Presidential, Parliamentary and Local Council Extension Bill 2014” but it remained in the hands of a few NRM lawyer MPs.


Some MPs are reportedly excited about the proposals because they see an opening for them to make money from Museveni. Arua Municipality MP Ibrahim Abiriga is among MPs willing to work with the Kyankwanzi MPs to promote the proposal.

In a July 14 interview at Parliament, Abiriga said that before the Kyankwanzi NRM district conference resolution, the elders’ council of West Nile had sat and resolved to support the removal of the age limit.

“We [West Nile elders’ council] had a meeting in April at Arua district council hall and passed the resolution because we don’t see anyone who can match Museveni in ensuring peace and unity in the country,” Abiriga said.

The resolution, Abiriga said, was passed early because the party needs to politically prepare the youth for the amendment. But Mawokota South MP John Bosco Sseguya Lubyaayi said the two proposals are unnecessary.

“They [promoters] are being opportunistic, it is not necessary. People need to understand that [the age-limit clause] is about somebody’s life [because] at 75, someone has grown too old,” Lubyaayi said.

Lubyaayi who also doubles as the Mpigi NRM district chairman expressed his unwillingness to call a meeting to endorse such a proposal.

“The president unveiled the 23-point plan that we have to implement over the next five years, if we achieve that, why bother? Anyone else can take over from there,” he added.

Although she feigned ignorance about the plots, Ruth Nankabirwa admitted that she would entertain it if it came up in her district NRM conference.

“It is obvious that Museveni will be of age by the next elections and it is a matter that is causing anxiety among members. If it came up in my district conference because besides being chief whip, I am also the NRM chairperson for Kiboga, I will welcome it,” Ruth said.


Her Kyankwanzi counterpart, Anna Maria Nankabirwa sounded bitter on Saturday at her colleagues who accuse her of being overambitious and an opportunist.

“Those are detractors, the resolution is not my own; it is for my people and I have a duty to represent their views,” Anna Maria said.

“If anybody gave me an opportunity to ask for anything, I would ask for better health services, a water unit, road equipment, secondary schools for every sub- county in my district and capitalization for the sub- county Saccos. It is not my intention to be a minister,” she added.



Indeed there is no African leader who will take on M7 constitution on board and try to rule Uganda with that document! Any sensible leader would rather dump the bloody document in the dustbin.